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Process Question

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This article talks about the challenges of asexuality including being misunderstood, viewed in negative ways and pressured to do things. The views around this can relate to gendered characteristics because people may expect men to be sexually aggressive as mentioned in the lecture, but asexual men will be the absolute opposite. These people are viewed differently, but they may express lots of love in other ways.

Nathan. (2023, April 6). Understanding asexuality: Meaning, challenges, and support. Rainbow Republic. https://rainbowrepublic.co.nz/understanding-asexuality-meaning-challenges-and-support/

-Shelby Smith

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Understanding Asexuality: Meaning, Challenges, and Support

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Asexuality is a sexual orientation characterised by a lack of sexual attraction or interest in sexual activity. Asexual individuals may experience romantic or emotional attraction, but they do not experience sexual attraction. This orientation exists on a spectrum and includes various identities, such as grey-asexuality and demisexuality. While asexual individuals have always existed, it is […]

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The article discusses hate crimes against the LGBTQ community being on the rise. This article can relate to issues of inequality mentioned in the lecture including marginalization, powerlessness, and violence. This community is targeted for being different, but they’re smaller in number, so they experience loss of power and while being harmed by violence and discrimination.

Alfonseca, K. (2024, September 24). Hate crimes, particularly against LGBTQ community, on the rise: FBI data. ABC News. https://abcnews.go.com/US/hate-crimes-lgbtq-community-rise-fbi-data/story?id=113962673

-Shelby Smith

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Hate crimes, particularly against LGBTQ community, on the rise: FBI data

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Hate crimes motivated by gender-identity and sexual orientation rose from 2022 to 2023, according to FBI data.

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This article explains how girls getting an education are less likely to enroll in STEM fields, more likely to drop out from those fields, and risk being locked out of such jobs. This occurs because of the social values that people are pushed to follow like how women may be pushed to professions that are closer to housework like teaching. This also can be tied to men being more privileged because those fields involve having higher wages and power which tends to exclude women.

Bonfert, A., & Wadhwa, D. (2024, June 3). Tracing global trends in education: a tale of old and new gender gaps. The World Bank Group. https://datatopics.worldbank.org/world-development-indicators/stories/tracing-global-trends-in-education.html

-Shelby Smith

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Advances in education across the world have been one of the most inspiring development successes over the last 50 years. Girls, who historically had very low levels of education and who consistently lagged boys, are now educated at far higher levels than at any other point in history. While girls have been catching up on opportunities, challenges remain. At the same time new gaps have emerged in learning outcomes - in virtually all countries for which we have data, boys have higher rates of learning poverty than girls do.
Celebrating Successes in Global Education
Sustainable Development Goal 4 commits all signatory countries to ensure that, by 2030, "all girls and boys complete free, equitable and quality primary and secondary education." Most countries in the world have achieved universal primary education. Girls and boys have gained access to primary school at unprecedented levels, with each age cohort surpassing the enrollment rates of the previous one.

To date, more than two-thirds of all countries have reached gender parity in primary school enrollment. In many countries, secondary enrollments rates for females surpass those of their male peers. At the tertiary level, female enrollment rates exceed male rates by more than 5 percentage points in over 100 countries.

Once in school, boys and girls face different barriers to completing their educational journey. In low-income countries on average about 66 percent of female primary school students complete primary school, compared to around 71 percent of male primary school students.

At the lower secondary level, the gap in completion rates varies significantly by country income classification. In high, middle, and upper-middle income countries completion rates are higher for girls than boys. Since the 1980s there has been a remarkable spurt of female completion rates in lower middle-income countries and in 2012 female completion rates had completely caught up with the male rate.

However, girls in low-income countries continue to trail their male peers in lower secondary completion rates, with only 38 percent of girls completing lower secondary school compared to 43 percent of boys. Encouragingly though, the gender gap in secondary completion rates in low-income countries has consistently fallen since 2014.

Poverty is one of the most important factors for determining whether girls can access and complete their education ( Bank 2024). Girls who face intersecting disadvantages stemming from low family income, living in remote or underserved communities, disability or minority status tend to be farthest behind in terms of access to and completion of education. For example, fewer than 1 percent of rural young women belonging to the poorest 20 percent of households complete secondary school in 20 countries with data available, including many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa but also Belize, Haiti, Pakistan and Papua New Guinea ( UNESCO 2020).

School dropouts among girls are often associated with the onset of adolescence. Between 10 to 30 percent of girls dropping out of school can be attributed to early marriage or a pregnancy, depending on the country ( Wodon et al 2017). An estimated 640 million girls and women alive today were married before they turned 18 years old ( UNICEF 2023). Other reasons for school dropout among girls include lack of access to adequate menstrual hygiene management, safety concerns including related to sexual assault and harassment, and long distances to secondary schools. Keeping girls in school is critical to continue building on the successes of the global education expansion. Cash transfers have been shown to be effective at delaying marriage and keeping girls in school ( Halim et al 2023).

Poverty is also a main driver of boys' disadvantages in education. Economic pressures may prematurely pull boys into the labor force interrupting or upending their education. Gender norms may also act to boy's detriment by reinforcing behaviors and expectations that do not align with academic performance ( UNESCO 2018), Much research on the effect of social norms has focused on the concept of "hegemonic masculinity" ( Saavedra et al 2022). Characteristics such as disruption and resisting authority can be motivated by masculinity identity characteristics, whereas reading and other seemingly passive activities that conducive to a successful academic experience are sometimes considered "effeminate" ( Welmond and Gregory 2021).
The unfinished agenda
Despite global advances in education, important challenges to getting girls into school and ensuring that all children learn remain. An inexcusably large number of children are still deprived of access to education opportunities and too many pupils are facing quality constraints. Insufficient literacy skills can limit their ability to take advantage of employment opportunities and to participate fully in society.
Too many girls remain out of school
Globally, it is estimated that 244 million children between the ages of 6 and 18 were out of school in 2021, unable to benefit from the lifelong impact of formal schooling ( UNESCO 2022). The UNESCO estimates confirm that the difference in the rate of girls and boys out of school has been closed at the global level. However, there are persistent gaps in both directions at the country level.

In some countries, there are large gender gaps at the primary level with many more primary-school-age girls not enrolled in school than boys, for example in Afghanistan, Niger, and the Central African Republic. There are a couple of countries, however, where the opposite is observed: more boys than girls are not attending primary school in Madagascar, Mauritania, and Zambia.

Often, lack of access to education is linked to conflict and violence. A large, and increasing, number of girls is denied access to education due to conflict and fragility. In 2022, 614 million women and girls lived in conflict-affected contexts, 50 percent higher than in 2017 ( UN Women 2023). This can have devastating effects on educational outcomes: In fragile and conflict-affected countries, girls are 2.5 times more likely to be out of school than boys ( UNICEF 2017).

Even when children make it to school and complete several years of formal education, there is no guarantee that they acquire skills and knowledge. There is ample evidence that the great schooling expansion has not resulted in commensurate gains in learning.

The ongoing learning crisis puts educational gains at risk for both boys and girls

Both girls and boys are facing a learning crisis. More than half of children in low- and middle-income countries cannot read and understand a simple story by the end of primary school ( World Bank 2021). This phenomenon has been coined Learning Poverty and measures the share of children who are not able to read proficiently at age 10. Learning outcomes present a paradox: while enrolling girls in school remains a challenge, once they are in school, they outperform boys. Globally, boys are 3.7 percentage points more learning-poor than girls.

This ongoing learning crisis pre-dates COVID-19 pandemic related setbacks in education and will require concerted efforts to ensure that every child is equipped with adequate numeracy and literacy skills. Globally, the full extent of COVID-19 related impacts on education outcomes will only become fully visible over the next couple of years and targeted efforts are needed to course-correct in cases where learning trajectories have been cut short ( World Bank 2022).
Gender disparities in STEM tertiary education remain high
Women are significantly less likely to enroll in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields, largely due to social and cultural perceptions about genders and subject study ( Hammond et al 2020). Women enrolled in STEM courses are more likely to switch out of their fields, and the dropout rate in STEM-related tertiary education programs is higher for women than men ( Delaney and Devereux 2021). As a result, female students represent far less than 50 percent of all students graduating with a degree in STEM-related fields of study in most countries. There is a risk that women will be locked out of the jobs of the future without ensuring they have access to STEM education ( Brixi et al 2023).
Making good on a promise to all children
All children have a human right to quality education. Yet, despite progress, considerable disparities in education remain - some putting girls at a disadvantage, some at the expense of boys. While gender disparity at the global level has disappeared for enrollment rates at the primary and secondary level, more needs to be done to improve school completion among girls, and to improve learning outcomes among boys. There are also new gender gaps on the horizon related to digital literacy ( UNESCO 2020). Expanding learning opportunities to marginalized children and equipping children with the skills for the future remains a priority for education systems worldwide.

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Tracing global trends in education: a tale of old and new gender gaps

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Advances in education across the world have been one of the most inspiring development successes over the last 50 years. Girls, who historically had very low levels of education and who consistently lagged boys, are now educated at far higher levels than at any other point in history. While girls have been catching up on opportunities, challenges remain. At the same time new gaps have emerged in learning outcomes – in virtually all countries for which we have data, boys have higher rates of learning poverty than girls do.

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This article addresses how people are becoming more accepting of homosexuality and aren’t seeing as much of a negative link between homosexuality and religion, but there’s still more progress to be made. 63% of people believe that homosexuality should be accepted, but obviously there’s still a lot of people that think differently. This is influenced by the value put into being heteronormative and the discrimination brought on by people being different.

Pew Research Center. (2015, June 8). Section 2: Knowing gays and lesbians, religious conflicts, beliefs about homosexuality. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2015/06/08/section-2-knowing-gays-and-lesbians-religious-conflicts-beliefs-about-homosexuality/

-Shelby Smith

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Pew Research Center - U.S. Politics & Policy

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As support for same-sex marriage has increased, other attitudes about homosexuality have changed as well. Majorities now say homosexuality should be accepted by society (63%) and that the sexual orientation of a gay or lesbian person cannot be changed (60%). Nearly half (47%) say that people are born gay or lesbian. These opinions represent a shift over the past decade, even if in some cases the short-term changes have been modest.

In addition, a 54% majority says there is no conflict between their own religious beliefs and homosexuality, up from 48% in 2013. However, the view that homosexuality and one's personal religious beliefs are in conflict remains a powerful factor in opposition to same-sex marriage.

An overwhelming majority of the public (88%) reports personally knowing someone who is gay or lesbian. That is little changed since 2013, but much higher than in the early 1990s.

Gay and Lesbian Acquaintances, Friends and Family Members

Though the vast majority of Americans say they know gays or lesbians, just over a quarter (28%) say they know "a lot" of people who are gay or lesbian, while 43% say they know some and 17% say they only know one or two gays or lesbians. Slightly more people now say they know a lot of gays or lesbians than did so two years ago.

And, as in 2013, about half (52%) have a close family member or one of their closest friends who is gay or lesbian.

While large majorities of almost all demographic and partisan groups say they know someone who is gay or lesbian, there are differences in both the number of gay and lesbian acquaintances people have and in whether people say they have close family members or friends who are gay.

Millennials are among the most likely of any demographic or partisan group to say they know a lot of people who are gay or lesbian: Nearly four-in-ten (38%) say so, compared with fewer Gen Xers (28%), Boomers (22%) and Silents (15%). And about twice as many Silents say they do not know any gays or lesbians (21%) as members of any other generation.

Millennials and Xers are also somewhat more likely than Boomers - and particularly Silents - to say they have close family members or friends who are gay.

There are differences by religious affiliation in the number of gays and lesbians people know. Fully four-in-ten (40%) of those who are not affiliated with a religion say they personally know a lot of gays and lesbians, while 8% say they know none. By contrast, just 23% of Catholics, 21% of white mainline Protestants and 17% of white evangelical

Protestants report having a lot of gay and lesbian acquaintances. There are also similar - if somewhat more modest - differences across religious groups in those who report having close friends and family members who are gay.

About a third of Democrats (34%) say they know a lot of gays and lesbians, compared with just 18% of Republicans. And while 57% of Democrats (and 54% of independents) have a gay or lesbian close family member or friend, 46% of Republicans say this.

There are also divides by community type: People who live in urban areas (32%) are more likely to know a lot of people who are gay and lesbian than those who live in suburban (27%) or rural (20%) communities.

Gay or Lesbian Friends and Support for Same-Sex Marriage

About three-quarters (73%) of those who know a lot of gays and lesbians - and two-thirds (66%) of those who have gay or lesbian close friends or family members - say they support same-sex marriage. And nearly half (48%) of Americans with many gay acquaintances, and 38% of those who have close friends or family who are gay, strongly favor allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally.

There is far less support for same-sex marriage among those with few or no gay or lesbian acquaintances, as well as among those who do not have close friends or family members who are gay or lesbian. Just 32% of those who do not have any gay or lesbian acquaintances favor allowing gays and lesbians to marry and 58% oppose (30% say they strongly oppose same-sex marriage).

Views of Whether Homosexuality Conflicts with Religious Beliefs

A majority of the public (54%) says there is no conflict between their religious beliefs and homosexuality. About four-in-ten (43%) say there is a lot (33%) or a little (10%) conflict.

Conflict between religious beliefs and homosexuality is felt particularly strongly by white evangelical Protestants, about seven-in-ten (72%) of whom say there is a conflict, including 64% who say there is "a lot" of conflict. Six-in-ten black Protestants say there is either a lot (48%) or a little (12%) conflict between their religious beliefs and homosexuality, while 53% of Catholics feel that their religious beliefs and homosexuality are in some conflict (38% say there is a lot of conflict). By comparison, just 36% of white mainline Protestants and 10% of those without religious affiliation (10%) feel such a conflict.

Attendance at religious services is also associated with feelings of conflict between religious beliefs and homosexuality. Among those who go to services at least weekly, 61% say there is a conflict between their beliefs and homosexuality (51% perceive "a lot" of conflict). Roughly one-third of less-frequent attenders (34%) feel there is such a conflict, 64% do not.

Mixed Views on Why People Are Gay or Lesbian

When asked about possible reasons why people are gay or lesbian, 47% say people are born gay or lesbian, while slightly fewer (40%) say it's just the way some people choose to live; relatively few (7%) say being gay or lesbian is a result of a person's upbringing.

Over the past two years, the share saying people are born gay or lesbian has edged up six points. In May 2013, as many said people are born gay or lesbian (41%) as said it is just the way some people choose to live (42%).

As with other attitudes on homosexuality, there are substantial racial, partisan and religious differences on why people are gay or lesbian. But the generational differences in these opinions are relatively modest.

About half of Millennials (51%) say people are born gay or lesbian compared with 47% of those in Generation X and the Silent Generation, and 44% of Baby Boomers.

There are striking differences between blacks and whites over why people are gay or lesbian. About six-in-ten blacks (61%) say being gay is just the way some choose to live; just 26% say people are born gay or lesbian. By contrast, more whites say people are born gay or lesbian (52%) than say it is a lifestyle choice (36%). Among Hispanics, about as many say people are born gay (46%) as say it's a choice (40%).

College graduates are far more likely than those with less education to say that people are born gay or lesbian: 61% of college graduates say this, compared with 46% of those with some college experience and 39% of those with no college experience.

Comparable percentages of Democrats (55%) and independents (53%) say people are born gay or lesbian; about four-in-ten in each group say it's just the way some people choose to live (37% of Democrats, 35% of independents). The reverse is true among Republicans: 50% say being gay or lesbian is just the way some people choose to live, compared with 34% who say people are born homosexual.

Identical majorities of white evangelical Protestants and black Protestants (62% each) say being gay or lesbian is just the way some people choose to live. By contrast, most white mainline Protestants (60%) say people are born homosexual, as do 53% of Catholics. Among the religiously unaffiliated, more see homosexuality as the way people are born than a lifestyle choice by a wide 64%-24% margin.

Most Say Gay or Lesbian Person's Sexual Orientation Cannot Be Changed

A majority of Americans (60%) say they do not think a gay or lesbian person's sexual orientation can be changed; about half as many (33%) say they think it can be changed.

The share saying a gay person's sexual orientation cannot be changed has increased 18 points since 2003 (from 42%), and nine points in the past three years alone (from 51%).

Opinions about whether a gay or lesbian person's sexual orientation can be changed largely mirror views of whether or not someone is born gay.

Overall, 70% of Democrats and 62% of independents say they do not think a gay or lesbian person's sexual orientation can be changed, up nine points and 14 points, respectively, since 2012. By contrast, about as many Republicans say a gay or lesbian person's sexual orientation can be changed (45%) as say it cannot be changed (47%); views among Republicans are little changed since 2012.

Among religious groups, 71% of white mainline Protestants and 68% of Catholics say homosexuality cannot be changed. Majorities of black Protestants (56%) and white evangelical Protestants (55%) say a gay person's sexual orientation can be changed.

Adults with no religious affiliation are among the most likely to say that a gay person's sexual orientation cannot be changed: 79% express this view, while just 18% say homosexuality can be changed.

Reactions to a Gay Child

Most Americans (57%) say they would not be upset if they had a child who told them he or she was gay or lesbian; 39% say they would be upset about this, including 17% who say they would be very upset.

Views on this question are little changed over the past two years, but they have shifted dramatically since the question was first asked 30 years ago.

A 1985 Los Angeles Times poll found fully 89% said they would be either very upset (64%) or somewhat upset (25%) if their child told them he or she was gay or lesbian. By 2000, the share saying they would be upset about having a gay child had fallen to 73%, and by 2013 just 40% said they would be upset if a child of theirs said he or she was gay.

Reactions to the prospect of having a gay child are linked to other attitudes about homosexuality. For instance, 77% of those who say that homosexuals are born gay or lesbian would not be upset if they learned that their child was gay or lesbian. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) of those who view homosexuality as a lifestyle choice say they would be upset if their child disclosed that he or she was gay.

Racial, partisan and religious differences on this measure are substantial, as they are with other attitudes toward homosexuality.

However, generational differences in reactions to the prospect of a gay child are much wider than in opinions about whether or not a gay person is born that way, or whether a gay person's sexual orientation can be changed. Nearly twice as many Silents (55%) as Millennials (29%) say they would be upset if they had a child tell them that he or she was gay or lesbian.

Younger Generations Most Accepting of Homosexuality

More than six-in-ten Americans (63%) say homosexuality should be accepted by society, while 30% say homosexuality should be discouraged. The share saying homosexuality should be accepted has grown steadily over the last decade; in 2003, the public was split on this question (47% accepted, 45% discouraged).

Today, about three-quarters of Democrats (74%) think homosexuality should be accepted, up from 66% in 2013 and 56% in 2003. Fully 87% of liberal Democrats say society should accept homosexuality, compared with 66% of conservative and moderate Democrats.

Among Republicans, 40% think homosexuality should be accepted and 54% say it should be discouraged - relatively unchanged since 2003. While three-in-ten conservative Republicans (30%) say it should be accepted by society, about twice as many moderate and liberal Republicans (63%) say this.

Younger generations are more accepting of homosexuality in society: 78% of Millennials, 65% of Gen Xers and 55% of Boomers say homosexuality should be accepted, while Silents are split (45% accepted, 42% discouraged).

White evangelical Protestants, on balance, say homosexuality should be discouraged (61% vs. 33%). By contrast, about seven-in-ten white mainline Protestants (72%) as well as 64% of Catholics and 88% of those who are religiously unaffiliated say it should be accepted by society.

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Section 2: Knowing Gays and Lesbians, Religious Conflicts, Beliefs about Homosexuality

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As support for same-sex marriage has increased, other attitudes about homosexuality have changed as well. Majorities now say homosexuality should be accepted by society (63%) and that the sexual orientation of a gay or lesbian person cannot be changed (60%). Nearly half (47%) say that people are born gay or lesbian.

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The article talks about how the Great American Family channel tries to exclude LGBTQ relationships to cater more to their Christian audience. They do this because they have found that it makes more money for them. Thompson and Macnaughton write, “In the few holiday movies that feature queer characters, producers often avoid including moments that display same-sex intimacy.” The lecture on media had mention of this issue by discussing how sex perversion has been forbidden. This example shows how different television channels follow this by excluding sexual scenes between LGBTQ individuals.

