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Author:
Elizabeth Fulford, Program Specialist, Veterans History Project, American Folklife Center

Editors:
Megan Harris, Research Specialist, Veterans History Project, American Folklife Center

Nathan Cross, Archivist, Veterans History Project, American Folklife Center

Note: This guide replaces an earlier "Experiencing War" spotlighting family whose collections are in the Veterans History Project.

Created: November 8, 2022

Last Updated: November 8, 2022

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Research Guides: Family Matters: Relatives at War: Introduction

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This guide spotlights eight families whose stories are told through Veterans History Project collections, which include original correspondence, memoirs, diaries, photographs and oral history interviews.

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The Effects of War on Local Populations

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The year 2005 is significant in understanding the relationship between war and mental health. This is the 30th anniversary of the end of the Vietnam war and of the start of the war in Lebanon. Every day the media bring the horrors of the ongoing "war" situation in Iraq. Some recent quotations from the media depict the impact of war on mental health: "We are living in a state of constant fear" (in Iraq); "War takes a toll on Iraqi mental health"; "War trauma leaves physical mark"; "War is hell... it has an impact on the people who take part that never heals"; "War is terrible and beyond the understanding and experience of most people"; "A generation has grown up knowing only war".

Wars have had an important part in psychiatric history in a number of ways. It was the psychological impact of the world wars in the form of shell shock that supported the effectiveness of psychological interventions during the first half of the 20th century. It was the recognition of a proportion of the population not suitable for army recruitment during the Second World War that spurred the setting up of the National Institute of Mental Health in USA. The differences in the presentation of the psychological symptoms among the officers and the soldiers opened up new ways of understanding the psychiatric reactions to stress.

During the last year, a large number of books and documents have addressed the effects of war on mental health. They include the WPA book "Disasters and mental health" ( 1); the World Bank report "Mental health and conflicts - Conceptual framework and approaches" ( 2); the United Nations (UN) book "Trauma interventions in war and peace: prevention, practice and policy" ( 3); the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) document "The state of the world's children - Childhood under threat" ( 4); the book "Trauma and the role of mental health in postconflict recovery" ( 5) and a chapter on "War and mental health in Africa" in the WPA book "Essentials of clinical psychiatry for sub-Saharan Africa" ( 6).

Though there have not been any world wars since the Second World War, there have been wars and conflicts throughout the last 60 years. For example, in the 22 countries of the Eastern Mediterranean region of the World Health Organization (WHO), over 80% of the population either is in a conflict situation or has experienced such a situation in the last quarter of century ( 7).

War has a catastrophic effect on the health and well being of nations. Studies have shown that conflict situations cause more mortality and disability than any major disease. War destroys communities and families and often disrupts the development of the social and economic fabric of nations. The effects of war include long-term physical and psychological harm to children and adults, as well as reduction in material and human capital. Death as a result of wars is simply the "tip of the iceberg". Other consequences, besides death, are not well documented. They include endemic poverty, malnutrition, disability, economic/ social decline and psychosocial illness, to mention only a few. Only through a greater understanding of conflicts and the myriad of mental health problems that arise from them, coherent and effective strategies for dealing with such problems can be developed.

The importance that the WHO attributes to dealing with the psychological traumas of war was highlighted by the resolution of the World Health Assembly in May 2005, which urged member states "to strengthen action to protect children from and in armed conflict" and the resolution of the WHO Executive Board in January 2005, which urged "support for implementation of programmes to repair the psychological damage of war, conflict and natural disasters" ( 8).

The WHO estimated that, in the situations of armed conflicts throughout the world, "10% of the people who experience traumatic events will have serious mental health problems and another 10% will develop behavior that will hinder their ability to function effectively. The most common conditions are depression, anxiety and psychosomatic problems such as insomnia, or back and stomach aches" ( 9).

This paper briefly reviews the evidence from published literature about the impact of war on the mental health of the general population, the refugees, the soldiers and specific vulnerable groups. For the purpose of this paper, the term "war" is used to include both wars waged between countries (e.g., the Iraq-Kuwait war) and conflicts within countries (e.g., Sri Lanka). The review presents data concerning some major wars/conflicts (the countries involved are considered in alphabetic order) and then briefly outlines the risk factors emerging from the literature.

IMPACT OF WAR ON MENTAL HEALTH

Afghanistan

More than two decades of conflict have led to widespread human suffering and population displacement in Afghanistan. Two studies from this country are significant in terms of both their scope and their findings.

The first study ( 10) used a national multistage, cluster, population based survey including 799 adult household members aged 15 years and above. Sixty-two percent of respondents reported experiencing at least four trauma events during the previous ten years. Symptoms of depression were found in 67.7% of respondents, symptoms of anxiety in 72.2%, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in 42%. The disabled and women had a poorer mental health status, and there was a significant relationship between the mental health status and traumatic events. Coping strategies included religious and spiritual practices.

The second study ( 11), using a crosssectional multicluster sample, was conducted in the Nangarhar province of Afghanistan, to estimate the prevalence of psychiatric symptoms, identify resources used for emotional support and risk factors, and assess the present coverage of basic needs. About 1011 respondents aged 15 years and above formed the sample. Nearly half of the population had experienced traumatic events. Symptoms of depression were observed in 38.5% of respondents, symptoms of anxiety in 51.8% and PTSD in 20.4%. High rates of symptoms were associated with higher numbers of traumatic events experienced. Women had higher rates than men. The main sources of emotional support were religion and family.

The Balkans

The conflict in the Balkans is probably one of the most widely studied ( 12- 14) in recent years. Mental health of survivors of both sides was examined ( 15).

An initial study ( 16) among Bosnian refugees demonstrated an association between psychiatric disorders (depression and PTSD) and disability. A threeyear follow-up study on the same group concluded that former Bosnian refugees who remained living in the region continued to exhibit psychiatric disorders and disability after initial assessment ( 17).

A cross-sectional cluster sample survey among Kosovar Albanians aged 15 years or older found that 17.1% (95% CI 13.2%-21.0%) reported symptoms of PTSD ( 18). There was a significant linear decrease in mental health status and social functioning with increasing amount of traumatic events in those aged 65 years or older, and with previous psychiatric illnesses or chronic health conditions. Internally displaced people were at increased risk of psychiatric morbidity. Men (89%) and women (90%) expressed strong feelings of hatred towards the Serbs, with 44% of men and 33% of women stating that they would act on these feelings.

In a study of the mental health and nutritional status among the Serbian ethnic minority in Kosovo, the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ)-28 scores in the subcategories of social dysfunction and severe depression were high, with women and those living alone or in small family units being more prone to psychiatric morbidity ( 19). In a community sample of 2,796 children aged between 9 and 14 years, high levels of post-traumatic symptoms and grief symptoms were reported ( 20). This was related to the amount and type of exposure. Girls reported more distress than boys.

Cambodia

Cambodia has had a long history of violence, highlighted by the civil war in the 1960s, culminating with the "Khmer Rouge" rule that destroyed the social fabric of the society. Studies have found that refugees had high levels of psychiatric symptomatology after 10 years ( 21).

A household survey of 993 adults from Site 2, the largest Cambodian displaced- persons camp on the Thailand- Cambodia border, found that more than 80% felt depressed and had a number of somatic complaints despite good access to medical services ( 22). Approximately 55% and 15% had symptom scores that correlated with Western criteria for depression and PTSD, respectively. However, despite high reported levels of trauma and symptoms, social and work functioning were well preserved in the majority of respondents. Cumulative trauma continued to affect psychiatric symptom levels a decade after the original trauma events ( 23). This study also reported that there was support for the diagnostic validity of PTSD criteria, with the notable exception of avoidance. The inclusion of dissociative symptoms increased the cultural sensitivity of PTSD. Psychiatric history and current physical illness were found to be risk factors for PTSD ( 24).

Changes in the structure of the society have led to a breakdown of the existing protective networks such as the village chief and the elders in the village, especially for women ( 25). Traditional healers (monks, mediums, traditional birth attendants), who played an important role in maintaining the mental health of communities in the past, have lost their designated positions in the community following the conflict ( 26).

Twenty-seven Cambodian young people, who were severely traumatized at ages 8 to 12, were followed up 3 years after a baseline evaluation. A structured interview and self-rating scales showed that PTSD was still highly prevalent (48%) and that depression was present in 41% ( 27).