Thompson, A., & Macnaughton, S. (2024, December 22). How excluding LGBTQ people from holiday movies became big business for the Great American Family Channel. Uncloseted Media. https://www.unclosetedmedia.com/p/how-excluding-lgbtq-people-from-holiday

-Shelby Smith

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How Excluding LGBTQ People From Holiday Movies Became Big Business For The Great American Family Channel

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The exclusion of queer characters from holiday movies is occurring in parallel with a recent shift of U.S. corporations abandoning DEI initiatives under pressure from right-wing outrage

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Gender Discrimination in Levels of Education 

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Gender Discrimination in Levels of Education 

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The article on gender discrimination explores how women are discriminated against by educational level. According to the article women with a higher level of education experience more discrimination than those that are less educated. This can be related back to the topic of sex and gender ranking. Since men see women as being more fit to work in the home and because they want to continue holding higher positions of power they discriminate against those women with higher levels of education.

Parker, K. (2017, December 14). Gender discrimination comes in many forms for today’s working women. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2017/12/14/gender-discrimination-comes-in-many-forms-for-todays-working-women/

-Shelby Smith

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Gender discrimination comes in many forms for today’s working women

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American women who say they have faced discrimination on the job because of their gender report a broad array of personal experiences.

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This article examines how younger people have different views on aging and sexuality even though older adults regularly engage in sexual behaviors and it is normal. I believe one reason for younger people seeing this as something maybe taboo is because of the assumed social scripts that society has created. There’s this idea that once you’re old you’re frail and boring which has caused people to think that older adults aren’t and shouldn’t be sexually engaged (it’s a dumb idea though and makes a weird social script for how older adults).

Syme, M. L., & Cohn, T. J. (2016). Examining aging sexual stigma attitudes among adults by gender, age, and generational status. Aging & mental health, 20(1), 36–45. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2015.1012044

-Shelby Smith

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Examining aging sexual stigma attitudes among adults by gender, age, and generational status - PubMed

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Aging sexual stigma beliefs may not be prevalent among the general population as cohorts become more sexually liberal over time, though men appear more susceptible to these beliefs. However, in order to more comprehensively assess aging sexual stigma, future research may benefit from measuring expli …

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This article discusses how the Marvel movies have little female representation and how their female characters are portrayed with motherly instincts or are sexualized. They throw out a lot of facts about the imbalance of female and male characters in their movies with around 30% of all characters being female compared to the 70% male. This article related to the topics of the male gaze and different gender representation in the lecture. The Marvel movies sexualize and objectify women to pleasure the male viewer while also making all the main dominant characters male to leave women underrepresented.

Insua, S. (2023, January 17). The feminine hero ideal: Marvel’s harmful portrayals of female superheroes. Medium. https://medium.com/@sophiainsua/the-feminine-hero-ideal-marvels-harmful-portrayals-of-female-superheroes-605ade32f4fd

-Shelby Smith

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The Feminine Hero Ideal: Marvel’s Harmful Portrayals of Female Superheroes

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I was 7 years old when first introduced to the MCU’s Avengers. Now, don’t be too alarmed; I realize that most first-graders would be barred…

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Impact of Gender Roles/Norms on Children 

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Impact of Gender Roles/Norms on Children 

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The article considers how gender roles have an impact on children. When the people around children act in certain ways that conform to traditional gender norms then that’ll influence the children to act in certain ways. One lecture mentioned how roles are assigned based on social values, so young girls may think that they’re not capable or supposed to engage in STEM careers in later life. Adults may also engage in social policing to make sure kids do what would be considered “normal” like boys not wearing dresses.

United Way NCA. (2024, September 25). Gender roles & gender norms: Definition & examples. https://unitedwaynca.org/blog/gender-norms/

-Shelby Smith

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Gender norms are deeply ingrained in our society and can significantly impact individuals, particularly children. Restrictive gender norms often limit children's potential and opportunities, affect their self-esteem and mental health, and shape their relationships with peers.

Gender norms can be particularly detrimental to those living in poverty, as well as the ALICE (Asset Limited, Income Constrained, Employed) population, as gender norms perpetuate cycles of inequality and limit access to resources and opportunities. For instance, according to the 2023 ALICE Reports, single mothers in the United States are more likely to live in poverty due to gender discrimination and limited access to affordable childcare. We must challenge harmful gender norms to create a more equitable and inclusive world for future generations.

What Are Gender Norms?

Gender norms are societal expectations and rules regarding how men and women should behave, express themselves and interact with others according to their gender. Media, socialization and culture contribute to the development of gender norms and they differ across time and place.

Gender socialization is one of the primary ways gender norms affect children. Gender socialization refers to how children learn the appropriate behavior, appearance and attitudes for their gender. For example, boys learn to be assertive, competitive and independent, while girls are encouraged to be nurturing, emotional and compliant. These gendered messages can shape children's self-concept, beliefs and expectations about themselves and others.

Research suggests that adherence to gender norms can negatively influence a child's mental health, social development and academic performance.

For instance, boys who feel pressured to conform to traditional masculine standards may be less likely to seek help for emotional problems or engage in prosocial behaviors. On the other hand, girls who internalize restrictive feminine norms may experience lower self-esteem and limited leadership opportunities.

Examples of Gender Norms in Society

Gender norms are pervasive in society and are identifiable in various aspects of our lives, including media, education and family. Here are some examples of gender norms in each of these areas:

Media:

Many TV shows and movies feature predominantly male protagonists who are strong, dominant and aggressive while portraying female characters as emotional, dependent and sexualized.

Commercials and advertisements often use gendered stereotypes to sell products, such as associating men with sports and outdoor activities, and women with beauty and domesticity.

In video games, male characters are heroic and violent, while female characters are hypersexualized and serve as objects of male desire.

Education:

Teachers may inadvertently reinforce gender norms by calling on boys more often, praising girls for being quiet and compliant or discouraging boys from communicating their feelings.

Textbooks and other reading materials often portray men as inventors and leaders, while women are absent or assume passive roles.

Sports programs in schools often prioritize male athleticism and show less attention to girls' teams.

Family:

Parents may have separate expectations and rules for their sons and daughters, such as encouraging boys to pursue careers in STEM fields and girls to prioritize raising a family and nurturing relationships.

Gendered household chores are typical, such as girls being responsible for cooking and cleaning while boys do yard work and repairs.

Children may bully their siblings who do not conform to gender norms, such as boys who like dolls or girls who prefer sports.

These are just a few examples of how gender norms operate in society and can shape our beliefs and behaviors. Recognizing and challenging these norms can help us create a more equitable and inclusive world for everyone.

How Gender Norms Affect Children

Gender norms can significantly impact a child's development, affecting his or her self-esteem and opportunities for growth. Restrictive gender norms often discourage children from pursuing interests that are "inappropriate" for their gender, limiting their potential and opportunities for exploration.

For example, girls may feel discouraged from pursuing careers in STEM fields or leadership positions, while boys face ridicule for expressing interest in traditionally feminine activities like dancing or cooking. The pressure to conform to gender norms can also negatively influence children's mental health, leading to anxiety and depression. If boys feel that they cannot communicate their emotions or seek help, they may begin to feel stressed and isolated. Girls who feel the need to prioritize appearance and social status may experience eating disorders or body dissatisfaction.

Children who do not conform to gender norms may experience lower self-esteem and negative self-concept, as they are made to feel like they don't fit in or are "abnormal." Boys perceived as weak or feminine may face bullying and social exclusion, while girls who are not conventionally feminine may feel pressure to conform to unrealistic beauty standards.

Gender norms can also affect a child's relationships with their peers, as they may face pressure to conform to societal expectations. Additionally, these norms can influence children's future career choices and opportunities, as they may face gender inequity or bias in traditionally gendered fields. For example, girls may be discouraged from pursuing careers in politics or law enforcement, while boys may face stigma for choosing caregiving professions like nursing or teaching.

Gender Roles

Gender roles are the social and cultural expectations for how people should behave according to their assigned gender. These roles shape the behaviors, attitudes and responsibilities considered appropriate for men and women.

Gender roles evolve over time but still trend toward traditional and stereotypical notions of masculinity and femininity. Gender roles can limit and restrict people's choices and prospects based on their gender, perpetuating gender inequality.

Gender Stereotypes

Gender stereotypes are beliefs or assumptions about characteristics, traits, behaviors and roles of people based on their gender. These stereotypes are created and reinforced by gender norms and can lead to biased judgments and discrimination against individuals who do not conform to them. Gender stereotypes can be positive and negative, but they tend to fit rigid ideas of masculinity and femininity.

How to Break Gender Norms

Breaking down gender norms can be difficult, but it is essential for creating a more inclusive and fair society that supports children's well-being and growth. Here are some strategies for challenging gender norms:

Parenting

Parents can challenge gender norms by avoiding stereotypes and encouraging children to pursue their interests and passions, regardless of gender. For example, instead of relegating activities and toys according to gender norms, parents can provide a wide range of things to do without limiting them based on gender stereotypes.

Parents should also foster an environment that encourages open communication and allow their children to express themselves in their preferred way without judging or criticizing them. By being mindful of their own biases and challenging them, parents can create a home for their children that encourages them to express themselves emotionally, regardless of gender.

Educators

Educators play a critical role in contesting gender norms and promoting inclusion and diversity in the classroom. Creating an inclusive and equitable learning space can help students feel valued and supported, regardless of gender identity or expression. Teachers should avoid using gendered language or stereotypes in the classroom. Instead, educators should strive to create opportunities for all students to participate in all activities and subjects.

One way to create an inclusive learning space is by introducing diverse books and resources representing all gender identities and expressions. Teachers can also encourage students to explore their interests and pursue non-traditional paths, breaking away from gender stereotypes that limit potential and opportunities. Additionally, educators can provide opportunities for open discussions on gender and identity and promote respectful communication and understanding among students.

Media

The media we consume plays a significant role in shaping our perceptions and beliefs about gender, making it essential for creators to develop diverse and inclusive representations of gender in their work. By avoiding harmful stereotypes and tropes that reinforce gender norms, media creators can take significant steps toward promoting gender equality. For instance, instead of relying on traditional expectations, creators can develop characters that challenge these norms, allowing viewers to see beyond the confines of rigid gender categories.

To create authentic and respectful representations of gender, media creators must work collaboratively with experts and members of marginalized communities. Consulting with these individuals can help creators further understand the problems regarding gender, which can inform their work and promote inclusivity. Furthermore, providing a positive representation of nonbinary and gender nonconforming individuals can help to reduce the discrimination they struggle with.

Creating a Gender-Equal World

Creating a gender-equal world is essential for the well-being and development of all children. We can create a more equitable society where everyone will thrive if we unite to break down restrictive gender norms and promote inclusivity. Each one of us has a part to play in the movement toward gender equality.

One way to take action is by challenging gender norms in our own lives, whether it's by breaking down gender stereotypes in the media we consume, encouraging children to pursue their interests and dreams, or creating an inclusive place to learn in schools. We can also support organizations that work toward gender equality, such as the ALICE Lives Here initiative, which seeks to support families living in poverty and break down the barriers to upward mobility.

It's important to remember that taking action to create a gender-equal world is a collective effort, and it requires ongoing work and education. By staying informed, raising awareness and actively working toward gender equality, we can create a better future for all children.

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Gender Roles & Gender Norms: Definition & Examples | United Way NCA

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Gender norms outline how children are expected to act, speak, dress, groom, & conduct themselves based on assigned sex. Learn more in our blog.

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Intersection of Sexuality & Childrearing

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Intersection of Sexuality & Childrearing

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This article goes over some of the assumptions made about lesbian and gay parenting. People think that these couples shouldn’t be parents because they think that these people are mentally ill, and they think the children will experience challenges with socializing and developing their own identity. I think these thoughts are rooted in a topic we learned of called sexual stereotyping. Some people have this stereotype of homosexual couples that they aren’t good parents which can lead to negative ideas of how their children may turn out.

American Psychological Association. (2021, September 13). Lesbian and gay parenting: Theoretical and conceptual examinations. https://www.apa.org/pi/lgbt/resources/parenting

-Shelby Smith

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"Lesbian and Gay Parenting" is a joint publication of APA's:

The previous edition, which was titled Lesbian and Gay Parenting: A Resource for Psychologists (1995) was the successor to a publication titled Lesbian Parents and Their Children: A Resource Paper for Psychologists that was jointly produced by CLGBC and CWP in 1991.

The 1991 publication was narrowly focused on providing an orientation to the research literature for psychologists doing child custody evaluations or giving expert testimony in court cases involving lesbian mothers. In addition, the publication was also targeted for lawyers and parties in parental rights cases involving lesbian parents, as the information provided could assist them in being better informed about the potential role of psychological research or psychological witnesses in their cases. The relatively narrow focus of this publication was selected because the Office on Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity received a significant number of requests for resources on the relevant research literature from parents, lawyers and psychologists involved in parental rights cases.

When CLGBC and CWP decided to revise and update the publication in 1993, they invited CYF to participate in the development of the new edition. The committees broadened the focus of the publication to include the empirical research on gay fathers, as well as lesbian mothers, and the clinical literature relevant to psychological services for lesbian and gay parents, their children, and their families.

When the current edition was first planned in 1999, the committees decided that the focus of the publication should be narrowed again to serve the needs of psychologists, lawyers, and parties in family law cases. The decision to narrow the focus was made because the need for the publication seemed to be primarily in the forensic context.

Lesbian and Gay Parenting is divided into three parts.

Part I is a summary of research findings on lesbian mothers, gay fathers, and their children. Although comprehensive, the research summary is focused on those issues that often arise in family law cases involving lesbian mothers or gay fathers.

Part II is an annotated bibliography of the literature cited in Part I.

Part III provides some additional resources relevant to lesbian and gay parenting in the forensic context: APA amicus briefs, professional association policies, and contact information for relevant organizations.

We hope the publication will be useful to clinicians, researchers, students, lawyers, and parents involved in legal and policy issues related to lesbian and gay parenting.

Our grateful acknowledgements to Charlotte Patterson for contributing the summary of research findings; to Mary Ballou, Ed Dunne, Susan Iasenza, Steven James (CLGBC), Linda Jones, Bianca Cody Murphy (CWP), Gary Ross Reynolds (CLGBC), Lourdes Rodríques-Nogués (CLGBC), William Sanchez (CYF), and Ena Vazquez-Nuttal (CYF), for assistance in compiling the bibliography for the previous edition and writing the annotations; and to Natalie Eldridge, Patricia Falk, Mary Clare, Lawrence Kurdek, April Martin, Royce Scrivner, Andy Benjamin, Beverly Greene (CLGBC), and Laura Brown for reviewing the manuscript. We also thank Helen Supranova, Andrea Solarz, and Jessica Gehle for their work on the bibliography. We gratefully acknowledge the APA staff liaisons to our committees, Mary Campbell (CYF), Gwendolyn Keita (CWP), and Leslie Cameron (CWP); their assistants, Charlene DeLong and Gabriel Twose, and the APA publications staff members Joanne Zaslow, Editorial and Design Services, and Stevie Wilson. We especially thank Clinton Anderson, Director, Office on Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, who worked diligently with committee members and staff to move this manuscript toward publication.

Gary W. Harper, PhD, MPH
Office on Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity

Robin A. Buhrke, PhD, Sari H. Dworkin, PhD, and Louise B. Silverstein, PhD
Committee on Women in Psychology

Beth Doll, PhD
Committee on Children, Youth, and Families

I wish particularly to thank Clinton Anderson for his invaluable assistance with the current version as well as with earlier versions of this manuscript. I also offer warm thanks to Natalie Eldridge, Patricia Falk, Mary Clare, Larry Kurdek, April Martin, Vera Paster, and Roy Scrivner for their helpful comments on the first version of this manuscript and to the anonymous reviewers for their insightful help in updating the current version.

Charlotte J. Patterson, PhD
Lesbian and Gay Parents and Their Children: Summary of Research Findings

Lesbian & Gay Parents & Their Children: Summary Of Research Findings

By Charlotte J. Patterson, PhD

Like families headed by heterosexual parents, lesbian and gay parents and their children are a diverse group (Arnup, 1995; Barrett & Tasker, 2001; Martin, 1998; Morris, Balsam, & Rothblum, 2002). Unlike heterosexual parents and their children, however, lesbian and gay parents and their children are often subject to prejudice because of their sexual orientation that can turn judges, legislators, professionals, and the public against them, sometimes resulting in negative outcomes, such as loss of physical custody, restrictions on visitation, and prohibitions against adoption (ACLU Lesbian and Gay Rights Project, 2002; Appell, 2003; Patterson, Fulcher, & Wainright, 2002). Negative attitudes about lesbian and gay parenting may be held in the population at large (King & Black, 1999; McLeod, Crawford, & Zechmeister, 1999) as well as by psychologists (Crawford, McLeod, Zamboni, & Jordan, 1999). As with beliefs about other socially stigmatized groups, the beliefs held generally in society about lesbians and gay men are often not based in personal experience, but are frequently culturally transmitted (Herek, 1995; Gillis, 1998). The purpose of this summary of research findings on lesbian and gay parents and their children is to evaluate widespread beliefs in the light of empirical data and in this way ameliorate negative effects of unwarranted prejudice.

Because many beliefs about lesbian and gay parents and their children are open to empirical testing, psychological research can evaluate their accuracy. Systematic research comparing lesbian and gay adults to heterosexual adults began in the late 1950s, and research comparing children of lesbian and gay parents with those of heterosexual parents is of a more recent vintage. Research on lesbian and gay adults began with Evelyn Hooker's landmark study (1957), resulted in the declassification of homosexuality as a mental disorder in 1973 (Gonsiorek, 1991), and continues today (e.g., Cochran, 2001). Case reports on children of lesbian and gay parents began to appear in the psychiatric literature in the early 1970s (e.g., Osman, 1972; Weeks, Derdeyn, & Langman, 1975) and have continued to appear (e.g., Agbayewa, 1984). Starting with the pioneering work of Martin and Lyon (1972), first-person and fictionalized descriptions of life in lesbian mother families (e.g., Alpert, 1988; Clausen, 1985; Howey & Samuels, 2000; Jullion, 1985; Mager, 1975; Perreault, 1975; Pollock & Vaughn, 1987; Rafkin, 1990; Wells, 1997) and gay father families (e.g., Galluccio, Galluccio, & Groff, 2002; Green, 1999; Morgen, 1995; Savage, 2000) have also become available. Systematic research on the children of lesbian and gay parents began to appear in major professional journals in the late 1970s and has grown into a considerable body of research only in recent years (Allen & Demo, 1995; Patterson, 1992, 2000).

As this summary will show, the results of existing research comparing lesbian and gay parents to heterosexual parents and children of lesbian and gay parents to children of heterosexual parents are quite clear: Common stereotypes are not supported by the data. Without denying the clarity of results to date, it is important also for psychologists and other professionals to be aware that research in this area has presented a variety of methodological challenges. As is true in any area of research, questions have been raised with regard to sampling issues, statistical power, and other technical matters (e.g., Belcastro, Gramlich, Nicholson, Price, & Wilson, 1993; Wardle, 1997). Some areas of research, such as gender development, and some periods of life, such as adolescence, have been described by reviewers as understudied and deserving of greater attention (Perrin and the Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, 2002; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001). In what follows, efforts will be made to highlight the extent to which the research literature has responded to such criticisms.

One criticism of this body of research has been that the research lacks external validity because samples studied to date may not be representative of the larger population of lesbian and gay parents (Belcastro et al., 1993). Recent research on lesbian and gay adults has drawn on population-based samples (e.g., Cochran, 2001), and research on the offspring of lesbian and gay parents has begun to employ the same approach (e.g., Golombok, Perry, Burston, Murray, Mooney-Somers, Stevens, & Golding, 2003; Wainright, Russell, & Patterson, 2004). Criticisms about nonsystematic sampling have also been addressed by studying samples drawn from known populations, so that response rates can be calculated (e.g., Brewaeys, Ponjaert, van Hall, & Golombok, 1997; Chan, Brooks, Raboy, & Patterson, 1998; Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 1998). Thus, contemporary research on children of lesbian and gay parents involves a wider array of sampling techniques than did earlier studies.