Chechnya

The human rights abuses in the Chechen population have been well documented ( 28). A report on a small number of Chechen asylum seekers in the UK adds to the evidence on the abuses and related psychological fallouts ( 29). Psychosocial issues were explored in a survey conducted in settlements housing displaced people (n=256) ( 30, 31). Two thirds of respondents agreed with the statement that the conflict has triggered mental disturbance or feelings of being upset. Nearly all respondents indicated that they had family members having difficulty in coping with their disturbance or upset feelings. Coping strategies used were praying, talking, keeping busy, and seeking the support of family members.

Iraq

Iraq has been at war at numerous times in history: a series of coups in the 1960s, the Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988), the anti-Kurdish Al-Anfal campaign within the country (1986-1989), the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait resulting in the Gulf war (1991), and the conflict starting in 2003. The UN-imposed economic sanctions following the Gulf war have had a profound impact on the health of Iraqis. The human rights abuses have also been recorded ( 32).

There are few studies on the impact of these conflicts on mental health. A study on 45 Kurdish families in two camps reported that PTSD was present in 87% of children and 60% of their caregivers ( 33). A study on 84 Iraqi male refugees found that poor social support was a stronger predictor of depressive morbidity than trauma factors ( 34). During the last three years of occupation by foreign forces, there have been many news reports about the mental health of the population, but no systematic study.

Israel

Israel has been in a situation of conflict for over four decades. A large number of systematic studies have been undertaken in different population groups. A recent study ( 35) found that 76.7% of subjects exposed to war-related trauma had at least one traumatic stress-related symptom, while 9.4% met the criteria for acute stress disorder. The most common coping mechanisms were active information search about loved ones and social support. Another study ( 36) reported that, twenty years after the war with Lebanon, an initial combat stress reaction, PTSD-related chronic diseases and physical symptoms were associated with a greater engagement in risk behaviours.

Lebanon

Lebanon has been ravaged by a civil war (1975-1990) and by an Israeli invasion in 1978 and 1982. The mental health impact of these conflicts has been studied extensively.

A random sample of 658 people aged between 18 and 65 years was randomly selected from four Lebanese communities exposed to war ( 37). The lifetime prevalence of DSM-III-R major depression varied across the communities from 16.3% to 41.9%. Exposure to war and a prior history of major depression were the main predictors for current depression.

The correlation between mother's distress and child's mental health was explored in a study in Beirut ( 38). The level of perceived negative impact of war-related events was found to be strongly associated with higher levels of depressive symptomatology among mothers. The level of depressive symptomatology in the mother was found to be the best predictor of her child's reported morbidity. In a study carried out in 224 Lebanese children (10-16 years), the number of traumatic experiences related to war was positively correlated to PTSD symptoms, with various types of war traumas being differentially related to the symptoms ( 39).

A cross-sectional study conducted among 118 Lebanese hostages of war ( 40) found that psychological distress was present in 42.1% of the sample compared to 27.8% among the control group. Significant predictors for distress were years of education and increase in religiosity after release.

Palestine

During the last decade a large number of studies have reported high levels of psychosocial problems among children and adolescents, women, refugees and prisoners in Palestine.

A study conducted by the Gaza Community Mental Health Programme among children aged 10-19 years ( 41) revealed that 32.7% suffered from PTSD symptoms requiring psychological intervention, 49.2% from moderate PTSD symptoms, 15.6% from mild PTSD symptoms, and only 2.5% had no symptoms. Boys had higher rates (58%) than girls (42%), and children living in camps suffered more than children living in towns (84.1% and 15.8% respectively).

A study on Palestinian perceptions of their living conditions during the Second Intifada ( 42) found that 46% of parents reported aggressive behaviour among their children, 38% noted bad school results, 27% reported bed wetting, while 39% stated that their children suffered from nightmares. The study also revealed that more refugee (53%) than non-refugee (41%) children behaved aggressively. Thirty-eight percent of the respondents said that shooting was the main influence, 34% stated that it was violence on TV, 7% cited confinement at home and 11% reported that it was the arrest and beating of relatives and neighbours. Seventy percent of refugees and non-refugees stated that they had not received any psychological support for the problems of their children.

In a series of studies during the last 10 years from the Gaza Community Mental Health Centre ( 43), the most prevalent types of trauma exposure for children were witnessing funerals (95%), witness to shooting (83%), seeing injured or dead strangers (67%) and family member injured or killed (62%). Among children living in the area of bombardments, 54% suffered from severe, 33.5% from moderate and 11% from mild or doubtful levels of PTSD. Girls were more vulnerable.

Rwanda

The physical and mental health problems of the survivors of the genocide in Rwanda have been well documented ( 44). In a recent community based study examining 2091 subjects ( 45), 24.8% met symptom criteria for PTSD, with the adjusted odds ratio of meeting PTSD symptom criteria for each additional traumatic event being 1.43. Respondents who met PTSD criteria were less likely to have positive attitudes towards the Rwandan national trials, suggesting that the effects of trauma need to be considered if reconciliation has to be successful. There have been reports on the state of health among the large numbers of refugees (500,000-800,000 in five days) who fled to Goma, Zaire following the capture of the capital Kigali, but none of them has considered the mental health dimension.

Sri Lanka

The conflict between the majority Sinhala and minority Tamil population in Sri Lanka has been ongoing for nearly 30 years. One of the first studies that looked into the psychological effects of the conflict on the civilian population was an epidemiological survey ( 46), which reported that only 6% of the study population had not experienced any war stresses. Psychosocial sequelae were seen in 64% of the population, including somatization (41%), PTSD (27%), anxiety disorder (26%), major depression (25%), alcohol and drug misuse (15%), and functional disability (18%). The breakdown of the Tamil society led to women taking on more responsibilities, which in turn made them more vulnerable to stress ( 47). Children and adolescents had higher mental health morbidity ( 48).

Somalia

A study carried out in ex-combatants in Somalia found high psychiatric morbidity and use of khat ( 49). A UNICEF study found evidence of psychological effects of the prolonged conflict situation in a high proportion of a sample of 10,000 children ( 50). There is near total disruption of the mental health services in the country.

Uganda

Sudanese refugees fled into northern Uganda in two major waves in 1988 and 1994. Symptoms of PTSD and depression were found to be highly prevalent among Sudanese children living in the refugee camps ( 51). Refugees had higher rates of individual psychopathology than the general population, and it was observed that the cumulative stress grew as the years in exile progressed. The consequences of long-term exile were still present 5-15 years later, with an increase in the rates of suicide and alcohol use.

RISK FACTORS

From the large amount of studies reviewed, some broad risk factors and associations can be drawn.

Women have an increased vulnerability to the psychological consequences of war. There is evidence of a high correlation between mothers' and children's distress in a war situation. It is now known that maternal depression in the prenatal and postnatal period predicts poorer growth in a communitybased sample of infants. Social support and traditional birth attendants have a major role in promoting maternal psychosocial well being in war-affected regions. The association between gender- based violence and common mental disorders is well known. Despite their vulnerability, women's resilience under stress and its role in sustaining their families has been recognized.

There is consistent evidence of higher rates of trauma-related psychological problems in children. The most impressive reports are those from Palestine. Of the different age groups, the most vulnerable are the adolescents.

The direct correlation between the degree of trauma and the amount of the psychological problems is consistent across a number of studies. The greater the exposure to trauma - both physical and psychological - the more pronounced are the symptoms.

Subsequent life events and their association with the occurrence of psychiatric problems have important implications for fast and complete rehabilitation as a way of minimizing the ill effects of the conflict situations.

Studies are consistent in showing the value of both physical support and psychological support in minimizing the effects of war-related traumas, as well as the role of religion and cultural practices as ways of coping with the conflict situations.

CONCLUSIONS

The occurrence of a wide variety of psychological symptoms and syndromes in the populations in conflict situations is widely documented by available research. However, research also provides evidence about the resilience of more than half of the population in the face of the worst trauma in war situations. There is no doubt that the populations in war and conflict situations should receive mental health care as part of the total relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction processes. As happened in the first half of the 20th century, when war gave a big push to the developing concepts of mental health, the study of the psychological consequences of the wars of the current century could add new understandings and solutions to mental health problems of general populations.

A number of issues have emerged from the extensive literature on the prevalence and pattern of mental health effects of war and conflict situations. Are the psychological effects and their manifestation universal? What should be the definition of a case requiring intervention? How should psychological effects be measured? What is the long-term course of stress-related symptoms and syndromes? ( 52). All these issues need to be addressed by future studies.

It is important to report that the WHO and some other UN-related bodies have recently created a task force to develop "mental health and psychosocial support in emergency settings" ( 53- 55), which is expected to complete its activity in one year.