Research on children of lesbian and gay parents has also been criticized for using poorly matched or no control groups in designs that call for such controls. Particularly notable in this category was the tendency of early studies to compare development among children of a group of divorced lesbian mothers, many of whom were living with lesbian partners, to that among children of a group of divorced heterosexual mothers who were not currently living with heterosexual partners. The relevance of this criticism has been greatly reduced as research has expanded to explore life in a wider array of lesbian mother and gay father families (many of which have never lived through the divorce of a heterosexual couple), and as newer studies begin to include a wider array of control groups. Thus, contemporary research on children of lesbian and gay parents involves a wider array of research designs (and hence, control groups) than did earlier studies.

Another criticism has been that, although there is considerable diversity within lesbian and gay parenting communities (Barrett & Tasker, 2001; Morris, Balsam, & Rothblum, 2002), research has often focused on narrowly defined samples. Early studies did generally focus on well-educated, middle class families, but more recent research has included participants from a wider array of ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds (e.g., Wainright et al., 2004). Recent studies have been conducted not only in the United States, but also in the United Kingdom, in Belgium, and in the Netherlands (e.g., Bos, van Balen, & van den Boom, 2003, 2004; Brewaeys, Ponjaert, & Van Hall, 1997; Golombok et al., 1997, 2003; Tasker & Golombok, 1997; Vanfraussen, Ponjaert-Kristoffersen, & Brewaeys, 2003). Thus, contemporary research on children of lesbian and gay parents involves a greater diversity of families than did earlier studies.

Other criticisms have been that most studies have been based on relatively small samples, that there have been difficulties with assessment procedures employed in some studies, and that the classification of parents as lesbian, gay, or heterosexual has been problematic. Again, contemporary research has benefited from such criticisms. It is significant that, even taking into account all the questions and/or limitations that may characterize research in this area, none of the published research suggests conclusions different from that which will be summarized below. ¹

This summary consists of four sections. In the first, the results of research on lesbian and gay parents are summarized. In the second section, a summary of results from research comparing children of lesbian and gay parents with those of heterosexual parents is presented. The third section summarizes research on heterogeneity among lesbian and gay parents and their children. The fourth section provides a brief conclusion.

¹ A study from Australia (Sarantakos, 1996) has been cited as demonstrating deficits among children raised by gay and lesbian parents in Australia compared to children raised by heterosexual couples. The anomalous results reported by this study--which contradict the accumulated body of research findings in this field--are attributable to idiosyncrasies in its sample and methodologies and are therefore not reliable. An expert reading of the Sarantakos article reveals that certain characteristics of its methodology and sample are highly likely to have skewed the results and rendered them an invalid indicator of the well-being of children raised by gay and lesbian parents in at least three respects:

1. The children raised by gay and lesbian parents experienced unusually high levels of extreme social ostracism and overt hostility from other children and parents, which probably accounted for the former's lower levels of interaction and social integration with peers (see pp. 25-26);

2. Nearly all indicators of the children's functioning were based on subjective reports by teachers, who, as noted repeatedly by the author, may have been biased (see pp. 24, 26, & 30); and

3. Most or all of the children being raised by gay and lesbian parents, but not the children being raised by heterosexual married parents, had experienced parental divorce, which is known to correlate with poor adjustment and academic performance.

Indeed, although the differences Sarantakos observed among the children are anomalous in the context of research on parents' sexual orientation, they are highly consistent with findings from studies of the effects of parental divorce on children (see, e.g., Amato, 2001, and Amato & Keith, 1991). Children Australia is a regional journal that is not widely known outside Australia. As such, it cannot be considered a source upon which one should rely for understanding the state of scientific knowledge in this field, particularly when the results contradict those that have been repeatedly replicated in studies published in better known scientific journals. In summary, the Sarantakos study does not undermine the consistent pattern of results reported in other empirical studies addressing this topic.

Some nonscientific organizations have attempted to convince courts that there is an actual scientific dispute in this area by citing research performed by Paul Cameron as supporting the existence of deficits in gay and lesbian parents or their children compared to heterosexual parents or their children. In fact, there is no scientific evidence of such deficits. Cameron's research is methodologically suspect. His key findings in this area have not been replicated and are contradicted by the reputable published research. Unlike research that makes a contribution to science, his key findings and conclusions have rarely been cited by subsequent scientific studies published in peer-reviewed journals as informing their scientific inquiry. For a detailed critique of the research project on which Cameron has based many of his published papers, see Herek (1998).

By Charlotte J. Patterson, PhD

Three concerns have historically been associated with judicial decision making in custody litigation and public policies governing foster care and adoption: the belief that lesbians and gay men are mentally ill, that lesbians are less maternal than heterosexual women, and that lesbians' and gay men's relationships with sexual partners leave little time for ongoing parent-child interactions (ACLU Lesbian and Gay Rights Project, 2002; Falk, 1989, 1994; Patterson et al., 2002; Patterson & Redding, 1996). As material presented in this section will show, research has failed to confirm any of these beliefs (Allen & Burrell, 1996; Patterson, 1994b, 1994c, 1997, 2000; Perrin, 2002).

Mental Health of Lesbians and Gay Men

The psychiatric, psychological, and social work professions do not consider homosexual orientation to be a mental disorder. Many years ago, the American Psychiatric Association removed "homosexuality" from its list of mental disorders, stating that "homosexuality per se implies no impairment in judgment, stability, reliability, or general social or vocational capabilities" (American Psychiatric Association, 1974). In 1975, the American Psychological Association took the same position and urged all mental health professionals to help dispel the stigma of mental illness that had long been associated with homosexual orientation (American Psychological Association, 1975). The National Association of Social Workers has a similar policy (National Association of Social Workers, 1994).

The decision to remove homosexual orientation from the list of mental disorders reflects extensive research conducted over three decades showing that homosexual orientation is not a psychological maladjustment (Gonsiorek, 1991; Hart, Roback, Tittler, Weitz, Walston, & McKee, 1978; Reiss, 1980). There is no reliable evidence that homosexual orientation per se impairs psychological functioning, although the social and other circumstances in which lesbians and gay men live, including exposure to widespread prejudice and discrimination, often cause acute distress (Cochran, 2001; Freedman, 1971; Gonsiorek, 1991; Hart et al., 1978; Hooker, 1957; Meyer, 2003; Reiss, 1980). Return to top

Lesbians and Gay Men as Parents

Beliefs that lesbian and gay adults are not fit parents likewise have no empirical foundation (Anderssen, Amlie, & Ytteroy, 2002; Brewaeys & van Hall, 1997; Parks, 1998; Patterson, 2000; Patterson & Chan, 1996; Perrin, 2002; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001; Tasker, 1999; Victor & Fish, 1995). Lesbian and heterosexual women have not been found to differ markedly either in their overall mental health or in their approaches to child rearing (Bos et al., 2004; Kweskin & Cook, 1982; Lyons, 1983; Miller, Jacobsen, & Bigner, 1981; Mucklow & Phelan, 1979; Pagelow, 1980; Parks, 1998; Patterson, 2001; Rand, Graham, & Rawlings, 1982; Siegenthaler & Bigner, 2000; Thompson, McCandless, & Strickland, 1971). Similarly, lesbians' romantic and sexual relationships with other women have not been found to detract from their ability to care for their children (Bos et al., 2004; Chan et al., 1998b; Pagelow, 1980). Lesbian couples who are parenting together have most often been found to divide household and family labor relatively evenly and to report satisfaction with their couple relationships (Bos et al., 2004; Brewaeys et al., 1997; Chan, et al., 1998a; Ciano-Boyce & Shelley-Sireci, 2002; Hand, 1991; Johnson & O'Connor, 2002; Koepke, Hare, & Moran, 1992; Osterweil, 1991; Patterson, 1995a; Sullivan, 1996; Tasker & Golombok, 1998; Vanfraussen, Ponjaert-Kristoffersen, & Brewaeys, 2003). Research on gay fathers likewise suggests that they are likely to divide the work involved in child care relatively evenly and that they are happy with their couple relationships (Johnson & O'Connor, 2002; McPherson, 1993).

The results of some studies suggest that lesbian mothers' and gay fathers' parenting skills may be superior to those of matched heterosexual couples. For instance, Flaks, Fischer, Masterpasqua, and Joseph (1995) reported that lesbian couples' parenting awareness skills were stronger than those of heterosexual couples. This was attributed to greater parenting awareness among lesbian nonbiological mothers than among heterosexual fathers. In one study, Brewaeys and her colleagues (1997) likewise reported more favorable patterns of parent-child interaction among lesbian as compared to heterosexual parents, but in another, they found greater similarities (Vanfraussen, Ponjaert-Kristoffersen, & Brewaeys, 2003). A recent study of 256 lesbian and gay parent families found that, in contrast to patterns characterizing the majority of American parents, very few lesbian and gay parents reported any use of physical punishment (such as spanking) as a disciplinary technique; instead, they were likely to report use of positive techniques such as reasoning (Johnson & O'Connor, 2002). Certainly, research has found no reasons to believe lesbian mothers or gay fathers to be unfit parents (Armesto, 2002; Barret & Robinson, 1990; Bigner & Bozett, 1990; Bigner & Jacobsen, 1989a, 1989b; Bos et al., 2003, 2004; Bozett, 1980, 1989; Patterson, 1997; Patterson & Chan, 1996; Sbordone, 1993; Tasker & Golombok, 1997; Victor & Fish, 1995; Weston, 1991). On the contrary, results of research suggest that lesbian and gay parents are as likely as heterosexual parents to provide supportive home environments for children.

Children of Lesbian & Gay Parents

By Charlotte J. Patterson, PhD

In addition to judicial concerns about lesbian and gay parents themselves, courts have voiced three major fears about the influence of lesbian and gay parents on children. The first of these fears is that development of sexual identity will be impaired among children of lesbian and gay parents. For instance, one such concern is that children brought up by lesbian mothers or gay fathers will show disturbances in gender identity and/or in gender role behavior (Falk, 1989, 1994; Hitchens & Kirkpatrick, 1985; Kleber, Howell, & Tibbits-Kleber, 1986; Patterson et al., 2002; Patterson & Redding, 1996). It has also been suggested that children brought up by lesbian mothers or by gay fathers will themselves become lesbian or gay (Patterson & Redding, 1996; Patterson et al., 2002).

A second category of concerns involves aspects of children's personal development other than sexual identity (Falk, 1989, 1994; Patterson & Redding, 1996; Patterson et al., 2002). For example, courts have expressed fears that children in the custody of gay or lesbian parents will be more vulnerable to mental breakdown, will exhibit more adjustment difficulties and behavior problems, and will be less psychologically healthy than other children.

A third category of specific fears expressed by the courts is that children of lesbian and gay parents may experience difficulty in social relationships (Falk, 1989, 1994; Patterson & Redding, 1996; Patterson et al., 2002). For example, judges have repeatedly expressed concern that children living with lesbian mothers or gay fathers may be stigmatized, teased, or otherwise victimized by peers. Another common fear is that children living with gay or lesbian parents may be more likely to be sexually abused by the parent or by the parent's friends or acquaintances. In the following I will address each of these areas of concern.

Sexual Identity

Three aspects of sexual identity are considered in the research: gender identity, which concerns a person's self-identification as male or female; gender-role behavior, which concerns the extent to which a person's activities, occupations, and the like are regarded by the culture as masculine, feminine, or both; and sexual orientation, which refers to a person's choice of sexual partners, who may be homosexual, heterosexual, or bisexual (Money & Ehrhardt, 1972; Stein, 1993). Research relevant to each of these three major areas of concern is summarized below.

Gender Identity. In studies of children ranging in age from 5 to 14, results of projective testing and related interview procedures have revealed that development of gender identity among children of lesbian mothers follows the expected pattern (Green, 1978; Green, Mandel, Hotvedt, Gray, & Smith, 1986; Kirkpatrick, Smith & Roy, 1981). More direct assessment techniques to assess gender identity have been used by Golombok, Spencer, & Rutter (1983) with the same result: All children in this study reported that they were happy with their gender and that they had no wish to be a member of the opposite sex. There was no evidence in any of the studies of gender identity of any difficulties among children of lesbian mothers. No data have been reported in this area for children of gay fathers.

Gender-Role Behavior. A number of studies have reported that gender-role behavior among children of lesbian mothers fell within typical limits for conventional sex roles (Brewaeys et al., 1997; Golombok et al., 1983; Gottman, 1990; Green, 1978; Green et al., 1986; Hoeffer, 1981; Kirkpatrick et al., 1981; Kweskin & Cook, 1982; Patterson, 1994a). For instance, Kirkpatrick and her colleagues (1981) found no differences between children of lesbian versus heterosexual mothers in toy preferences, activities, interests, or occupational choices.

Rees (1979) administered the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) to 24 adolescents, half of whom had divorced lesbian and half of whom had divorced heterosexual mothers. The BSRI yields scores on masculinity and femininity as independent factors and an androgyny score based on the ratio of masculinity to femininity. Children of lesbian and heterosexual mothers did not differ on masculinity or on androgyny, but children of lesbian mothers reported greater psychological femininity than did those of heterosexual mothers. This result would seem to run counter to expectations based on stereotypes of lesbians as lacking in femininity, both in their own demeanor and in their likely influences on children.

Gender-role behavior of children was also assessed by Green and his colleagues (1986). In interviews with the children, no differences between the 56 children of lesbian and 48 children of heterosexual mothers were found with respect to favorite television programs, favorite television characters, or favorite games or toys. There was some indication in interviews with children themselves that the offspring of lesbian mothers had less sex-typed preferences for activities at school and in their neighborhoods than did children of heterosexual mothers. Consistent with this result, lesbian mothers were also more likely than heterosexual mothers to report that their daughters often participated in rough-and-tumble play or occasionally played with "masculine" toys such as trucks or guns, but they reported no differences in these areas for sons. Lesbian mothers were no more and no less likely than heterosexual mothers to report that their children often played with "feminine" toys such as dolls. In both family types, however, children's sex-role behavior was seen as falling within the expected range.

More recently, Brewaeys and her colleagues (1997) assessed gender-role behavior among 30, 4- to 8-year-old children who had been conceived via donor insemination by lesbian couples, and compared it to that of 30 same-aged children who had been conceived via donor insemination by heterosexual couples, and to that of 30 same-aged children who had been naturally conceived by heterosexual couples. They used the Pre-School Activities Inventory (Golombok & Rust, 1993), a maternal report questionnaire designed to identify "masculine" and "feminine" behavior among boys and girls within unselected samples of schoolchildren. They found no significant differences between children of lesbian and children of heterosexual parents on preferences for gendered toys, games, and activities (Brewaeys et al., 1997).

In summary, the research suggests that children of lesbian mothers develop patterns of gender-role behavior that are much like those of other children. No data are available regarding gender-role behavior for children of gay fathers.

Sexual Orientation. A number of investigators have also studied a third component of sexual identity, sexual orientation (Bailey, Bobrow, Wolfe, & Mickach, 1995; Bozett, 1980, 1987, 1989; Gottman, 1990; Golombok & Tasker, 1996; Green, 1978; Huggins, 1989; Miller, 1979; Paul, 1986; Rees, 1979; Tasker & Golombok, 1997). In all studies, the great majority of offspring of both lesbian mothers and gay fathers described themselves as heterosexual. Taken together, the data do not suggest elevated rates of homosexuality among the offspring of lesbian or gay parents. For instance, Huggins (1989) interviewed 36 adolescents, half of whom had lesbian mothers and half of whom had heterosexual mothers. No children of lesbian mothers identified themselves as lesbian or gay, but one child of a heterosexual mother did; this difference was not statistically significant. In another study, Bailey and his colleagues (1995) studied adult sons of gay fathers and found more than 90% of the sons to be heterosexual.

Golombok and Tasker (1996, 1997) studied 25 young adults reared by divorced lesbian mothers and 21 young adults reared by divorced heterosexual mothers. They reported that offspring of lesbian mothers were no more likely than those of heterosexual mothers to describe themselves as feeling attracted to same-sex sexual partners. If they were attracted in this way, however, young adults with lesbian mothers were more likely to report that they would consider entering into a same-sex sexual relationship, and they were more likely to have actually participated in such a relationship. They were not, however, more likely to identify themselves as non-heterosexual (i.e., as lesbian, gay, or bisexual). These results were based on a small sample, and they must be interpreted with caution. At the same time, the study is the first to follow children of divorced lesbian mothers into adulthood, and it offers a detailed and careful examination of important issues.

Other Aspects of Personal Development

Studies of other aspects of personal development among children of lesbian and gay parents have assessed a broad array of characteristics. Among these have been separation-individuation (Steckel, 1985, 1987), psychiatric evaluations (Golombok et al., 1983; Kirkpatrick et al., 1981), behavior problems (Brewaeys et al., 1997; Chan, Raboy et al., 1998; Flaks, et al., 1995; Gartrell, Deck, Rodas, Peyser, & Banks, 2005; Golombok et al., 1983, 1997; Patterson, 1994a; Tasker & Golombok, 1995, 1997; Wainright et al., 2004), personality (Gottman, 1990; Tasker & Golombok, 1995, 1997), self-concept (Golombok, Tasker, & Murray, 1997; Gottman, 1990, Huggins, 1989; Patterson, 1994a; Puryear, 1983; Wainright et al., 2004), locus of control (Puryear, 1983; Rees, 1979), moral judgment (Rees, 1979), school adjustment (Wainright et al., 2004), and intelligence (Green et al., 1986). Research suggests that concerns about difficulties in these areas among children of lesbian mothers are unwarranted (Patterson, 1997, 2000; Parks, 1998; Perrin, 1998, 2002; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001; Tasker, 1999). As was the case for sexual identity, studies of these aspects of personal development have revealed no major differences between children of lesbian versus heterosexual mothers. One statistically significant difference in self-concept emerged in Patterson's (1994a) study: Children of lesbian mothers reported greater symptoms of stress but also a greater overall sense of well-being than did children in a comparison group (Patterson, 1994a); but this result has yet to be replicated. Overall, the belief that children of lesbian and gay parents suffer deficits in personal development has no empirical foundation.

Social Relationships

Studies assessing potential differences between children of lesbian and gay parents, on the one hand, and children of heterosexual parents, on the other, have sometimes included assessments of children's social relationships. The most common focus of attention has been on peer relations, but some information about children's relationships with adults has also been collected. Research findings that address the likelihood of sexual abuse are also summarized in this section.

Research on peer relations among children of lesbian mothers has been reported by Golombok and her colleagues (1983, 1997), by Green and his colleagues (1978, 1986), and by Patterson (1994a). Reports by both parents and children suggest typical patterns of development of peer relationships. For example, as would be expected, most school-aged children reported same-sex best friends and predominantly same-sex peer groups (Golombok et al., 1983; Green, 1978; Patterson, 1994a). The quality of children's peer relations was described, on average, in positive terms by researchers (Golombok et al., 1983) as well as by mothers and their children (Green et al., 1986; Golombok et al., 1997). Although some children have described encounters with anti-gay remarks from peers (Gartrell et al., 2005), young adult offspring of divorced lesbian mothers did not recall being the targets of any more childhood teasing or victimization than did the offspring of divorced heterosexual mothers (Tasker & Golombok, 1995, 1997). The number and quality of adolescents' and young adults' romantic relationships has also been found to be unrelated to maternal sexual orientation (Tasker & Golombok, 1997; Wainright et al., 2004). No data on the children of gay fathers have been reported in this area.