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Mental health consequences of war: a brief review of research findings

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Among the consequences of war, the impact on the mental health of the civilian population is one of the most significant. Studies of the general population show a definite increase in the incidence and prevalence of mental disorders. Women are more affected ...

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Families of Soldiers Away in War Zones

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During February and March 2015, the Veterans History Project will be running a series of blog posts discussing correspondence collections. The following is a guest post by Digital Conversion Specialist Matt McCrady.
Many of the young men drafted into service in World War II arrived at boot camp at the height of physical fitness, fresh from a school sports career, or from years of labor on a farm. One such Army Airman was even a former Olympic athlete.

Ralph Jaffe was not that young man. At age 37, he was almost 20 years married and the father of two teenagers when his draft notice came in the mail one day in late 1944. He owned a successful hardware store in Newport, Rhode Island. His life had long ago settled into routine or, as he puts it in a letter to his wife,

To my shame I must admit to you now, that for a long time I had taken you, our love and our life together, as a matter of fact and very much for granted. [ Ralph Jaffe to Betty, 9/20/1945].

Yet by his own admission, "I didn't try too hard to stay out" [ Ralph Jaffe to Betty 9/20/1945]. Just like men 15 or 20 years his junior, Jaffe wanted to see what war was all about. What followed was a grueling year of physical and emotional hardship intimately recorded in nearly 600 letters Jaffe and his wife and children wrote to each other. While a handful of the letters were sent by his daughter, Rita, and son, Stanley, the bulk of the letters are between Ralph and Betty Jaffe.

Jaffe's first letters were written during basic training at Fort Bragg, a time when he was not at all certain he would survive the rigors of PT or the ridicule of the younger men. Once, ordered to double-time it from barracks to mess, a distance of about "two blocks," Jaffe straggled in after everyone else. "The boys (18) were kidding me. 'What's the matter, Gramps-tired?'" [ Ralph Jaffe to Betty, 12/21/1944]. Jaffe was often punished for his inability to keep up by being ordered to do push-ups.

At the same time, he faced another challenge of Army life for a middle-aged guy: loneliness. Jaffe didn't fit in. For one thing, at the request of his wife, he had agreed to forswear drinking, smoking, gambling, and women. This left him alone, much of the time, as the other men socialized. Writing to Betty on the eve of his first Christmas away from her and the kids, Jaffe complained, "The fellows think of only two things-liquor & women & that applies to the 18 year olds & the married ones, too" [ Ralph Jaffe to Betty, 12/21/1944].

While her husband, with his arthritic knees and bald spot, was doing somersaults and five mile runs, Betty was managing the family hardware store back in Newport. Betty's letters are practical-minded, and much of her correspondence is consumed with the day-to-day management of the store. She often wrote or typed her letters on the store's stationery.

Occasionally, Betty's emotions cut through the mundane account of sales made and bills to pay and questions to be asked of her husband-"Should I order some qts. [of Venetian Red paint] or are ½ pints enough in that color?" [ Betty Jaffe to Ralph, 1/12/1945]-and one does get a sense of her own loneliness. The store keeps her busy, which takes her mind off things, but she wrote, "I go to bed early & sleep makes time pass more quickly" [ Betty Jaffe to Ralph, 12/27 - 12/28/1944].

Betty also displayed an occasional flash of anger at her husband. When she thought that he "can't hold on to money" because the younger guys are tricking him into giving it to them, she gave him what she calls a "pep talk" about being too "soft." A few letters later, she apologized for her pique, saying that he doesn't have to account for his money to her: "I must have made you feel pretty miserable, and that was not my idea at all" [ Betty Jaffe to Ralph, 1/9/1945].

Another subject of Betty's pep talks was Jaffe's morals. She did not want her husband to come home changed for the worse. Several times, she took him to task for swearing in his letters. Jaffe admitted he swears "just a little-I'm a man" [ Ralph Jaffe to Betty, 1/13/1945], but Betty's admonition about cursing mostly served to make him abbreviate. He writes, for example, "S- details" and "Well the G.D. party is over and I'm pooped!" [ Ralph Jaffe to Betty, 1/19/1945].

Overall, this vast collection of letters between the Jaffes is the correspondence of a long-time married couple unused to separation. Betty did not expect to be managing the family business at that stage of her life, and Ralph Jaffe was unprepared for the rigors and monotony of Army life. They knew each other so well, they did not have to tiptoe around issues of health, money, resentment, anger, loneliness, ennui, and maintaining one's values in the face of challenges.