Studies of the relationships with adults among the children of lesbian and gay parents have also resulted in a generally positive picture (Brewaeys et al., 1997; Golombok et al., 1983; Harris & Turner, 1985/86; Kirkpatrick et al., 1981; Wainright et al., 2004). For example, adolescent relationships with their parents have been described as equally warm and caring, regardless of whether parents have same- or opposite-sex partners (Wainright et al., 2004). Golombok and her colleagues (1983) found that children of divorced lesbian mothers were more likely to have had recent contact with their fathers than were children of divorced heterosexual mothers. Another study, however, found no differences in this regard (Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris and Turner (1985/86) studied the children of gay fathers, as well as those of lesbian mothers, and reported that parent-child relationships were described in positive terms. One significant difference was that heterosexual parents were more likely than lesbian and gay parents to say that their children's visits with the other parent presented problems for them (Harris & Turner, 1985/86). Another significant difference was that young adult offspring of divorced lesbian mothers described themselves as communicating more openly with their mothers and with their mothers' current partners than did adult children of divorced heterosexual parents (Tasker & Golombok, 1997).

Research has also focused on children's contacts with members of the extended family, especially grandparents. Parents are often facilitators and gatekeepers of contact between generations in families. Because grandparents are generally seen as supportive of their grandchildren, any strains in parents' relationships with grandparents might have adverse effects on the frequency of children's contacts with grandparents, and hence also have a negative impact on grandchildren's development. Patterson and her colleagues have evaluated these possibilities in two separate studies (Fulcher, Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 2002; Patterson et al., 1998). Their findings revealed that most children of lesbian mothers were described as being in regular contact with grandparents (Patterson et al., 1998). In a recent study based on a systematic sampling frame in which lesbian and heterosexual parent families were well-matched on demographic characteristics, there were no differences in the frequency of contact with grandparents as a function of parental sexual orientation (Fulcher et al., 2002). Gartrell and her colleagues (2000) have also reported that grandparents were very likely to acknowledge the children of lesbian daughters as grandchildren. Thus, available evidence suggests that, contrary to popular concerns, intergenerational relationships in lesbian mother families are satisfactory.

Children's contacts with adult friends of their lesbian mothers have also been assessed (Fulcher et al., 2002; Golombok et al., 1983; Patterson et al., 1998). All of the children were described as having contact with adult friends of their mothers, and most lesbian mothers reported that their adult friends were a mixture of homosexual and heterosexual individuals. Children of lesbian mothers were no less likely than those of heterosexual mothers to be in contact with adult men who were friends of their mothers (Fulcher et al., 2002).

Concerns that children of lesbian or gay parents are more likely than children of heterosexual parents to be sexually abused have also been addressed. Results of work in this area reveal that the great majority of adults who perpetrate sexual abuse are male; sexual abuse of children by adult women is extremely rare (Finkelhor & Russell, 1984; Jones & McFarlane, 1980; Sarafino, 1979). Moreover, the overwhelming majority of child sexual abuse cases involve an adult male abusing a young female (Jenny, Roesler, & Poyer, 1994; Jones & McFarlane, 1980). Available evidence reveals that gay men are no more likely than heterosexual men to perpetrate child sexual abuse (Groth & Birnbaum, 1978; Jenny et al., 1994; Sarafino, 1979). There are few published reports relevant to the issue of sexual abuse of children living in custody of lesbian or gay parents. A recent study did, however, find that none of the lesbian mothers participating in a longitudinal study had abused their children (Gartrell et al., 2005). Fears that children in custody of lesbian or gay parents might be at heightened risk for sexual abuse are without basis in the research literature.

Results of research to date suggest that children of lesbian and gay parents have positive relationships with peers and that their relationships with adults of both sexes are also satisfactory. The picture of lesbian mothers' children that emerges is one of general engagement in social life with peers, with fathers, with grandparents, and with mothers' adult friends-both male and female, both heterosexual and homosexual. Fears about children of lesbians and gay men being sexually abused by adults, ostracized by peers, or isolated in single-sex lesbian or gay communities have received no support from the results of existing research.

Diversity Among Lesbian Mothers, Gay Fathers, & Their Children

By Charlotte J. Patterson, PhD

Despite the tremendous diversity evident within lesbian and gay communities, research on differences among lesbian and gay families with children is sparse. One important kind of heterogeneity involves the circumstances of children's birth or adoption. Some men and women have had children in the context of a heterosexual relationship that split up after one or both parents assumed lesbian or gay identities. Much of the existing research on lesbian mothers, gay fathers, and their children was initiated to address concerns that arose for such families in the context of child custody disputes, and was apparently designed at least in part to examine the veracity of common stereotypes that have been voiced in legal proceedings. A growing number of men and women have also had children after assuming lesbian or gay identities. Recently, research has begun to address issues relevant to families of this type (Brewaeys et al., 1997; Chan et al., 1998a, 1998b; Flaks et al., 1995; Gartrell et al., 1996, 1999, 2000; Golombok et al., 1997; Johnson & O'Connor, 2002; McCandlish, 1987; Parks, 1998; Patterson, 1992, 1994a, 1995a, 1995b, 1998, 2001; Patterson et al., 1998; Steckel, 1987; Tasker, 1999). Parents and children in these two kinds of families are likely to have experiences that differ in many respects (Wright, 1998).

In this section, research findings are described on the impact of parental psychological and relationship status and on the influence of other stresses and supports. One area of diversity among lesbian and gay parented families concerns whether or not the custodial parent is involved in a couple relationship, and if so, what implications this relationship may have for children. Pagelow (1980), Kirkpatrick et al. (1981), and Golombok et al. (1983) all reported that divorced lesbian mothers were more likely than divorced heterosexual mothers to be living with a romantic partner. However, none of these investigators examined associations between this variable and children's adjustment or development. In studies that have compared adjustment of mothers and children in single- versus two-parent lesbian parent families (e.g., Brewaeys et al., 1997; Chan et al., 1998b), no clear differences have emerged.

Huggins (1989) reported that self-esteem among daughters of lesbian mothers whose lesbian partners lived with them was higher than that among daughters of lesbian mothers who did not live with a partner. Because of the small sample size and the absence of statistical tests, this finding should be seen as suggestive rather than conclusive. Kirkpatrick has also stated her impression that "contrary to the fears expressed in court, children in households that included the mother's lesbian lover had a richer, more open and stable family life" than did those in single-parent lesbian mother households (Kirkpatrick, 1987, p. 204). On the other hand, self-concept did not vary as a function of family type in another study (Patterson, 1994a), though the failure to find differences in this case may have been due to lack of statistical power, as the number of single-parent families in this sample was small.

Issues related to division of family and household labor have also been studied. In families headed by lesbian couples, Patterson (1995a) found that biological and nonbiological mothers did not differ in their reported involvement in household and family decision-making tasks, but biological mothers reported spending more time in child care, and nonbiological mothers reported spending more time in paid employment. In families where mothers reported sharing child care duties relatively evenly, parents were more satisfied and children were better adjusted. Thus, equal sharing of child care duties was associated with more advantageous outcomes both for parents and for children in this study. In more recent studies, however, differences between biological and nonbiological mothers have not always been significant, and the associations between parental division of labor and child adjustment have not always been replicated (see, for example, Chan et al., 1998a; Johnson & O'Connor, 2002).

Another aspect of diversity among lesbian and gay parented families relates to the psychological status and well-being of the parent. Research on parent-child relations in heterosexual parent families has consistently revealed that children's adjustment is often related to indices of maternal mental health. Thus, one might expect factors that enhance mental health among lesbian mothers or gay fathers also to benefit their children. Lott-Whitehead and Tully (1993) reported considerable variability in the amounts of stress described by lesbian mothers, but did not describe sources of stress nor their relations to child adjustment. Rand, Graham, and Rawlings (1982) found that lesbian mothers' sense of psychological well-being was associated with their degree of openness about their lesbian identity with employers, ex-husbands, and children. Mothers who felt more able to disclose their lesbian identity were more likely to express a positive sense of well-being. Unfortunately, no information about the relations of these findings to adjustment among children of these women was reported.

More recently, Patterson (2001) reported that maternal mental health was strongly associated with adjustment among young children born to, or adopted early in life, by lesbian mothers. In general, mothers who reported few psychological symptoms also described their children as better adjusted. The mothers in this sample reported being relatively open about their lesbian identities, and most were in good mental health. The sample was thus skewed toward the healthy end of the distribution. In light of the moderate sample size (66 mothers) and restricted range, it is especially noteworthy that associations between maternal mental health and children's adjustment emerged so clearly.

Like other children and youth, those with lesbian mothers who enjoy warm and caring family relationships are likely to fare better. Chan and his colleagues (1998b) reported that children had fewer behavior problems when parents were experiencing less stress, having fewer interparental conflicts, and feeling greater love for one another. This was true both for children of lesbian and for those of heterosexual parents in their sample. In a similar vein, Wainright and her colleagues (2004) reported that, when parents rated the quality of their relationships with adolescents higher, youth were less likely to report depressive symptoms, and were also less likely to have trouble at school; again, this was true both of adolescents with same-sex and of those with opposite-sex parents.

Another area of great diversity among families with a lesbian or gay parent concerns the degree to which a parent's lesbian or gay identity is accepted by other significant people in a child's life. Huggins (1989) found a tendency for children whose fathers were rejecting of maternal lesbian identities to report lower self-esteem than those whose fathers were neutral or positive. Because of the small sample size and absence of significance tests, this finding should be regarded as suggestive rather than definitive. However, Huggins' (1989) finding does raise questions about the extent to which reactions of important adults in a child's environment can influence responses to discovery of a parent's lesbian or gay identity.

Gershon, Tschann, & Jemerin (1999) studied the relations among perception of stigma, self-esteem, and coping skills among adolescent offspring of lesbian mothers. They conducted interviews with 76 adolescents, aged 11-18 years, and examined the impact of societal factors on self-esteem. The participants had either been born to women who identified as lesbians (n = 25) or had been born in the context of their mother's earlier heterosexual marriage (n = 51). Gershon and her colleagues found that adolescents who perceived more stigmas related to having a lesbian mother had lower self-esteem in five of seven areas, including social acceptance, self-worth, behavioral conduct, physical appearance, and close friendship. They hypothesized that the presence of various types of coping skills would moderate this relationship between perceived stigma and self-esteem. However, their results showed that only good decision making had a moderating effect: In the face of high perceived stigma, adolescents possessing better decision-making skills had higher self-esteem in the area of behavioral conduct.

In a study of children born to lesbian mothers, Gartrell and her colleagues (2005) reported that 10-year-olds who encountered anti-gay sentiments among their peers were likely to report having felt angry, upset, or sad about these experiences. The children who reported such experiences were somewhat more likely to be described by their mothers as having behavior problems (Gartrell et al., 2005). This latter finding suggests the possibility that children of lesbian and gay parents may fare better in supportive environments. In view of the small effect size and absence of data from sources outside the family, however, this result should probably be viewed as suggestive rather than definitive at this time.

Effects of the age at which children learn of parental homosexuality have also been a topic of study. Paul (1986) reported that offspring who were told of parental lesbian, gay, or bisexual identity either in childhood or in late adolescence found the news easier to cope with than those who first learned of it during early to middle adolescence. Huggins (1989) also reported that those who learned of maternal lesbianism in childhood had higher self-esteem than did those who were not informed of it until they were adolescents. Because young adolescents are often preoccupied with their own emerging sexuality, it is widely agreed that early adolescence is a particularly difficult time for youth to learn that a mother is lesbian or a father is gay (Bozett, 1980; Pennington, 1987; Schulenberg, 1985).

Some investigators have also raised questions about the potential role of peer support in helping children to cope with issues raised by having a lesbian or gay parent. Lewis (1980) was the first to suggest that children's silence on the topic of parental sexual orientation with peers and siblings might add to their feelings of isolation from other children. All of the 11 adolescents studied by O'Connell (1993) reported exercising selectivity about when they disclosed information about their mothers' lesbian identities. Paul (1986) found that 29% of his young adult respondents had never known anyone else with a lesbian, gay, or bisexual parent, suggesting that feelings of isolation are very real for some young people. Barrett and Tasker (2001) reported that most of the adolescents with gay fathers in their study were not open with heterosexual friends about their fathers' sexual orientation. On the other hand, Gartrell and her colleagues (2005) reported that most of the 10-year-olds with lesbian mothers whom they interviewed were open with peers about their families. It is possible that, over the last several years, and in some environments, it has become easier for children to feel comfortable disclosing that they have nonheterosexual parents. Lewis (1980) suggested that children would benefit from support groups consisting of children of lesbian or gay parents, and young people interviewed by O'Connell (1993) agreed. Such groups exist, but systematic evaluations of them have not been reported.

In summary, research on diversity among families with lesbian and gay parents and on the potential effects of such diversity on children is still sparse (Martin, 1993, 1998; Patterson, 1995b, 2000, 2001, 2004; Perrin, 2002; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001; Tasker, 1999). Data on children of parents who identify as bisexual are still not available, and information about children of non-White lesbian or gay parents is hard to find (but see Wainright et al., 2004, for a racially diverse sample). Existing data on children of lesbian mothers, however, suggest that children fare better when mothers are in good psychological health and living happily with a lesbian partner with whom they share child care. Children may find it easier to deal with issues raised by having lesbian and/or gay parents if they learn of parental sexual orientation during childhood rather than during the early years of adolescence. Existing data also suggest the value of a supportive milieu, in which parental sexual orientation is accepted by other significant adults and in which children have contact with peers in similar circumstances. However, the existing data are still limited, and any conclusions must be seen as tentative. It is clear that existing research provides no basis for believing that children's best interests are served by family conflict or secrecy about a parent's lesbian or gay identity, or by requirements that a lesbian or gay parent maintain a household separate from that of a same-sex partner.

By Charlotte J. Patterson, PhD

In summary, there is no evidence to suggest that lesbian women or gay men are unfit to be parents or that psychosocial development among children of lesbian women or gay men is compromised relative to that among offspring of heterosexual parents. Not a single study has found children of lesbian or gay parents to be disadvantaged in any significant respect relative to children of heterosexual parents. Indeed, the evidence to date suggests that home environments provided by lesbian and gay parents are as likely as those provided by heterosexual parents to support and enable children's psychosocial growth.

It should be acknowledged that research on lesbian and gay parents and their children, though no longer new, is still limited in extent. Although studies of gay fathers and their children have been conducted (Patterson, 2004), less is known about children of gay fathers than about children of lesbian mothers. Although studies of adolescent and young adult offspring of lesbian and gay parents are available (e.g., Gershon et al., 1999; Tasker & Golombok, 1997; Wainright et al., 2004), relatively few studies have focused on the offspring of lesbian or gay parents during adolescence or adulthood. Although more diverse samples have been included in recent studies (e.g., Golombok et al., 2003; Wainright et al., 2004), many sources of heterogeneity have yet to be systematically investigated. Although two longitudinal studies have been reported (Gartrell et al., 1996, 1999, 2000; Tasker & Golombok, 1997), longitudinal studies that follow lesbian and gay parent families over time are still needed. Thus, although a considerable amount of information is available, additional research would further our understanding of lesbian and gay parents and their children.

The annotated bibliography includes all the publications cited in the research summary. The annotations are mostly published abstracts reprinted with permission of PsychINFO, ERIC, the publishers, or the authors. A few of the annotations are original and are reprinted with permission from the previous edition of this publication.

To increase the usefulness of the annotated bibliography, we have divided the entries into seven main sections:

Abstracts from the PsychINFO database (Copyright 1872-2005 by the American Psychological Association, all rights reserved) are reprinted with permission of the APA and may not be reproduced without prior permission. For more information, contact APA at 750 First Street, NE; Washington, DC 20002-4242 or psycinfo@apa.org, 1-800-374-2722.

Copies of dissertations may be obtained by addressing your request to UMI® Dissertation Services, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 USA. Telephone: (734) 761-7400; Web page.

Empirical Studies Specifically Related to Lesbian & Gay Parents & Their Children

Bailey, J. M., Bobrow, D., Wolfe, M., & Mikach, S. (1995). Sexual orientation of adult sons of gay fathers. Developmental Psychology, 31, 124-129.

The sexual development of children of gay and lesbian parents is interesting for both scientific and social reasons. The present study is the largest to date to focus on the sexual orientation of adult sons of gay men. From advertisements in gay publications, 55 gay or bisexual men were recruited who reported on 82 sons at least 17 years of age. More than 90% of sons whose sexual orientations could be rated were heterosexual. Furthermore, gay and heterosexual sons did not differ on potentially relevant variables such as the length of time they had lived with their fathers. Results suggest that any environmental influence of gay fathers on their sons' sexual orientation is not large. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)

Bigner, J. J., & Jacobsen, R. B. (1989b). Parenting behaviors of homosexual and heterosexual fathers. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Homosexuality and the family (pp. 173-186). New York: Harrington Park Press.

Compared the responses of 33 homosexual (HMS) fathers with those of 33 heterosexual (HTS) fathers on the Iowa Parent Behavior Inventory. HMS subjects did not differ significantly from HTS subjects in their reported degree of involvement or in intimacy level with children. HMS subjects tended to be more strict and more responsive to children's needs and provided reasons for appropriate behavior to children more consistently than HTS subjects. Possible explanations for these similarities and differences in parenting styles are explored. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)

Brewaeys, A., Ponjaert, I., Van Hall, E. V., & Golombok, S. (1997). Donor insemination: Child development and family functioning in lesbian mother families. Human Reproduction, 12, 1349-1359.

Abstract can be found at: http://humrep.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/12/6/1349?maxtoshow=&HITS=10&hits=10&RESULTFORMAT=&author1= brewaeys&andorexactfulltext=and&searchid=1124897164877_2266& stored_search=&FIRSTINDEX=0&sortspec=relevance&volume=12& resourcetype=1&journalcode=humrep. (Copyright © 1997 by European Society of Human Reproduction and Embriology. All rights reserved.)

Sullivan, M. (1996). Rozzie and Harriet? Gender and family patterns of lesbian coparents. Gender and Society, 10, 747-767.
In this article the author explores the ways in which lesbian coparents divide household, child care, and paid labor to learn whether, and the degree to which, they adopt egalitarian work and family arrangements. Informed by a brief overview of U.S. gay liberation and family politics, and the theoretical and empirical work on the household division of labor by gender, this qualitative analysis of 34 Northern California families suggests that equitable practices-a pattern of equal sharing-among these lesbian coparents are the norm. Less frequently, the Rozzie and Harriet pattern of primary breadwinner/primary caregiver emerges, apparently in relation to differences in parents' relative income and their desire to offer children a "sense of family." The experience of this minority of couples reveals a division of labor that mimics modern heterosexual expectations and highlights the powerful negative effect of economic dependency on women who are full-time caregivers. (PsycINFO Database Record. Copyright © 2002 by the American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.)

Wright, J. M. (1998). Lesbian stepfamilies: An ethnography of love. New York: Harrington Park Press.

Lesbian Step Families: An Ethnography of Love explores five lesbian step families' definitions of the step parent role and how they accomplish parenting tasks, cope with homophobia, and define and interpret their experiences. An intensive feminist qualitative study, the book offers guidelines for counselors and lesbian step families for creating healthy, functioning family structures and environments. It is the first book to concentrate exclusively on lesbian step families rather than on lesbian mothering in general.

In Lesbian Step Families: An Ethnography of Love, you'll explore in detail the different kinds of step relationships that are developed and what factors may lead to the different types of step mothering in lesbian step families. The book helps you understand these relationships and parent roles through in-depth discussions of:

how a step mother and legal mother who live together negotiate and organize parenting and homemaking tasks,

how members of lesbian step families define and create the step mother role,

strategies family members use to define and cope with oppression,

how sexism is transmitted within the family and how mothering may limit and/or contribute to female liberation, and

The opinions and viewpoints of the children of these families.

The findings in Lesbian Step Families: An Ethnography of Love challenge traditional views of mothering and fathering as gender and biologically based activities; they indicate that lesbian step families model gender flexibility and that the mothers and step mothers share parenting-both traditional mothering and fathering-tasks. This allows the biological mother some freedom from motherhood as well as support in it. With insight such as this, you will be prepared to help a client, a loved one, or yourself develop and maintain healthy family relationships. (Reprinted with permission of Haworth Press Copyright © 1998. All rights reserved.)

Empirical Studies Generally Related to the Fitness of Lesbians & Gay Men as Parents

Reviews of Empirical Studies Specifically Related to Lesbian & Gay Parents and Their Children

Reviews of Empirical Studies Generally Related to the Fitness of Lesbians and Gay Men as Parents

Case Studies and Popular Works Related to Lesbian and Gay Parenting

Theoretical & Conceptual Examinations Related to Lesbian & Gay Parenting

Professional Association Policies

American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (1999)

The American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (AACAP) approved the following statement in support of gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals in June 1999:

"The basis on which all decisions relating to custody and parental rights should rest on the best interest of the child. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals historically have faced more rigorous scrutiny than heterosexuals regarding their rights to be or become parents.

"There is no evidence to suggest or support that parents with a gay, lesbian, or bisexual orientation are per se different from or deficient in parenting skills, child-centered concerns and parent-child attachments, when compared to parents with a heterosexual orientation. It has long been established that a homosexual orientation is not related to psychopathology, and there is no basis on which to assume that a parental homosexual orientation will increase likelihood of or induce a homosexual orientation in the child.

"Outcome studies of children raised by parents with a homosexual or bisexual orientation, when compared to heterosexual parents, show no greater degree of instability in the parental relationship or developmental dysfunction in children.

"The AACAP opposes any discrimination based on sexual orientation against individuals in regard to their rights as custodial or adoptive parents as adopted by Council."

American Academy of Family Physicians (2002)

On gay and lesbian parenting. The American Academy of Family Physicians (AAFP) adopted the following position statement at its October 2002 meeting:

"RESOLVED, That the AAFP establish policy and be supportive of legislation which promotes a safe and nurturing environment, including psychological and legal security, for all children, including those of adoptive parents, regardless of the parents' sexual orientation. "

American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers (2004)

On same-sex unions. The American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers adopted the following position statement at its November 2004 meeting:

"BE IT RESOLVED That the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers supports the legalization of marriage between same-sex couples and the extension to same-sex couples who marry and their children of all of the legal rights and obligations of spouses and children of spouses."

"BE IT RESOLVED That the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers encourages the United States Congress and the legislatures of all states to achieve the legalization of marriage between same-sex couples and the extension to same-sex couples who marry and their children of all of the legal rights and obligations of spouses and children of spouses. "

American Academy of Pediatrics (2002)

The American Academy of Pediatrics issued the following statement in support of gay and lesbian parenting and called for equal access to co-parenting and second-parent adoption rights for gay and lesbian parents in February 2002:

"Children deserve to know that their relationships with both of their parents are stable and legally recognized. This applies to all children, whether their parents are of the same or opposite sex. The American Academy of Pediatrics recognizes that a considerable body of professional literature provides evidence that children with parents who are homosexual can have the same advantages and the same expectations for health, adjustment, and development as can children whose parents are heterosexual. When two adults participate in parenting a child, they and the child deserve the serenity that comes with legal recognition.

"Children born or adopted into families headed by partners who are of the same sex usually have only one biologic or adoptive legal parent. The other partner in a parental role is called the "coparent" or "second parent." Because these families and children need the permanence and security that are provided by having two fully sanctioned and legally defined parents, the Academy supports the legal adoption of children by coparents or second parents. Denying legal parent status through adoption to coparents or second parents prevents these children from enjoying the psychologic and legal security that comes from having two willing, capable, and loving parents.

"Several states have considered or enacted legislation sanctioning second-parent adoption by partners of the same sex. In addition, legislative initiatives assuring legal status equivalent to marriage for gay and lesbian partners, such as the law approving civil unions in Vermont, can also attend to providing security and permanence for the children of those partnerships.

"Many states have not yet considered legislative actions to ensure the security of children whose parents are gay or lesbian. Rather, adoption has been decided by probate or family courts on a case-by-case basis. Case precedent is limited. It is important that a broad ethical mandate exist nationally that will guide the courts in providing necessary protection for children through coparent adoption.

"Coparent or second-parent adoption protects the child's right to maintain continuing relationships with both parents. The legal sanction provided by coparent adoption accomplishes the following:

1. Guarantees that the second parent's custody rights and responsibilities will be protected if the first parent were to die or become incapacitated. Moreover, second-parent adoption protects the child's legal right of relationships with both parents. In the absence of coparent adoption, members of the family of the legal parent, should he or she become incapacitated, might successfully challenge the surviving coparent's rights to continue to parent the child, thus causing the child to lose both parents.

2. Protects the second parent's rights to custody and visitation if the couple separates. Likewise, the child's right to maintain relationships with both parents after separation, viewed as important to a positive outcome in separation or divorce of heterosexual parents, would be protected for families with gay or lesbian parents.

3. Establishes the requirement for child support from both parents in the event of the parents' separation.

4. Ensures the child's eligibility for health benefits from both parents.

5. Provides legal grounds for either parent to provide consent for medical care and to make education, health care, and other important decisions on behalf of the child.

6. Creates the basis for financial security for children in the event of the death of either parent by ensuring eligibility to all appropriate entitlements, such as Social Security survivors benefits.

"On the basis of the acknowledged desirability that children have and maintain a continuing relationship with two loving and supportive parents, the Academy recommends that pediatricians do the following:

Be familiar with professional literature regarding gay and lesbian parents and their children.

Support the right of every child and family to the financial, psychologic, and legal security that results from having legally recognized parents who are committed to each other and to the welfare of their children.

Advocate for initiatives that establish permanency through coparent or second-parent adoption for children of same-sex partners through the judicial system, legislation, and community education. "

American Anthropological Association (2004)

On same-sex unions. The American Anthropological Association issued the following statement in February 2004:

"The results of more than a century of anthropological research on households, kinship relationships, and families, across cultures and through time, provide no support whatsoever for the view that either civilization or viable social orders depend upon marriage as an exclusively heterosexual institution. Rather, anthropological research supports the conclusion that a vast array of family types, including families built upon same-sex partnerships, can contribute to stable and humane societies.

"The Executive Board of the American Anthropological Association strongly opposes a constitutional amendment limiting marriage to heterosexual couples. "

On same-sex unions. The American Anthropological Association issued the following statement in February 2004:

"The results of more than a century of anthropological research on households, kinship relationships, and families, across cultures and through time, provide no support whatsoever for the view that either civilization or viable social orders depend upon marriage as an exclusively heterosexual institution. Rather, anthropological research supports the conclusion that a vast array of family types, including families built upon same-sex partnerships, can contribute to stable and humane societies.

"The Executive Board of the American Anthropological Association strongly opposes a constitutional amendment limiting marriage to heterosexual couples. "

American Bar Association (2003, 1999, and 1995)

On gay and lesbian parenting. The American Bar Association adopted the following position statement in August 2003:

"RESOLVED, That the American Bar Association supports state and territorial laws and court decisions that permit the establishment of legal parent-child relationships through joint adoptions and second-parent adoptions by unmarried persons who are functioning as a child's parents when such adoptions are in the best interests of the child. "

On gay and lesbian parenting. The American Bar Association adopted the following position statement in February 1999:

"RESOLVED, That the American Bar Association supports the enactment of laws and implementation of public policy that provide that sexual orientation shall not be a bar to adoption when the adoption is determined to be in the best interest of the child. "

On child custody and visitation. The American Bar Association adopted the following position statement in August 1995:

"BE IT RESOLVED, That the American Bar Association supports the enactment of legislation and implementation of public policy providing that child custody and visitation shall not be denied or restricted on the basis of sexual orientation. "
American Medical Association
On gay and lesbian parenting. The American Medical Association adopted the following position statement at its June 2004 meeting:

"WHEREAS, Having two fully sanctioned and legally defined parents promotes a safe and nurturing environment for children, including psychological and legal security; and

"WHEREAS, Children born or adopted into families headed by partners who are of the same sex usually have only one biologic or adoptive legal parent; and

"WHEREAS, The legislative protection afforded to children of parents in homosexual relationships varies from state to state, with some states enacting or considering legislation sanctioning co-parent or second parent adoption by partners of the same sex, several states declining to consider legislation, and at least one state altogether banning adoption by the second parent; and

"WHEREAS, Co-parent or second parent adoption guarantees that the second parent's custody rights and responsibilities are protected if the first parent dies or becomes incapacitated; and

"WHEREAS, Co-parent or second parent adoption ensures the child's eligibility for health benefits from both parents and establishes the requirement for child support from both parents in the event of the parents' separation; and

"WHEREAS, Co-parent or second parent adoption establishes legal grounds to provide consent for medical care and to make health care decisions on behalf of the child and guarantees visitation rights if the child becomes hospitalized; and

"WHEREAS, The American Academy of Pediatrics and the American Psychiatric Association have each issued statements supporting initiatives which allow same-sex couples to adopt and co-parent children; therefore be it

"RESOLVED, That our American Medical Association support legislative and other efforts to allow the adoption of a child by the same-sex partner, or opposite sex non-married partner, who functions as a second parent or co-parent to that child. (New HOD Policy)"

American Psychiatric Association (2002, 1997, and 2000)

On gay and lesbian parenting. The American Psychiatric Association adopted the following position statement at its November 2002 meeting:

"The American Psychiatric Association supports initiatives that allow same-sex couples to adopt and co-parent children and supports all the associated legal rights, benefits, and responsibilities which arise from such initiatives. "

On gay and lesbian parenting. The American Psychiatric Association adopted the following position statement at its December 1997 meeting:

"1. Sexual orientation should not be used as the sole or primary factor in child custody decisions. "

"2. Gay and lesbian couples and individuals should be allowed to become parents through adoption, fostering and new reproductive technologies, subject to the same type of screening used with heterosexual couples and individuals. "

"3. Second-parent adoptions which grant full parental rights to a second, unrelated adult (usually an unmarried partner of a legal parent), are often in the best interest of the child(ren) and should not be prohibited solely because both adults are of the same gender. "

"4. Custody determinations after dissolution of a gay relationship should be done in a manner similar to other custody determinations. "

On same-sex unions. The American Psychiatric Association adopted the following position statement at its November 2000 meeting:

"The American Psychiatric Association supports the legal recognition of same sex unions and their associated legal rights, benefits and responsibilities. "

American Psychoanalytic Association (1997 and 2002)

On marriage. The Executive Council of the American Psychoanalytic Association endorsed the following resolution in December 1997 (reaffirmed in March 2004):

"Because marriage is a basic human right and an individual personal choice, RESOLVED, the state should not interfere with same-gender couples who choose to marry and share fully and equally in the rights, responsibilities, and commitment of civil marriage. "

On gay and lesbian parenting. The American Psychoanalytic Association adopted this policy statement in support of gay and lesbian parenting in May 2002:

"The American Psychoanalytic Association supports the position that the salient consideration in decisions about parenting, including conception, child rearing, adoption, visitation and custody is in the best interest of the child. Accumulated evidence suggests the best interest of the child requires attachment to committed, nurturing and competent parents. Evaluation of an individual or couple for these parental qualities should be determined without prejudice regarding sexual orientation. Gay and lesbian individuals and couples are capable of meeting the best interest of the child and should be afforded the same rights and should accept the same responsibilities as heterosexual parents. With the adoption of this position statement, we support research studies that further our understanding of the impact of both traditional and gay/lesbian parenting on a child's development. "

American Psychological Association (1976, 1998, and 2004)

For full text of APA policy statements on lesbian, gay, and bisexual concerns, see APA policy lgbc.

D iscrimination Against Homosexuals

[Adopted by the American Psychological Association (APA) Council of Representatives on January 24-26, 1975.]

"1. The American Psychological Association supports the action taken on December 15, 1973, by the American Psychiatric Association, removing homosexuality from that Association's official list of mental disorders. The American Psychological Association therefore adopts the following resolution:

"Homosexuality per se implies no impairment in judgment, stability, reliability, or general social and vocational capabilities; Further, the American Psychological Association urges all mental health professionals to take the lead in removing the stigma of mental illness that has long been associated with homosexual orientations.

"2. Regarding discrimination against homosexuals, the American Psychological Association adopts the following resolution concerning their civil and legal rights:

"The American Psychological Association deplores all public and private discrimination in such areas as employment, housing, public accommodation, and licensing against those who engage in or have engaged in homosexual activities and declares that no burden of proof of such judgment, capacity, or reliability shall be placed upon these individuals greater than that imposed on any other persons. Further, the American Psychological Association supports and urges the enactment of civil rights legislation at the local, state, and federal levels that would offer citizens who engage in acts of homosexuality the same protections now guaranteed to others on the basis of race, creed, color, etc. Further, the American Psychological Association supports and urges the repeal of all discriminatory legislation singling out homosexual acts by consenting adults in private (Conger, 1975, p. 633). "

Conger, J. J. (1975). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1974: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 30, 620-651.

On marriage rights for same-sex couples. The American Psychological Association Council of Representatives adopted this position statement on July 28, 2004:

"WHEREAS APA has a long-established policy to deplore 'all public and private discrimination against gay men and lesbians' and urges 'the repeal of all discriminatory legislation against lesbians and gay men' (Conger, 1975, p. 633);

"WHEREAS the APA adopted the Resolution on Legal Benefits for Same-Sex Couples in 1998 (Levant, 1998, pp. 665-666);

"WHEREAS discrimination and prejudice based on sexual orientation detrimentally affect psychological, physical, social, and economic well-being (Badgett, 2001; Cochran, Sullivan, & Mays, 2003; Herek, Gillis, & Cogan, 1999; Meyer, 2003);

"WHEREAS 'anthropological research on households, kinship relationships, and families, across cultures and through time, provide no support whatsoever for the view that either civilization or viable social orders depend upon marriage as an exclusively heterosexual institution' (American Anthropological Association, 2004);

"WHEREAS psychological research on relationships and couples provides no evidence to justify discrimination against same-sex couples (Kurdek, 2001, in press; Peplau & Beals, 2004; Peplau & Spalding, 2000);

"WHEREAS the institution of civil marriage confers a social status and important legal benefits, rights, and privileges;

"WHEREAS the United States General Accounting Office (2004) has identified over 1,000 federal statutory provisions in which marital status is a factor in determining or receiving benefits, rights, and privileges, for example, those concerning taxation, federal loans, and dependent and survivor benefits (e.g., Social Security, military, and veterans);

"WHEREAS there are numerous state, local, and private sector laws and other provisions in which marital status is a factor in determining or receiving benefits, rights, and privileges, for example, those concerning taxation, health insurance, health care decision making, property rights, pension and retirement benefits, and inheritance;

"WHEREAS same-sex couples are denied equal access to civil marriage;

"WHEREAS same-sex couples who enter into a civil union are denied equal access to all the benefits, rights, and privileges provided by federal law to married couples (United States General Accounting Office, 2004);

"WHEREAS the benefits, rights, and privileges associated with domestic partnerships are not universally available, are not equal to those associated with marriage, and are rarely portable;

"WHEREAS people who also experience discrimination based on age, race, ethnicity, disability, gender and gender identity, religion, and socioeconomic status may especially benefit from access to marriage for same-sex couples (Division 44/Committee on Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity Joint Task Force on Guidelines for Psychotherapy with Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Clients, 2000);

"THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED, THAT the APA believes that it is unfair and discriminatory to deny same-sex couples legal access to civil marriage and to all its attendant benefits, rights, and privileges;

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT APA shall take a leadership role in opposing all discrimination in legal benefits, rights, and privileges against same-sex couples;

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT APA encourages psychologists to act to eliminate all discrimination against same-sex couples in their practice, research, education, and training ("Ethical Principles, " 2002, p. 1063);

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT the APA shall provide scientific and educational resources that inform public discussion and public policy development regarding sexual orientation and marriage and that assist its members, divisions, and affiliated state, provincial, and territorial psychological associations. "

American Anthropological Association. (2004). Statement on marriage and family from the American Anthropological Association. Retrieved May 11, 2004, from http://www.aaanet.org/press/ma_stmt_marriage.htm.

American Psychological Association. (2002). Ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct. American Psychologist, 57, 1060-1073.

Badgett, M. V. L. (2001). Money, myths, and change: The economic lives of lesbians and gay men. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Cochran, S. D., Sullivan, J. G., & Mays, V. M. (2003). Prevalence of mental disorders, psychological distress, and mental health service use among lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults in the United States. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 71, 53-61.

Conger, J. J. (1975). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1974: Minutes of the Annual meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 30, 620-651.

Division 44/Committee on Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity Joint Task Force on Guidelines for Psychotherapy with Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Clients. (2000). Guidelines for psychotherapy with lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients. American Psychologist, 55, 1440-1451.

Herek, G. M., Gillis, J. R., & Cogan, J. C. (1999). Psychological sequelae of hate crime victimization among lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67, 945-951.

Kurdek, L. A. (2001). Differences between heterosexual non-parent couples and gay, lesbian, and heterosexual parent couples. Journal of Family Issues, 22, 727-754.

Levant, R. F. (1999). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the legislative year 1998: Minutes of the Annual meeting of the Council of Representatives February 20-22, 1998, Washington, DC, and August 13 and 16, 1998, San Francisco, CA, and minutes of the February, June, August, and December meetings of the Board of Directors. American Psychologist, 54, 605-671.

Meyer, I. H. (2003). Prejudice, social stress, mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 674-697.

Paige, R. U. (2005). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association for the legislative year 2004: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives, February 20-22, 2004, Washington, DC, and July 28 and 30, 2004, Honolulu, Hawaii, and Minutes of the February, April, June, August, October, and December 2004 Meetings of the Board of Directors. American Psychologist, 60, 436-511.

Peplau, L. A., & Beals, K. P. (2004). The family lives of lesbians and gay men. In A. L. Vangelisti (Ed.), Handbook of family communication (pp. 233-248). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Peplau, L. A., & Spalding, L. R. (2000). The close relationships of lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals. In C. Hendrick & S. S. Hendrick (Eds.), Close relationships: A sourcebook (pp. 111-123). Thousand Oaks: Sage.

United States General Accounting Office. (2004, January 23). Defense of Marriage Act: Update to prior report [GAO-04-353R]. Retrieved May 19, 2004, from http://www.gao.gov.

On parenting. The American Psychological Association Council of Representatives adopted this position statement July 28, 2004:

"WHEREAS APA supports policy and legislation that promote safe, secure, and nurturing environments for all children (DeLeon, 1993, 1995; Fox, 1991; Levant, 2000);

"WHEREAS APA has a long-established policy to deplore 'all public and private discrimination against gay men and lesbians' and urges 'the repeal of all discriminatory legislation against lesbians and gay men' (Conger, 1975);

"WHEREAS the APA adopted the Resolution on Child Custody and Placement in 1976 (Conger, 1977, p. 432);

"WHEREAS discrimination against lesbian and gay parents deprives their children of benefits, rights, and privileges enjoyed by children of heterosexual married couples;

"WHEREAS some jurisdictions prohibit gay and lesbian individuals and same-sex couples from adopting children, notwithstanding the great need for adoptive parents (Lofton v. Secretary, 2004);

"WHEREAS there is no scientific evidence that parenting effectiveness is related to parental sexual orientation: Lesbian and gay parents are as likely as heterosexual parents to provide supportive and healthy environments for their children (Patterson, 2000, 2004; Perrin, 2002; Tasker, 1999);

"WHEREAS research has shown that the adjustment, development, and psychological well-being of children is unrelated to parental sexual orientation and that the children of lesbian and gay parents are as likely as those of heterosexual parents to flourish (Patterson, 2004; Perrin, 2002; Stacey & Biblarz, 2001);

"THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED, THAT the APA opposes any discrimination based on sexual orientation in matters of adoption, child custody and visitation, foster care, and reproductive health services;

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT the APA believes that children reared by a same-sex couple benefit from legal ties to each parent;

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT the APA supports the protection of parent-child relationships through the legalization of joint adoptions and second-parent adoptions of children being reared by same-sex couples;

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT APA shall take a leadership role in opposing all discrimination based on sexual orientation in matters of adoption, child custody and visitation, foster care, and reproductive health services;

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT APA encourages psychologists to act to eliminate all discrimination based on sexual orientation in matters of adoption, child custody and visitation, foster care, and reproductive health services in their practice, research, education, and training (Ethical Principles, 2002, p. 1063);

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT the APA shall provide scientific and educational resources that inform public discussion and public policy development regarding discrimination based on sexual orientation in matters of adoption, child custody and visitation, foster care, and reproductive health services and that assist its members, divisions, and affiliated state, provincial, and territorial psychological associations. "

American Psychological Association. (2002). Ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct. American Psychologist, 57, 1060-1073.