Jaffe's story, which his letters document, is ultimately one of resilience. He did not want it to be said he used his age or infirmities as an excuse. In the end, Jaffe survived basic training and went on to serve overseas in the Philippines. Like thousands of much younger men, Jaffe played his part, and then he came home to fulfill the promise he had made: "I swore to myself many, many times that if I were spared, the rest of my life would be all for you" [ Ralph Jaffe to Betty, 9/20/1945].

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"Today Was Tough-But I Took It" | Folklife Today

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During February and March 2015, the Veterans History Project will be running a series of blog posts discussing correspondence collections. The following is a guest post by Digital Conversion Specialist Matt McCrady. Many of the young men drafted into service in World War II arrived at boot camp at the height of physical fitness, fresh ...

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Child Soldiers

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Thousands of children are recruited and used in armed conflicts across the world. Between 2005 and 2022, more than 105,000 children were verified as recruited and used by parties to conflict, although the actual number of cases is believed to be much higher.

Often referred to as "child soldiers," these boys and girls suffer extensive forms of exploitation and abuse that are not fully captured by that term. Warring parties use children not only as fighters, but as scouts, cooks, porters, guards, messengers and more. Many, especially girls, are also subjected to gender-based violence.

Children become part of an armed force or group for various reasons. Some are abducted, threatened, coerced or manipulated by armed actors. Others are driven by poverty, compelled to generate income for their families. Still others associate themselves for survival or to protect their communities. No matter their involvement, the recruitment and use of children by armed forces is a grave violation of child rights and international humanitarian law.

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Children recruited by armed forces or armed groups

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Thousands of boys and girls are used as soldiers, cooks, spies and more in armed conflicts around the world

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The Effects of War on Children in War Zones

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Save the Children believe in a world in which all children survive, have the chance to learn, and are protected from abuse, neglect and exploitation.

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The History of Trauma Among War Veterans

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History of PTSD in Veterans: Civil War to DSM-5

Available en Español

PTSD became a mental health diagnosis in 1980. Groups who worked to raise attention and support for those exposed to trauma played a part in this progress. Learn how research with combat Veterans helped to create the PTSD diagnosis. Work with Veterans continues to help us learn about PTSD and treatments.

Reading time: minutes

Matthew J. Friedman, MD, PhD
Senior Advisor and former Executive Director, National Center for PTSD

PTSD became a diagnosis with influence from a number of social movements, such as Veteran, feminist, and Holocaust survivor advocacy groups. Research about Veterans returning from combat was a critical piece to the creation of the diagnosis. So, the history of what is now known as PTSD often references combat history.

Exposure to traumatic experiences has always been a part of the human condition. Attacks by saber tooth tigers or twenty-first century terrorists have likely led to similar psychological responses in survivors of such violence. Literary accounts offer the first descriptions of what we now call posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). For example, authors including Homer (The Iliad), William Shakespeare (Henry IV), and Charles Dickens (A Tale of Two Cities) wrote about traumatic experiences and the symptoms that followed such events.

The PTSD diagnosis has filled an important gap in psychiatry in that its cause was the result of an event the individual suffered, rather than a personal weakness.

Early Attempts at a Medical Diagnosis

Accounts of psychological symptoms following military trauma date back to ancient times. The American Civil War (1861-1865) and the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871) mark the start of formal medical attempts to address the problems of military Veterans exposed to combat. European descriptions of the psychological impact of railroad accidents also added to early understanding of trauma-related conditions.

Nostalgia, Soldier's Heart, and Railway Spine

Prior to U.S. military efforts, Austrian physician Josef Leopold (1761) wrote about "nostalgia" among soldiers. Among those who were exposed to military trauma, some reported missing home, feeling sad, sleep problems, and anxiety. This description of PTSD-like symptoms was a model of psychological injury that existed into the Civil War.

A second model of this condition suggested a physical injury as the cause of symptoms. "Soldier's heart" or "irritable heart" was marked by a rapid pulse, anxiety, and trouble breathing. U.S. doctor Jacob Mendez Da Costa studied Civil War soldiers with these "cardiac" symptoms and described it as overstimulation of the heart's nervous system, or "Da Costa's Syndrome." Soldiers were often returned to battle after receiving drugs to control symptoms.

The thought that physical injury led to PTSD-like symptoms was supported by European reports of "railway spine." As rail travel became more common, so did railway accidents. Injured passengers who died had autopsies that suggested injury to the central nervous system. Of note, Charles Dickens was involved in a rail accident in 1865 and wrote about symptoms of sleeplessness and anxiety as a result of the trauma.

Shell Shock

In 1919, President Wilson proclaimed November 11th as the first observance of Armistice Day, the day World War I ended. At that time, some symptoms of present-day PTSD were known as "shell shock" because they were seen as a reaction to the explosion of artillery shells. Symptoms included panic and sleep problems, among others. Shell shock was first thought to be the result of hidden damage to the brain caused by the impact of the big guns. Thinking changed when more soldiers who had not been near explosions had similar symptoms. "War neuroses" was also a name given to the condition during this time.

During World War I, treatment was varied. Soldiers often received only a few days' rest before returning to the war zone. For those with severe or chronic symptoms, treatments focused on daily activity to increase functioning, in hopes of returning them to productive civilian lives. In European hospitals, "hydrotherapy" (water) or "electrotherapy" (shock) were used along with hypnosis.

Battle Fatigue or Combat Stress Reaction (CSR)

In World War II, the shell shock diagnosis was replaced by Combat Stress Reaction (CSR), also known as "battle fatigue." With long surges common in World War II, soldiers became battle weary and exhausted. Some American military leaders, such as Lieutenant Gen. George S. Patton, did not believe "battle fatigue" was real. A good account of CSR can be found in Stephen Crane's Red Badge of Courage, which describes the acute reaction of a new Union Army recruit when faced with the first barrage of Confederate artillery.

Up to half of World War II military discharges were said to be the result of combat exhaustion. CSR was treated using "PIE" (Proximity, Immediacy, Expectancy) principles. PIE required treating casualties without delay and making sure sufferers expected complete recovery so that they could return to combat after rest. The benefits of military unit relationships and support became a focus of both preventing stress and promoting recovery.

Development of the PTSD Diagnosis

In 1952, the American Psychiatric Association (APA) produced the first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders ( DSM-I), which included "gross stress reaction." This diagnosis was proposed for people who were relatively normal, but had symptoms from traumatic events such as disaster or combat. A problem was that this diagnosis assumed that reactions to trauma would resolve relatively quickly. If symptoms were still present after six months, another diagnosis had to be made.

Despite growing evidence that trauma exposure was associated with psychiatric problems, this diagnosis was eliminated in the second edition of DSM (1968). DSM-II included "adjustment reaction to adult life" which was clearly insufficient to capture a PTSD-like condition. This diagnosis was limited to three examples of trauma: unwanted pregnancy with suicidal thoughts, fear linked to military combat, and Ganser syndrome (marked by incorrect answers to questions) in prisoners who face a death sentence.

In 1980, APA added PTSD to DSM-III, which stemmed from research involving returning Vietnam War Veterans, Holocaust survivors, sexual trauma victims, and others. Links between the trauma of war and post-military civilian life were established.

The DSM-III criteria for PTSD were revised in DSM-III-R (1987), DSM-IV (1994), DSM-IV-TR (2000), and DSM-5 (2013) to reflect continuing research. One important finding, which was not clear at first, is that PTSD is relatively common. Recent data shows about 4 of every 100 American men (or 4%) and 10 out every 100 American women (or 10%) will be diagnosed with PTSD in their lifetime.

An important change in DSM-5, is that PTSD is no longer an Anxiety Disorder. PTSD is sometimes associated with other mood states (for example, depression) and with angry or reckless behavior rather than anxiety. So, PTSD is now in a new category, Trauma- and Stressor-Related Disorders. PTSD includes four different types of symptoms: reliving the traumatic event (also called re-experiencing or intrusion); avoiding situations that are reminders of the event; negative changes in beliefs and feelings; and feeling keyed up (also called hyperarousal or over-reactive to situations). Most people experience some of these symptoms after a traumatic event, so PTSD is not diagnosed unless all four types of symptoms last for at least a month and cause significant distress or problems with day-to-day functioning.

Today and Tomorrow

VA is committed to provide the most effective, evidence-based care for PTSD. It has created programs to ensure VA clinicians receive training in state-of-the-art treatments for PTSD. VA trains clinicians to use Cognitive Processing Therapy (CPT) or Prolonged Exposure (PE), which are proven to be effective treatments for PTSD.