Conger, J. J. (1977). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1976: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 32, 408-438.

Conger, J. J. (1975). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1974: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 30, 620-651.

DeLeon, P. H. (1995). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1994: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives August 11 and 14, 1994, Los Angeles, CA, and February 17-19, 1995, Washington, DC. American Psychologist, 49, 627-628.

DeLeon, P. H. (1993). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1992: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives August 13 and 16, 1992, and February 26-28, 1993, Washington, DC. American Psychologist, 48, 782.

Fox, R. E. (1991). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1990: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives August 9 and 12, 1990, Boston, MA, and February 8-9, 1991, Washington, DC. American Psychologist, 45, 845.

Levant, R. F. (2000). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1999: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives February 19-21, 1999, Washington, DC, and August 19 and 22, 1999, Boston, MA, and Minutes of the February, June, August, and December 1999 meetings of the Board of Directors. American Psychologist, 55, 832-890.

Lofton v. Secretary of Department of Children and Family Services, 358 F.3d 804 (11th Cir. 2004).

Patterson, C. J. (2004). Gay fathers. In M. E. Lamb (Ed.), The role of the father in child development (4th Ed.). New York: John Wiley.

Patterson, C. J. (2000). Family relationships of lesbians and gay men. Journal of Marriage and Family, 62, 1052-1069.

Perrin, E. C., & the Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health. (2002). Technical report: Coparent or second-parent adoption by same-sex parents. Pediatrics, 109, 341-344.

Stacey, J., & Biblarz, T. J. (2001). (How) Does sexual orientation of parents matter? American Sociological Review, 65, 159-183.

Tasker, F. (1999). Children in lesbian-led families- A review. Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 4, 153-166.

On parenting. The American Psychological Association Council of Representatives adopted the following position statement in September 1976:

"The sex, gender identity, or sexual orientation of natural or prospective adoptive or foster parents should not be the sole or primary variable considered in custody or placement cases. "

Reference: Conger, J. J. (1977). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1976: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 32, 408-438.

On legal benefits for same-sex couples. The American Psychological Association Council of Representatives adopted this position statement in August 1998:

"WHEREAS there is evidence that homosexuality per se implies no impairment in judgment, stability, reliability, or general social and vocational capabilities (Conger, 1975) for individuals;

"WHEREAS legislation, other public policy, and private policy on issues related to same-sex couples is currently under development in many places in North America (e.g., Canadian Psychological Association, 1996);

"WHEREAS the scientific literature has found no significant difference between different-sex couples and same-sex couples that justify discrimination (Kurdek, 1994; 1983; Peplau, 1991);

"WHEREAS scientific research has not found significant psychological or emotional differences between the children raised in different-sex versus same-sex households (Patterson, 1994);

"WHEREAS APA has, as a long established policy, deplored 'all public and private discrimination against gay men and lesbians in such areas as employment, housing, administration, and licensing ...' and has consistently urged 'the repeal of all discriminatory legislation against lesbians and gay men' (Conger, 1975);

"WHEREAS denying the legal benefits that the license of marriage offers to same-sex households (including, but not limited to, property rights, health care decision making, estate planning, tax consequences, spousal privileges in medical emergency situations, and co-parental adoption of children) is justified as fair and equal treatment;

"WHEREAS the absence of access to these benefits constitutes a significant psychosocial stressor for lesbians, gay men, and their families;

"WHEREAS APA provides benefits to its members' and employees' domestic partners equivalent to those provided to members' and employees' spouses;

"WHEREAS psychological knowledge can be used to inform the current public and legal debate on 'same-sex marriage' (e.g., Baehr v. Lewin);

"THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED, THAT APA supports the provision to same-sex couples of the legal benefits that typically accrue as a result of marriage to same-sex couples who desire and seek the legal benefits; and

"THEREFORE, BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, THAT APA shall provide relevant psychological knowledge to inform the public discussion in this area and assist state psychological associations and divisions in offering such information as needed. " Return to top

Baehr v. Lewin, 852 P.2d 44, 59 (Haw. 1993).

Canadian Psychological Association. (1996). Policy statement on equality for lesbians, gay men, and their relationships and families. [Available from the Canadian Psychological Association.]

Conger, J. J. (1975). Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1974: Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 30, 620-651.

Kurdek, L. A. (1993). The nature and correlates of relationship quality in gay, lesbian, and heterosexual cohabiting couples: A test of the individual difference, interdependence, and discrepancy models. In B. Greene & G. M. Herek (Eds.), Lesbian and gay psychology: Theory, research, and clinical issues (pp. 133-155). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Patterson, C. J. (1993). Children of the lesbian baby boom: Behavioral adjustment, self-concepts, and sex role theory. In B. Greene & G. M. Herek (Eds.), Lesbian and gay psychology: Theory, research, and clinical issues (pp. 156-175). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Peplau, A. L. (1991). Lesbian and gay relationships. In J. C. Gonsiorek and J. D. Weinrich (Eds.), Homosexuality: Research implications for public policy (pp. 177-196). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Child Welfare League of America (1988)

The Child Welfare League of America's Standards of Excellence for Adoption Services states:

"Applicants should be assessed on the basis of their abilities to successfully parent a child needing family membership and not on their race, ethnicity or culture, income, age, marital status, religion, appearance, differing lifestyles, or sexual orientation." Further, applicants for adoption should be accepted "on the basis of an individual assessment of their capacity to understand and meet the needs of a particular available child at the point of adoption and in the future. "

National Association of Social Workers (2002)

The National Association of Social Workers approved the following policy statement at in August 2002 at the NASW Delegate Assembly.

"Legislation legitimizing second-parent adoptions in same-sex households should be supported. Legislation seeking to restrict foster care and adoption by gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgender people should be vigorously opposed. "

National Association of Social Workers (1994). Policy statement on lesbian and gay issues. In Social Work Speaks: NASW Policy Statements (pp. 162-165). Washington, DC: National Association of Social Workers.

North American Council on Adoptable Children (1998)

The North American Council on Adoptable Children issued a policy statement in 1998 (amended April 14, 2002) that states:

"Children should not be denied a permanent family because of the sexual orientation of potential parents. Everyone with the potential to successfully parent a child in foster care or adoption is entitled to fair and equal consideration.

Legal Organizations

American Civil Liberties Union
125 Broad Street,18th Floor
New York, NY 10004
(Contact information varies by state)

Lesbian and Gay Rights Project (ACLU)
125 Broad Street,18th Floor
New York, NY , 10004
(Contact information varies by state)
Publications available:

Too high a price: The case against restricting gay parenting. (2004).

Families of value: Personal profiles of pioneering lesbian and gay parents.

Protecting families: Standard for child custody in same-sex relationships. (1999).

Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund
Lambda Legal
120 Wall Street, Suite 1500
New York, NY 10005-3905
Telephone: (212) 809-8585
Email: legalhelpdesk@lambdalegal.org.
Publications available:

You don't need to choose. As a parent, you have rights. (2004)

What's best for your kids? (2004).

The rights of lesbian and gay Parents and their children. (2002).

Protecting families. (1999).

Gay and Lesbian Advocates and Defenders
30 Winter Street, Suite 800
Boston, MA 02108
Telephone: (617) 426-1350
Email: gladlaw@glad.org
Publications available:

National Center for Lesbian Rights
870 Market Street, Suite 570
San Francisco, CA 94102
Telephone: (415) 392-NCLR
Email: info@nclrights.org
Publications available:

A lesbian and gay parents' legal guide to child custody. (1989).

AIDS and child custody: A guide to advocacy. (1990).

Lesbians choosing motherhood: Legal implications of donor insemination and co-parenting. (1991).

Lesbian mother litigation manual. (1990).

Preserving and protecting the families of lesbians and gay men . (1991).

Recognizing lesbian and gay families: Strategies for obtaining domestic partnership benefits. (1992).

Family Support Organizations

Colage: Children of Lesbians and Gays Everywhere
2300 Market Street
Box 165
San Francisco, CA 94114
Telephone: (415) 861-KIDS
E-mail: kidsofgays@aol.com

Family Diversity Projects Inc.
PO Box 1246
Amherst, MA 01004-1246
Phone: (413) 256-0502
Fax: (413) 253-3977
E-mail: info@familydiv.org
http://www.familydiv.org

Family Diversity Projects, a nonprofit organization in Amherst, MA, has created four award-winning traveling rental exhibits that tour communities, schools (K-12), colleges, mental health centers, libraries, houses of worship, workplaces, and conferences, nationwide and internationally. The four exhibits include:

Love Makes a Family: Portraits of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender People and Their Families (also a book published by University of Massachusetts Press);

In Our Family: Portraits of All Kinds of Families (with a full curriculum resource guide);

Of Many Colors: Portraits of Multiracial Families (also a book published by University of Massachusetts Press); and

Nothing To Hide: Mental Illness in the Family (also a book published by New Press).

By educating people of all ages to recognize, support, and celebrate the full range of diversity, our traveling exhibits are designed to help reduce prejudice, stereotyping, and harassment of all people who are perceived to be "different" from the "norm."

Love Makes a Family is a museum-quality traveling exhibit that includes photographs and interviews with families that have lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) members. Through first-person accounts and positive images, this exhibit seeks to challenge and change damaging myths and stereotypes about LGBT people and their families. At the most basic level, Love Makes a Family combats homophobia by breaking silence and making the invisible visible. By encouraging people of all ages-beginning in early childhood-to affirm and appreciate diversity, this traveling rental exhibit contributes to the process of dismantling the destructive power of prejudice and intolerance, thereby making the world a safer place for all families.

Designed for audiences of all ages, Love Makes a Family challenges stereotypes about LGBT people and helps dismantle homophobia. The photo-text rental exhibit consists of ready-to-hang framed photographs and text. The companion book, Love Makes a Family (published by the University of Massachusetts Press), was named the Best Book about Gay and Lesbian Issues by the Association of Independent Publishers. All of Family Diversity Projects' exhibits include gay- and lesbian-parented families.

For information about how to bring a Family Diversity Projects exhibit to your community (or to get information about the companion books), please contact the address and numbers listed at the beginning of this entry.

Gay and Lesbian Parents Coalition International (GLPCI)
P.O. Box 50360
Washington, DC 20091
Telephone: (202) 583-8029
E-mail: glpcinat@ix.netcom.com
Publications available:

Parents, Family and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG)
1726 M Street, NW
Suite 400
Washington, DC 20036
Telephone: (202) 467-8180
E-mail: info@pflag.org

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Lesbian and gay parenting: Theoretical and conceptual examinations

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"Lesbian and Gay Parenting" is a joint publication of APA's: The previous edition, which was titled Lesbian and Gay Parenting: A Resource for Psychologists (1995) was the successor to a publication titled Lesbian Parents and Their Children: A Resource Paper for Psychologists that was jointly produced by CLGBC and CWP in 1991.

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This article on the new Harry Potter movie mentions the backlash received from a black man being casted to play Snape. Those creating the movie are trying to be more inclusive by engaging in race blind casting but are finding themselves having issues with it. Fans are pointing out Snape’s appearance described in the books as “greasy, shoulder-length black hair, a large hooked nose, and sallow skin with cold, black eyes”. Snape is depicted in the book as a white man, so people are finding issues with the race blind casting that’s occurring.

Donaldson, M. (2025, March 9). Harry Potter fans fume at “blackwashing” as HBO “closing in” on actor to play snape: “just horrible casting!” GB News. https://www.gbnews.com/celebrity/harry-potter-fans-outrage-snape-cast-paapa-essiedu#:~:text=Harry%20Potter%20fans%20have%20been%20left%20divided%20over,actor%20John%20Lithgow%20being%20cast%20as%20Albus%20Dumbledore.

-Shelby Smith

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This article examines the way Americans view transgender issues such as acceptance, use of pronouns, and rapid gender shifts. Polls revealed that a lot of people realize transgender individuals experience discrimination and some believe society has come too far with accepting transgender individuals. This idea that people have become too accepting shows how strong heteronormative beliefs have harmed those that are transgender by keeping them excluded and dismissed.

Parker, K. (2022, June 28). Americans’ complex views on gender identity and transgender issues. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2022/06/28/americans-complex-views-on-gender-identity-and-transgender-issues/

-Shelby Smith

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Pew Research Center's Social & Demographic Trends Project

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Most favor protecting trans people from discrimination, but
fewer support policies related to medical care for gender transitions; many are uneasy with the pace of change on trans issues

As the United States addresses issues of transgender rights and the broader landscape around gender identity continues to shift, the American public holds a complex set of views around these issues, according to a new Pew Research Center survey.

Roughly eight-in-ten U.S. adults say there is at least some discrimination against transgender people in our society, and a majority favor laws that would protect transgender individuals from discrimination in jobs, housing and public spaces. At the same time, 60% say a person's gender is determined by their sex assigned at birth, up from 56% in 2021 and 54% in 2017.

The public is divided over the extent to which our society has accepted people who are transgender: 38% say society has gone too far in accepting them, while a roughly equal share (36%) say society hasn't gone far enough. About one-in-four say things have been about right. Underscoring the public's ambivalence around these issues, even among those who see at least some discrimination against trans people, a majority (54%) say society has either gone too far or been about right in terms of acceptance.

The fundamental belief about whether gender can differ from sex assigned at birth is closely aligned with opinions on transgender issues. Americans who say a person's gender can be different from their sex at birth are more likely than others to see discrimination against trans people and a lack of societal acceptance. They're also more likely to say that our society hasn't gone far enough in accepting people who are transgender. But even among those who say a person's gender is determined by their sex at birth, there is a diversity of viewpoints. Half of this group say they would favor laws that protect trans people from discrimination in certain realms of life. And about one-in-four say forms and online profiles should include options other than "male" or "female" for people who don't identify as either.
The Experiences, Challenges and Hopes of Transgender and Nonbinary U.S. adults

When it comes to issues surrounding gender identity, young adults are at the leading edge of change and acceptance. Half of adults ages 18 to 29 say someone can be a man or a woman even if that differs from the sex they were assigned at birth. This compares with about four-in-ten of those ages 30 to 49 and about a third of those 50 and older. Adults younger than 30 are also more likely than older adults to say society hasn't gone far enough in accepting people who are transgender (47% vs. 39% of 30- to 49-year-olds and 31% of those 50 and older)

These views differ even more sharply by partisanship. Democrats and those who lean to the Democratic Party are more than four times as likely as Republicans and Republican leaners to say that a person's gender can be different from the sex they were assigned at birth (61% vs. 13%). Democrats are also much more likely than Republicans to say our society hasn't gone far enough in accepting people who are transgender (59% vs. 10%). For their part, 66% of Republicans say society has gone too far in accepting people who are transgender.

Amid a national conversation over these issues, many states are considering or have put in place laws or policies that would directly affect the lives of transgender and nonbinary people - that is, those who don't identify as a man or a woman. Some of these laws would limit protections for transgender and nonbinary people; others are aimed at safeguarding them. The survey finds that a majority of U.S. adults (64%) say they would favor laws that would protect transgender individuals from discrimination in jobs, housing and public spaces such as restaurants and stores. But there is also a fair amount of support for specific proposals that would limit how trans people can participate in certain activities and navigate their day-to-day lives.

Roughly six-in-ten adults (58%) favor proposals that would require transgender athletes to compete on teams that match the sex they were assigned at birth (17% oppose this, 24% neither favor nor oppose). And 46% favor making it illegal for health care professionals to provide someone younger than 18 with medical care for a gender transition (31% oppose). The public is more evenly split when it comes to making it illegal for public school districts to teach about gender identity in elementary schools (41% favor and 38% oppose) and investigating parents for child abuse if they help someone younger than 18 get medical care for a gender transition (37% favor and 36% oppose). Across the board, views on these policies are deeply divided by party.

When asked what has influenced their views on gender identity - specifically, whether they believe a person can be a different gender than the sex they were assigned at birth - those who believe gender can be different from sex at birth and those who do not point to different factors. For the former group, the most influential factors shaping their views are what they've learned from science (40% say this has influenced their views a great deal or a fair amount) and knowing someone who is transgender (38%). Some 46% of those who say gender is determined by sex at birth also point to what they've learned from science, but this group is far more likely than those who say a person's gender can be different from their sex at birth to say their religious beliefs have had at least a fair amount of influence on their opinion (41% vs. 9%).

The nationally representative survey of 10,188 U.S. adults was conducted May 16-22, 2022. Previously published findings from the survey show that 1.6% of U.S. adults are trans or nonbinary, and the share is higher among adults younger than 30. More than four-in-ten U.S. adults know someone who is trans and 20% know someone who is nonbinary. Among the other key findings in this report:

Nearly half of U.S. adults (47%) say it's extremely or very important to use a person's new name if they transition to a gender that is different from the sex they were assigned at birth and change their name. A smaller share (34%) say the same about using someone's new pronouns (such as "he" instead of "she"). A majority of Democrats (64%) - compared with 28% of Republicans - say it's at least very important to use someone's new name if they go through a gender transition and change their name. And while 51% of Democrats say it's extremely or very important to use someone's new pronouns, just 14% of Republicans say the same.

Many Americans express discomfort with the pace of change around issues of gender identity. Some 43% say views on issues related to people who are transgender or nonbinary are changing too quickly, while 26% say things aren't changing quickly enough and 28% say the pace of change is about right. Adults ages 65 and older are the most likely to say views on these issues are changing too quickly; conversely, those younger than 30 are the most likely to say they're not changing quickly enough.

More than four-in-ten (44%) say forms and online profiles that ask about a person's gender should include options other than "male" and "female" for people who don't identify as either. Some 38% say the same about government documents such as passports and driver's licenses. Half of adults younger than 30 say government documents that ask about a person's gender should provide more than two gender options, compared with about four-in-ten or fewer among those in older age groups. Views differ even more widely by party: While majorities of Democrats say forms and online profiles (64%) and government documents (58%) should offer options other than "male" and "female," about eight-in-ten Republicans say they should not (79% say this about forms and online profiles and 83% say this about government documents).

Democrats and Republicans who agree that a person's gender is determined by their sex at birth often have different views on transgender issues. A majority (61%) of Democrats - but just 31% of Republicans - who say a person's gender is determined by the sex they were assigned at birth say there is at least a fair amount of discrimination against transgender people in our society today. And while 62% of Democrats who say gender is determined by sex at birth say they would favor policies that protect trans individuals against discrimination, fewer than half of their Republican counterparts say the same.

Democrats' views on some transgender issues vary by age. Among Democrats younger than 30, about seven-in-ten (72%) say someone can be a man or a woman even if that's different from the sex they were assigned at birth, and 66% say society hasn't gone far enough in accepting people who are transgender. Smaller majorities of Democrats 30 and older express these views. Age is less of a factor among Republicans. In fact, similar shares of Republicans ages 18 to 29 and those 65 and older say a person's gender is determined by their sex at birth (88% each) and that society has gone too far in accepting people who are transgender (67% of Republicans younger than 30 and 69% of those 65 and older).

About three-in-ten parents of K-12 students (29%) say at least one of their children has learned about people who are transgender or nonbinary from a teacher or another adult at their school. Similar shares across regions and in urban, suburban and rural areas say their children have learned about this in school, as do similar shares of Republican and Democratic parents. Views on whether it's good or bad that their children have or haven't learned about people who are trans or nonbinary at school vary by party and by children's age. For example, among parents of children in elementary school, 45% say either that their children have learned about this and that's a bad thing or that they haven't learned about it and that's a good thing. A smaller share of parents of middle and high schoolers (34%) say the same. Republican parents are much more likely than Democratic parents to say this, regardless of their child's age.

Six-in-ten U.S. adults say that whether a person is a man or a woman is determined by their sex assigned at birth. This is up from 56% one year ago and 54% in 2017. No single demographic group is driving this change, and patterns in who is more likely to say this are similar to what they were in past years.

Today, half or more in all age groups say that gender is determined by sex assigned at birth, but this is a less common view among younger adults. Half of adults younger than 30 say this, lower than the 60% of 30- to 49-year-olds who say the same. Even higher shares of those 50 to 64 (66%) and those 65 and older (64%) say a person's gender is determined by their sex at birth.

The party gap on this issue remains wide. The vast majority of Republicans and those who lean toward the GOP say gender is determined by sex assigned at birth (86%), compared with 38% of Democrats and Democratic leaners. Most Democrats say that whether a person is a man or a woman can be different from their sex at birth (61% vs. just 13% of Republicans). Liberal Democrats are particularly likely to hold this view - 79% say a person's gender can be different from sex at birth, compared with 45% of moderate or conservative Democrats. Meanwhile, 92% of conservative Republicans say gender is determined by sex at birth and 74% of moderate or liberal Republicans agree.

Democrats ages 18 to 29 are also substantially more likely than older Democrats to say that someone's gender can be different from their sex assigned at birth, although majorities of Democrats across age groups share this view. About seven-in-ten Democrats younger than 30 say this (72%), compared with about six-in-ten or fewer in the older age groups. Among Republicans, there is no clear pattern by age. About eight-in-ten or more Republicans across age groups - including 88% each among those ages 18 to 29 and those 65 and older - say a person's gender is determined by their sex at birth.

The view that a person's gender is determined by their sex assigned at birth is more common among those with lower levels of educational attainment and those living in rural areas or in the Midwest or South. This view is also more prevalent among men and Black Americans.

A solid majority of those who do not know a transgender person say that whether a person is a man or a woman is determined by sex assigned at birth (68%), while those who do know a trans person are more evenly split. About half say gender is determined by sex assigned at birth (51%), while 48% say gender and sex assigned at birth can be different.

Though Republicans who know a trans person are more likely than Republicans who don't to say gender can be different from sex assigned at birth, more than eight-in-ten in both groups (83% and 88%, respectively) say gender is determined by sex at birth. Meanwhile, there are large differences between Democrats who do and do not know a transgender person. A majority of Democrats who do know a trans person (72%) say someone can be a man or a woman even if that differs from their sex assigned at birth, while those who don't know anyone who is transgender are about evenly split (48% say gender is determined by sex assigned at birth while 51% say it can be different).

Many Americans point to science when asked what has influenced their views on whether gender can differ from sex assigned at birth

When asked about factors that have influenced their views about whether someone's gender can be different from the sex they were assigned at birth, 44% say what they've learned from science has had a great deal or a fair amount of influence. About three-in-ten (28%) point to their religious views and about two-in-ten (22%) say knowing someone who is transgender has influenced their views at least a fair amount. Smaller shares say what they've heard or read in the news (15%) or on social media (14%) has had a great deal or a fair amount of influence on their views.

The factors people point to on this topic differ by whether or not they say gender is determined by sex at birth. Among those who say that whether someone is a man or a woman is determined by the sex they were assigned at birth, 46% say what they've learned from science has influenced their views on this at least a fair amount, while 41% say the same about their religious views. About one-in-ten point to what they've heard or read in the news (12%), what they've heard or read on social media (11%) or knowing someone who's transgender (11%).

Among those who say someone can be a man or a woman even if that's different from the sex they were assigned at birth, 40% say their views on this topic have been influenced at least a fair amount by what they've learned from science. A similar share say the same about knowing a transgender person (38%). Smaller shares in this group say what they've heard or read in the news (19%) or on social media (18%) or their religious views (9%) have had a great deal or a fair amount of influence.

Among those who say gender is determined by sex assigned at birth, adults younger than 30 stand out as being more likely than their older counterparts to say their knowledge of science (60%), what they've heard or read on social media (22%) or knowing someone who is trans (17%) influenced this view a great deal or a fair amount. In turn, those ages 65 and older tend to be more likely than younger age groups to cite their religious views (51% in the older group say this has had at least a fair amount of influence).

Republicans who say gender is determined by sex assigned at birth are more likely than Democrats with the same view to say their knowledge of science (52% vs. 40%) and their religious views (45% vs. 34%) have had at least a fair amount of influence, while Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say the news (17% vs. 10%), social media (16% vs. 10%) and knowing someone who is trans (15% vs. 9%) have influenced them - though the shares are still small among both groups.

On the flip side, among those who say someone's gender can be different from the sex they were assigned at birth, adults younger than 30 are also more likely than older adults to say social media has contributed to this view at least a fair amount (33% vs. 15% or fewer among older age groups). Adults ages 65 and older are more likely than their younger counterparts to say what they've learned from science has influenced their view (46% vs. 40% or fewer).

Democrats who say whether someone is a man or a woman can be different from their sex at birth are more likely than Republicans with the same view to say that what they've learned from science (43% vs. 26%) and knowing someone who is transgender (40% vs. 26%) has influenced their view a great deal or a fair amount.

Public sees discrimination against trans people and limited acceptance

Roughly eight-in-ten Americans say transgender people face at least some discrimination, and relatively few believe our society is extremely or very accepting of people who are trans. These views differ widely by partisanship and by beliefs about whether someone's gender can differ from the sex they were assigned at birth.

Overall, 57% of adults say there is a great deal or a fair amount of discrimination against transgender people in our society today. An additional 21% say there is some discrimination against trans people, and 14% say there is a little or none at all.

There are modest differences in views on this issue across demographic groups. Women (62%) are more likely than men (52%) to say there is a great deal or a fair amount of discrimination against transgender people, and college graduates (62%) are more likely than those with less education (55%) to say the same.

There is, however, a wide partisan divide in these views: While 76% of Democrats and those who lean to the Democratic Party say there is a great deal or a fair amount of discrimination against trans people, 35% of Republicans and Republican leaners share that assessment. One-in-four Republicans see little or no discrimination against this group, compared with 5% of Democrats.

These views are also linked with underlying opinions about whether a person's gender can be different from their sex assigned at birth. Among those who say someone can be a man or a woman even if that's different from the sex they were assigned at birth, 83% say there is a great deal or a fair amount of discrimination against trans people. Even so, some 42% of those who hold the alternative point of view - that gender is determined by sex assigned at birth - also see at least a fair amount of discrimination. Among Democrats who say gender is determined by sex at birth, that share rises to 61%.

Relatively few adults (14%) say society is extremely or very accepting, while about a third (35%) say it is somewhat accepting. A plurality (44%) says our society is a little or not at all accepting of trans people.

Again, these views are strongly linked with partisanship. Democrats have a much more negative view than Republicans, with 54% of Democrats saying society is a little accepting or not at all accepting of transgender people, compared with a third of Republicans.

And, as with views of discrimination, assessments of societal acceptance are linked to underlying views about how gender is determined. Those who say one's gender can be different from the sex they were assigned at birth see less acceptance: 56% say society is a little accepting or not accepting at all of people who are transgender. This compares with 37% among those who say gender is determined by sex at birth. Republicans who say gender is determined by sex at birth are more likely than Democrats who say the same to believe that society is at least somewhat accepting of people who are transgender (61% vs. 47%).

About four-in-ten say society has gone too far in accepting trans people

While a majority of Americans see at least a fair amount of discrimination against transgender people and relatively few see widespread acceptance, 38% say our society has gone too far in accepting them. Some 36% say society has not gone far enough in accepting people who are trans, and 23% say the level of acceptance has been about right.

These views differ along demographic and partisan lines. Young adults (ages 18 to 29) and those with a bachelor's degree or more education are among the most likely to say society hasn't gone far enough in accepting people who are trans. Men, White adults and those without a four-year college degree are among the most likely to say society has gone too far in this regard.

There is a wide partisan divide as well. Roughly six-in-ten Democrats (59%) say society hasn't gone far enough in accepting people who are transgender, while 15% say it has gone too far (24% say it's been about right). Republicans' views are almost the inverse: 10% say society hasn't gone far enough and 66% say it's gone too far (22% say it's been about right).

Even among those who see at least some discrimination against trans people, a majority (54%) say society has either gone too far in accepting trans people or been about right; 44% say society hasn't gone far enough.

Many say it's important to use someone's new name, pronouns when they've gone through a gender transition

Nearly half of adults (47%) say it's extremely or very important that if a person who transitions to a gender that's different from their sex assigned at birth changes their name, others refer to them by their new name. An additional 22% say this is somewhat important. Three-in-ten say this is a little or not at all important (18%) or that it shouldn't be done (12%).

Smaller shares say that if a person transitions to a gender that's different from their sex assigned at birth and starts going by different pronouns (such as "she" instead of "he"), it's important that others refer to them by their new pronouns. About a third (34%) say this is extremely or very important, and 21% say this is somewhat important. More than four-in-ten say this is a little or not at all important (26%) or it should not be done (18%).

These views differ along many of the same dimensions as other topics asked about. While 80% of those who believe someone's gender can be different from their sex assigned at birth also say it's extremely or very important to use a person's new name when they've gone through a gender transition, 27% of those who think gender is determined by one's sex assigned at birth share this opinion. The pattern is similar when it comes to use of preferred pronouns.

Democrats are much more likely than Republicans to say it's extremely or very important to refer to a person using their new name or pronouns. When it comes to pronouns, a majority of Republicans (55%), compared with only 17% of Democrats, say using someone's new pronouns when they've been through a gender transition is not at all important or should not be done.

There are some demographic differences as well, with women more likely than men and those with a four-year college degree more likely than those with less education to say it's extremely or very important to use a person's new name or pronouns when referring to them.

In addition, people who say they know someone who is trans are more likely than those who do not to say this is extremely or very important. Even so, substantial shares of those who don't know a trans person view this as important. For example, 39% of those who don't know someone who is transgender say it's extremely or very important to refer to a person who goes through a gender transition and changes their name by their new name.

Plurality of adults say views on gender identity issues are changing too quickly

Many Americans are not comfortable with the pace of change that's occurring around issues involving gender identity. Some 43% say views on issues related to people who are transgender and nonbinary are changing too quickly. About one-in-four (26%) say things are not changing quickly enough, and 28% say they are changing at about the right speed.

Women (30%) are more likely than men (21%) to say views on these issues are not changing quickly enough, and adults younger than 30 are more likely than their older counterparts to say the same. Among those ages 18 to 29, 37% say views on these issues are not changing quickly enough; this compares with 26% of those ages 30 to 49, 22% of those ages 50 to 64 and 19% of those 65 and older. At the same time, White adults (46%) are more likely than Black (34%), Hispanic (39%) or Asian (31%) adults to say views are changing too quickly.

Opinions also differ sharply by partisanship. Among Democrats, a plurality (42%) say views on issues involving transgender and nonbinary people are not changing fast enough, and 21% say they are changing too quickly. About a third (35%) say the speed is about right. By contrast, 70% of Republicans say views on these issues are changing too quickly, while only 7% say views aren't changing fast enough. About one-in-five Republicans (21%) say they're changing at about the right speed.

Respondents were asked in an open-ended format why they think views are changing too quickly or not quickly enough, when it comes to issues surrounding transgender and nonbinary people. For those who say things are changing too quickly, responses fell into several different categories. Some indicated that new ways of thinking about gender were inconsistent with their religious beliefs. Others expressed concern that the long-term consequences of medical gender transitions are not well-known, or that changing views on gender identity are merely a fad that's being pushed by the media. Still others said they worry that there's too much discussion of these issues in schools these days.

For those who say views are not changing quickly enough, some pointed to discrimination and a lack of acceptance of trans and nonbinary people. Others pointed to legislative initiatives in some states aimed at restricting the rights of trans and nonbinary people. Many also said that too many people in our society aren't open to change when it comes to these issues.
General concerns about the pace of change "The issue is so new to me I can't keep up. I don't know what to think about all of this new information. I'm baffled by so many changes." "It takes quite a bit of time for society to accept changes. I have not been aware of this issue for very long. I am relatively conservative and feel that changes need time to be accepted."
"People now believe everyone should just forget about their birth identity and just go along with what they think they are. God made us all for a reason and if He intended us to pick our gender then there would be no reason to be born with specific male or female parts."
"I have a personal religious belief that sex is an essential part of our eternal identity and that identifying as something other than you are ... just doesn't make a lot of sense." "I believe GOD created a man and a woman. We have overstepped our bounds in messing with the miracle of life. I side with my creator." Concerns about long-term medical consequences "We do not know the long-term health problems of hormone therapy, especially in young children." "More time needs to pass to study mental, physical, emotional ramifications of medications & surgeries, especially when done before puberty and/or adulthood." "Accepting gender fluidity, especially for younger children, seems quick. Also, medical treatments related to gender for people under 18 seems to be being accepted without longer term studies." It's a fad/Driven by the media "I respect people's views about themselves, and I will refer to them in the way they want to be referred to, but I believe it's become trendy because it's being pushed so much in culture, especially for children." "News media, social media and entertainment media companies are trying to change, and it seems they have been succeeding in changing public opinion on this issue for many people." "It is encouraging kids who are easily influenced to participate in the 'in' fad when their brains are not fully developed." Concerns about schools "Elementary school students should not be subjected to instruction on sex identity, any questions the child asks should be referred to a parent." "I think that young people are exposed to these issues at too early an age. I believe that it is up to the parents, and I oppose schools that want to include it in the 'curriculum.'" "It's being pushed on society and especially on younger children, confusing them all the more. This is not something that should be taught in schools." "There is far too much discrimination, hate, and violence directed toward people who are brave enough to stand up for who they truly are. We, as a country and as a society, need to respect how people want to identify themselves and be kind toward one another, end of story."
"Protections for basic rights to self-determination in identity, health care choices, privacy, and consensual relationships should be a bare minimum that our society can provide for everyone - transgender people included. "

"There's too much discrimination. People need to quit controlling other people's private lives. I consider them very brave for having the courage to be who they identify with. "
"Equal protection has not kept up with trans issues, including trans youth and the right to gender-affirming care." "Acceptance is not changing quick enough. There remains discrimination and elected officials are passing laws that make it more difficult for transgender individuals in society to live, work and exist." "We are going backwards with all the anti-gay & -trans legislation that is being passed." "For every step forward, it feels like there are two steps back with reactive conservative laws." "These laws are working to restrict the rights of trans and nonbinary people, and also discrimination is still very high which results in elevated rates of suicide, poverty, violence and homelessness especially for people of color." "The spate of laws being proposed that would take away the rights of transgender people is evidence that we're a long way from treating them right." Society is not open to change "Too many people are simply stuck in the binary. We, as a society, need to just accept that someone else's gender identity is whatever they say it is and it rarely has any bearing on the lives of others." "These are people. Who they say they are is all that matters. Society, mostly conservatives, doesn't understand change in any form. So, they fight it. And they hinder the ability for others to learn about themselves and others, which slows growing as a society to a crawl." "It's an issue that has been in the closet for centuries. It's time to acknowledge and accept that gender identity is a spectrum and not binary." "We are not accepting the changes. We refuse to see what is in front of us. We care too much about not changing the status quo as we know it." "Society often views this as a phase or a period of uncertainty in their life. Instead, it's about a person bringing their gender identity in line with what they have experienced internally all their life."

Many states are considering legislation related to people who are transgender, but a relatively small share of U.S. adults (8%) say they're following news about these bills extremely or very closely. Another 24% say they're following this somewhat closely, while about two-thirds say they're following it either a little closely (23%) or not all closely (44%).

Only about one-in-ten or less across age, racial and ethnic groups, and across levels of educational attainment, say they are following news about bills related to people who are transgender extremely or very closely. Six-in-ten or more across demographic groups say they're following news about these bills a little closely or not closely at all.

Liberal Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (46%) are more likely than moderate and conservative Democrats (29%) to say they are following news about state bills related to people who are transgender at least somewhat closely. Conservative Republicans and Republican leaners (31%) are more likely than their moderate and liberal counterparts (24%) - but less likely than liberal Democrats - to be following news about these bills at least somewhat closely. Still, half or more among each of these groups say they have been following news about this a little or not at all closely.

About six-in-ten would favor requiring that transgender athletes compete on teams that match their sex at birth

The survey asked respondents how they feel about some current laws and policies that are either in place or being considered across the U.S. related to transgender issues. Only two of seven items are either endorsed or rejected by a majority: 64% say they would favor policies that protect transgender individuals from discrimination in jobs, housing, and public spaces such as restaurants and stores, and 58% say they would favor policies that require that transgender athletes compete on teams that match the sex they were assigned at birth rather than the gender they identify with.

Even though there is not a majority consensus on most of these laws or policies, there are gaps of at least 10 percentage points on three items. Some 46% say they would favor making it illegal for health care professionals to provide someone younger than 18 with medical care for gender transitions, and 41% would favor requiring transgender individuals to use public bathrooms that match the sex they were assigned at birth rather than the gender they identify with; 31% say they would oppose each of these. Meanwhile, more say they would oppose (44%) than say they would favor (27%) requiring health insurance companies to cover medical care for gender transitions.

Views are more divided when it comes to laws and policies that would make it illegal for public school districts to teach about gender identity in elementary schools (41% favor and 38% oppose) or that would investigate parents for child abuse if they helped someone younger than 18 get medical care for a gender transition (37% favor and 36% oppose). Some 21% and 27%, respectively, say they'd neither favor nor oppose these policies.

Majorities of U.S. adults across age groups express support for laws and policies that would protect transgender individuals from discrimination in jobs, housing, and public spaces such as restaurants and stores. About seven-in-ten adults ages 18 to 29 (70%) and 30 to 49 (68%) say they favor such protections, as do about six-in-ten adults ages 50 to 64 (60%) and 65 and older (59%).

But adults younger than 30 are more likely than those in each of the older age groups to say they favor laws or policies that would require health insurance companies to cover medical care for gender transitions (37% among those younger than 30 vs. about a quarter among each of the older age groups). They're also less likely than older adults to express support for bills and policies that would restrict the rights of people who are transgender or limit what schools teach about gender identity. On most items, those ages 50 to 64 and those 65 and older express similar views.

Views differ even more widely along party lines. For example, eight-in-ten Democrats say they favor laws or policies that would protect trans individuals from discrimination, compared with 48% of Republicans. Conversely, by margins of about 40 percentage points or more, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to express support for laws or policies that would do each of the following: require trans athletes to compete on teams that match the sex they were assigned at birth (85% of Republicans vs. 37% of Democrats favor); make it illegal for health care professionals to provide someone younger than 18 with medical care for a gender transition (72% vs. 26%); make it illegal for public school districts to teach about gender identity in elementary schools (69% vs. 18%); require transgender individuals to use public bathrooms that match the sex they were assigned at birth (67% vs. 20%); and investigate parents for child abuse if they help someone younger than 18 get medical care for a gender transition (59% vs. 17%).

Overall, White adults tend to be more likely than Black, Hispanic and Asian adults to express support for laws and policies that would restrict the rights of transgender people or limit what schools can teach about gender identity. But among Democrats, White adults are often less likely than other groups to favor such laws and policies, particularly compared with their Black and Hispanic counterparts. And White Democrats are more likely than Black, Hispanic and Asian Democrats to say they favor protecting trans individuals from discrimination and requiring health insurance companies to cover medical care for gender transitions.

About four-in-ten Americans (38%) say government documents such as passports and driver's licenses that ask about a person's gender should include options other than "male" and "female" for people who don't identify as either; a larger share (44%) say the same about forms and online profiles that ask about a person's gender.

Half of adults younger than 30 say government documents that ask about gender should include options other than "male" and "female," compared with 39% of those ages 30 to 49, 35% of those 50 to 64 and 33% of adults 65 and older. When it comes to forms and online profiles, 54% of adults younger than 30 and 47% of those ages 30 to 49 say these forms should include more than two gender options; smaller shares of adults ages 50 to 64 and 65 and older (37% each) say the same.