VA's National Center for PTSD was created in 1989 by an act of Congress. We continue to be at the forefront of progress in the scientific understanding and treatment of PTSD. In addition to improving upon existing treatments, we are researching effective new treatments. For more information on the National Center for PTSD, please visit the About Us section of the website.

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Apply for and manage the VA benefits and services you've earned as a Veteran, Servicemember, or family member-like health care, disability, education, and more.

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The Prevalence of Trauma Among War Veterans

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How Common is PTSD in Veterans?

When you serve in the military, you may be exposed to different traumatic events than civilians. The war you served in may also affect your risk because of the types of trauma that were common. War zone deployment, training accidents and military sexual trauma (or, MST) may lead to PTSD. Learn how many Veterans have PTSD.

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When you are in the military, you may see combat. You may have been on missions that exposed you to horrible and life-threatening experiences. Or you may have experienced a serious training accident. These types of events can lead to PTSD.

PTSD is slightly more common among Veterans than civilians. At some point in their life, 7 out of every 100 Veterans (or 7%) will have PTSD. In the general population, 6 out of every 100 adults (or 6%) will have PTSD in their lifetime. PTSD is also more common among female Veterans (13 out of 100, or 13%) versus male Veterans (6 out of 100, or 6%). We are learning more about transgender Veterans and those who do not identify as male or female (non-binary).

U.S. Veterans of Different Service Eras

The number of Veterans with PTSD varies by service era. The data below are from a large study of Veterans across the country:

Service Era

PTSD in the Past Year

PTSD at Some Point in Life
NOTE: The data in this table is from Veterans alive at the time of the study. As such, it does not include Veterans in any service area who have died and may have had PTSD.

Other data that is less recent than the study above suggest PTSD is more common among Veterans of different service eras, specifically Vietnam Veterans. Studies use different methods to get information which can affect findings. The timing of studies matters as well because PTSD is related to other health conditions that may affect mortality-or risk of dying. So, Veterans who are not alive to participate in a study may have a different rate of PTSD than those included in current research.

Military Risk Factors

Research shows that deployment increases risk of PTSD. In some studies, PTSD is 3 times more likely among Veterans who deployed compared to those who did not (of the same service era). Some factors in a combat situation may contribute to PTSD and other mental health problems, including military occupation or specialty, the politics around the war, where the war is fought, and the type of enemy faced.

Another cause of PTSD in the military can be military sexual trauma (MST). This is any sexual harassment or sexual assault that occurs while you are in the military. MST can happen to anyone and can occur during peacetime, training or war.

Veterans Who Use VA Health Care

Not all Veterans use VA health care, and we know that PTSD is more common among those who do. One study found that among Veterans using VA care, 23 out of every 100 (or 23%) had PTSD at some point in their lives, compared to 7 out of every 100 (or 7%) of Veterans who do not use VA for health care.

An annual report from VA also offers information about PTSD in Veterans using VA care. Of the 6 million Veterans served in fiscal year 2021, about 10 out of every 100 men (or 10%) and 19 out of every 100 women (or 19%) were diagnosed with PTSD.

One reason PTSD may be more common in women Veterans using VA care is military sexual trauma. PTSD is one of the most common mental health diagnoses related to MST. Although MST can happen to anyone in the military, it is much more commonly reported in women. About 1 in 3 women Veterans and 1 in 50 male Veterans report experiencing MST when screened (asked about MST experiences) by their VA provider.

Summary

Veterans are more likely to develop PTSD than civilians. Among Veterans, those who deploy are more likely to have PTSD than Veterans who do not. Also, Veterans who use VA for health care are more likely to be diagnosed with PTSD than those who use community health services. This may be due, in part, because VA screens for MST and PTSD for all Veteran patients.

Research is ongoing to better understand how PTSD affects Veterans of color, LGBTQ+ Veterans and those of other diverse backgrounds. These social factors impact risk of trauma and PTSD in civilian life and in the military.

To hear from diverse Veterans who have been there-those who have PTSD and turned their lives around with treatment-visit AboutFace.

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Apply for and manage the VA benefits and services you've earned as a Veteran, Servicemember, or family member-like health care, disability, education, and more.

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More questions to consider:

How can societies better support war veterans' mental health?

To what extent is mental health strengthened or weakened by the experience of war?

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How does war affect individuals and societies?