Views on this vary considerably by party. A majority of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents say forms and online profiles (64%) and government documents (58%) that ask about a person's gender should include options other than "male" and "female." In contrast, about eight-in-ten or more Republicans and Republican leaners say forms and online profiles (79%) and government documents (83%) should not include more than these two gender options.

Those who say they know someone who is nonbinary are more likely than those who don't know anyone who's nonbinary to say forms and government documents should include gender options other than "male" and "female." Still, 39% of those who don't know anyone who's nonbinary say forms and online profiles shouldinclude other gender options, and 33% say the same about government documents that ask about a person's gender. Conversely, 31% of those who say they know someone who's nonbinary say forms and online profiles should not include options other than "male" and "female," and 41% say this about government documents.

About three-in-ten parents of K-12 students say their children have learned about people who are trans or nonbinary at school

In recent months, lawmakers in several states have introduced legislation that would prohibit or limit instruction on sexual orientation or gender identity in schools. The survey asked parents of K-12 students whether any of their children have learned about people who are transgender or who don't identify as a boy or a girl from a teacher or another adult at their school and how they feel about the fact that their children have or have not learned about this.

Some 37% of parents with children in middle or high school say their middle or high schoolers have learned about people who are transgender or who don't identify as a boy or a girl from a teacher or another adult at their school; a much smaller share of parents of elementary school students (16%) say the same. Overall, 29% of parents with children in elementary, middle or high school say at least one of their K-12 children have learned about this at school.

Similar shares of parents of K-12 students in urban (31%), suburban (27%) and rural (32%) areas - and in the Northeast (34%), Midwest (33%), South (26%) and West (28%) - say their school-age children have learned about people who are transgender or who don't identify as a boy or a girl. And Republican (27%) and Democratic (31%) parents are also about equally likely to say their children have learned about this in school. None of these differences are statistically significant.

Many parents of K-12 students don't think it's good for their children to learn about people who are transgender or nonbinary from their teachers or other adults at school. Among parents of elementary school students, 45% either say their children have learned about people who are trans or nonbinary at school and see this is a bad thing or say their children have not learned about this and say this is a good thing. A far smaller share (13%) say it's a good thing that their elementary school children have learned about people who are trans or nonbinary or that it's a bad thing that they haven't learned about this. And about four-in-ten (41%) say it's neither good nor bad that their elementary school children have or haven't learned about people who are transgender or nonbinary.

Among parents with children in middle or high school, 34% say it's a bad thing that their children have learned about people who are trans or nonbinary at school or that it's a good thing that they haven't; 14% say it's good that their middle or high schoolers have learned about this or that it's bad that they haven't; and 51% say it's neither good nor bad that their children have or haven't learned about this in school.

Republican and Republican-leaning parents with children in elementary, middle and high school are more likely than their Democratic and Democratic-leaning counterparts to say it's a bad thing that their children have learned about people who are trans or nonbinary at school or that it's a good thing that they haven't. In turn, Democratic parents are more likely to say it's good that their children have learned about this or bad that they haven't. They are also more likely to say it's neither good nor bad that their children have or haven't learned about people who are trans or nonbinary at school.

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Kim Parker, Juliana Menasce Horowitz and Anna Brown

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Americans' Complex Views on Gender Identity and Transgender Issues

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Most favor protecting trans people from discrimination, but fewer support policies related to medical care for gender transitions; many are uneasy with the pace of change on trans issues.

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The article on underrepresentation of women in the media talks about a 50:50 project to include more women in the media and reach the goal of having representation equal to men. This can be related back to the concept of gender representation mentioned in the media lecture. We learned about how men are the face of media more than women and this project is trying to change that.

Rattan, A., Chilazi, S., Georgeac, O., & Bohnet, I. (2019, June 6). Tackling the underrepresentation of women in media. Harvard Business Review. https://hbr.org/2019/06/tackling-the-underrepresentation-of-women-in-media

-Shelby Smith

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Tackling the Underrepresentation of Women in Media

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Around the world, women are far less likely than men to be seen in the media. This gender-imbalanced picture of society can reinforce and perpetuate harmful gender stereotypes. For over two years, journalists and producers across the BBC have been tackling the gender representation issue by rethinki…

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This article talks about how women experience poverty more than men and the causes such as the gender wage gap, occupational segregation, and lack of policies that support women and more specifically single mothers. This is linked to the lecture topic of sexism. Women are left in poverty because of the way that workplaces devalue women, so they earn lower wages and get less prestige jobs.

Boesch, D., & Gaines, A. C. (2021, December 3). The basic facts about women in poverty. Center for American Progress. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/basic-facts-women-poverty/

-Shelby Smith

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The Basic Facts About Women in Poverty

A woman in Miami spends time looking at videos with her 6-year-old granddaughter after being laid off from her job as a food service cashier in the wake of the coronavirus crisis, March 2020. (Getty/Joe Raedle)

This fact sheet contains a correction.
In the United States, more women than men live in poverty. According to U.S. Census Bureau data, of the 38.1 million people living in poverty in 2018, 56 percent-or 21.4 million-were women.*¹ The coronavirus pandemic has put individuals and families at an increased risk of falling into poverty in the United States, as they face greater economic insecurity, due in large part to unprecedented unemployment that has disproportionately affected women.² Congress' emergency unemployment assistance during the first few months of the pandemic staved off a predicted spike in the poverty rate; federal economic support must be extended throughout the duration of this fluctuating crisis to prevent an increase in the number of families living in poverty in the long term.³ Moreover, research has shown that the cost and financial burden of medical expenses in the United States pushes millions of families into poverty-a foreboding fact to consider in the midst of a global health pandemic.⁴ Illustratively, before the Affordable Care Act (ACA) expanded coverage and lowered certain health costs, a leading cause of personal bankruptcy was medical debt, resulting from unexpected or unaffordable medical expenses.⁵

The following facts present a snapshot of women in poverty, explain why women experience higher rates of poverty, and explore the policy solutions that can best ensure lasting economic security for women and their families.

The federal poverty line: An imperfect measurement of poverty

The poverty estimates included in this fact sheet are based on the federal poverty line, or the minimum annual income for individuals and families determined by the U.S. government to pay for necessities. In 2018, the poverty line was set at an annual income of $13,064 for a single individual younger than age 65 and $25,465 for a family of four with two adults and two children.*⁶

While the federal poverty line is an important measure of economic insecurity and is widely used to determine eligibility for many public assistance programs, it is narrow and outdated.⁷ It takes into account the cost of food as a proportion of families' expenses, but it leaves out geographical differences and other essential costs of living, such housing, transportation, child care, and medical costs. One study⁸ found that more than 50 million households struggle to pay for basic necessities such as food, housing, and health care-despite only 16 million of them being officially classified as "in poverty." Another study⁹ found that based on an adjusted inflation measure, at least 3.2 million more people live in poverty than are counted by the federal government. However, due to the ubiquity of the federal poverty line and its real implications in determining people's eligibility for various programs, the authors define poverty as individuals falling below 100 percent of the federal poverty line, unless otherwise specified.

Quick facts about women living in poverty

Women experience higher rates of poverty than men. In 2018, 12.9 percent of women lived in poverty compared with 10.6 percent of men.*¹⁰ Nearly 10 million women lived in deep poverty, defined as falling below 50 percent of the federal poverty line.¹¹

Race and ethnicity

Women of nearly all races and ethnicities face higher rates of poverty than their male counterparts. (see Figure 1) The highest rates of poverty are experienced by American Indian or Alaska Native (AIAN) women, Black women, and Latinas. About 1 in 4 AIAN women live in poverty-the highest rate of poverty among women or men of any racial or ethnic group.
Figure 1

Black women, Latinas, and AIAN women are also disproportionately represented among women living in poverty. (see Figure 2) While Latinas represent 18.1 percent of all women in the U.S. population, they constitute 27.1 percent of women in poverty. Similarly, Black women represent 22.3 percent of women in poverty but make up only 12.8 percent of all women in the U.S. population.
Figure 2

Marital and parental status

Unmarried mothers have higher rates of poverty than married women, with or without children, and unmarried women without children. (see Figure 3) Almost one-quarter of unmarried mothers live below the poverty line. In 2018, 11.9 million children younger than age 18 lived in poverty, making up 31.1 percent of those living in poverty.*¹²
Figure 3

Age

Poverty rates for women and men are nearly even throughout childhood, but the gap widens significantly for women ages 18 to 44-during prime childbearing years-and again for women age 75 and older. (see Figure 4) Between ages 25 and 34, women are 69 percent more likely than men of the same age to live in poverty. While the gap in poverty rates between women and men narrows after age 34, it never closes throughout their adult life, and it actually widens again in old age: 13.2 percent of women 75 years and older live in poverty compared with 8.8 percent of men the same age.
Figure 4

Disability status

Women with disabilities are more likely to live in poverty than both men with disabilities and individuals without disabilities. (see Figure 5) Women with disabilities have a poverty rate of 22.9 percent, compared with 17.9 percent for men with disabilities and 11.4 percent for women without disabilities.
Figure 5

Sexual orientation and gender identity

LGBTQ women experience higher rates of poverty than cisgender straight women and men due to the intersections of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity or expression. A 2019 survey by UCLA Law School's Williams Institute found that 17.9 percent of lesbian cisgender women, 29.4 percent of bisexual cisgender women, and 29.4 percent of transgender people lived in poverty, compared with 17.8 percent of straight cisgender women and 13.4 percent of straight cisgender men.¹³ They also found a similarly high poverty rate among gender-nonconforming people.¹⁴ Unfortunately, the Current Population Survey does not collect data about individual respondents' self-disclosed sexual orientation or gender identity (SOGI), and only a handful of federal surveys collect SOGI data.¹⁵ Federal data collection must be improved to include the collection of SOGI data, disaggregated by race, ethnicity, and other factors, to ensure a better understanding of the lived realities of all LGBTQ individuals.¹⁶

Why more women live in poverty

The effects of sexism and racism on institutional structures and across society limit the employment opportunities available to women, availability of caregiving supports, access to public social assistance programs, and more, leading to higher rates of poverty among women, particularly women of color, compared with men. Some of the interrelated causes include the following factors.

The gender wage gap

On average, women earn less than men-and the wage gaps are wider for most women of color. Based on 2018 U.S. Census Bureau data, women working full time, year-round earn an average of 82 cents for every $1 earned by their male counterparts.¹⁷ For every $1 earned by white, non-Hispanic men, Latinas earn 54 cents, AIAN women earn 57 cents, Black women earn 62 cents. Asian women overall earn about 90 cents, however women belonging to certain Asian subgroups experience much larger wage gaps.¹⁸ Not only do more women than men struggle to cover everyday expenses due to the gender wage gap, but the gap compounds over a lifetime, meaning women end up with fewer resources and savings than men. This represents a significant factor contributing to the gender disparity in poverty rates among women and men age 75 and older.

The gender wage gap is driven by a host of factors, including, but not limited to, differences in jobs or industries worked, hours worked, and years of experience-although differences in occupation or education level do not explain away the gap.¹⁹ Discrimination based on gender, race, and/or ethnicity plays a significant role in the wage gap, depressing women's earnings both directly, by paying women unequally, and indirectly, through sex- and race-based structural biases that can influence the jobs women hold and the number of hours they work.

The gender wealth gap

Women are less likely to have the savings and wealth necessary to weather financial shocks and provide for themselves and their families throughout their lifetimes. The gender wealth gap is informed by numerous factors, including the fact that women earn less than men; are more likely to be denied mortgages and to be overcharged for them; are particularly vulnerable to predatory lending; hold more debt; and face other obstacles that undermine their ability to build wealth and savings.²⁰ For example, women hold two-thirds of U.S. student loan debt, and Black women in particular graduate with more debt than any other group, regardless of gender.²¹ On average, a Black woman borrows a total of $37,558 to finance her education compared with $35,665 for a Black man and $31,346 for a white woman. Essential to note is that the wealth gap is significantly larger for women of color, who face both a wage gap and a wealth gap informed by both gender and racial discrimination.²²

Occupational segregation into low-paying jobs

Women are disproportionately represented in certain occupations-particularly low-wage jobs-due to pervasive gender roles, expectations that women's work is low skilled, and the systemic undervaluing of women's labor. These factors cause women, especially women of color, to be segregated into low-wage jobs and make low wages a defining feature of women-dominated jobs.²³ For example, in 2018, two of the top occupations for women had a median weekly wage of close to or below the 2018 weekly poverty threshold, $490, for a family of four: Women who are child care workers earned a median weekly wage of $492, and women who are maids and housekeepers earned $457 per week.*²⁴ Women represent about two-thirds of workers earning the federal minimum wage-$7.25 per hour-or a few dollars above it and nearly 70 percent of tipped workers, for whom the federal subminimum wage is $2.13 per hour.²⁵ Conversely, women are underrepresented in high-wage occupations such as engineers, in part due the professions' demand for long hours in the office and lack of flexibility for caregiving.

Lack of supportive work-family policies to manage work and caregiving

The United States lacks supportive work-family policies such as adequate funding for child care, a national paid family and medical leave program, and an earned paid sick leave law, which would help women manage work and caregiving responsibilities. Reliable child care, which enables parents to participate in the labor force, is often unaffordable and hard to find, which can contribute to lower employment among mothers compared with fathers.²⁶ The United States is an outlier among developed countries in failing to guarantee access to paid family and medical leave and paid sick leave, which would allow workers time away from work to recover from an illness, care for a sick family member, or care for a new child.²⁷ Without these critical work-family policies, women-who perform the majority of unpaid care work for children, elderly, and disabled family members-have fewer economic opportunities and are often forced to reduce their paid work hours or leave the workforce entirely.²⁸ Women are also more likely to be single mothers than men are to be single fathers, a driving factor of the gender differential in rates of poverty.²⁹ In addition, among parents with children younger than age 6, 25 percent of mothers work part time, and 35 percent are out of the labor force compared with just 4 percent and 5 percent of fathers, respectively.*³⁰ This caregiving burden on women has only worsened during the coronavirus crisis due to necessary school and child care provider closures, which are also likely contributing to the higher job losses among women.³¹

Disability

Disability is both a cause and consequence of poverty.³² People with disabilities face barriers to employment and have low earnings which can lead to economic hardship and poverty.³³ Only 16.4 percent of women with a disability were employed in 2018, compared with 60.2 percent of women without a disability.*³⁴ Moreover, disabled workers are more likely to work part time and in low-wage jobs without access to workplace protections and benefits.³⁵ Section 14(c) of the Fair Labor Standards Act allows employers to pay workers with disabilities a fraction of the federal minimum wage.³⁶ Poverty can also limit access to quality and preventative health care, which can lead to or aggravate a disability, perpetuating the cycle of poverty for women with disabilities.³⁷

Domestic violence

Domestic violence can worsen women's economic standing in the United States, causing them to lose an average of 8 million days of paid work per year.³⁸ A study published in 2016 found that about one-quarter to slightly more than half of women experiencing homelessness reported that domestic violence was the immediate cause.³⁹ Financial costs to survivors of domestic violence can also increase if they need to address trauma experienced or disabilities acquired as a result of the violence.⁴⁰ These facts are part of a cycle of violence that both disproportionately affects low-income women and perpetuates women's economic insecurity.⁴¹ Over the years, the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) has led to lowered rates of gender-based violence in the United States, in part due to its programs and services, including local shelters, transitional housing programs, culturally specific support services, and much more.⁴² However, these programs and services are unable to meet the ongoing needs of survivors without significantly more funding and resources.⁴³

Inadequate and inaccessible public supports

Essential public social assistance programs designed to alleviate financial hardship do not provide sufficient support and are not as widely accessible as needed. Some of the most essential programs in need of enhancement include:

Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP): SNAP, which provides nutrition assistance to low-income families, helped feed 38 million people in 2019 alone, but the program is still in need of vital improvements.⁴⁵ More than half of SNAP recipients exhaust the monthly benefit within the first two weeks of receipt, and the current benefit is too low to adequately meet household needs.⁴⁶ Meanwhile, opponents of the program continue to explore ways to exclude hundreds of thousands of hungry individuals and families from lifesaving benefits.⁴⁷

Medicaid: Medicaid has historically provided essential health coverage to certain low-income individuals, including children, pregnant people, seniors, and people with disabilities. Medicaid is critical for women's health; women and girls make up the majority of beneficiaries, and the program provides key services related to pregnancy and other reproductive health.⁴⁹ As of July 2020, 36 states and Washington, D.C., have expanded eligibility for their Medicaid programs under the ACA to adults with incomes below 138 percent of the federal poverty line, regardless of their pregnancy, disability, or parenting status.⁵⁰ Medicaid expansion has reduced the number of uninsured Americans, decreased unpaid medical bills, and eased financial stress among low-income families.⁵¹ However, continued attacks on the ACA have put millions of people-particularly Black women and Latinas-at risk of losing health coverage under Medicaid.⁵² These attacks are on top of additional barriers to health care for many low-income women, including harmful Medicaid work requirements, an insufficient duration of pregnancy-only Medicaid coverage, and the Hyde Amendment, which prohibits certain federal funding from covering abortion care outside of the limited instances of rape, incest, and life endangerment.⁵³

Earned income tax credit (EITC) and child tax credit (CTC): The EITC and CTC are two of the most effective income boosters for low-income families available under the U.S. tax code.⁵⁴ The EITC is a refundable federal tax credit available to people with low to moderate incomes and was received by 8.8 million women of color in 2018 alone.⁵⁵ While the EITC is beneficial to families with children in particular, 5 million low-income workers without children do not sufficiently benefit-eligible for a maximum credit of only $538 in 2020.⁵⁶ The CTC provides families with a credit of up to $2,000 per child younger than 17 years old, but stagnant wages and rising child-related costs render it insufficient to meet the needs of low-income families.⁵⁷ The CTC is not fully refundable, and it fails the lowest-income families because they may be excluded by the minimum earnings requirement and do not receive an increased benefit when their children are young-when costs are highest.⁵⁸ Finally, both EITC and CTC benefits only come once per year, too infrequent to cover recurring costs such as food bills, housing payments, and child-related expenses.

Steps to reduce poverty among women

Lifting women out of poverty requires a variety of robust policy solutions that will ensure women's long-term economic security. These include:

Raising the minimum wage and eliminating the subminimum wages for tipped and disabled workers: Congress must raise the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2025, as proposed by the Raise the Wage Act,⁶⁵ which would benefit more than 19 million women.⁶⁶ Raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour would bring the earnings for a full-time minimum wage worker in a family of four above the federal poverty line for the first time.⁶⁷ The legislation would also phase out the subminimum wages for tipped workers and workers with disabilities until their wages reach parity with the full minimum wage. States that have eliminated the subminimum wage for tipped workers have significantly lower poverty rates among tipped workers.⁶⁸

Ensuring access to work-family policies: Congress must pass the Child Care for Working Families Act to make vital structural reforms to limit child care costs to parents, increase child care assistance to low-income families, and ensure access to a range of care options.⁶⁹ Workers, especially low-wage workers, who are more likely to be women, need fair and predictable work schedules, as would be required through the Schedules That Work Act.⁷⁰ All workers also need access to paid sick leave and paid family and medical leave, as proposed in the Providing Americans Insured Days of Leave Act of 2020.⁷¹

Improving tax credits: Lawmakers must expand tax benefits, such as the EITC and CTC, to ensure that they provide the critical support needed for families with children-particularly those living in poverty. Congress should pass legislation such as the Working Families Tax Relief Act⁷⁹ and the American Family Act,⁸⁰ which propose necessary improvements such as disbursing benefits monthly rather than once a year through tax refunds, increasing the maximum benefit per young child with a new monthly young child tax credit, and making the CTC fully refundable to help the lowest-income families. The Working Families Tax Relief Act also includes essential provisions to better help individuals and families without children, by expanding EITC eligibility and increasing the maximum benefit for childless workers.⁸¹

Conclusion

To lift women out of poverty, policy solutions must address the myriad ways that structural and societal sexism and racism uniquely burden women, depress their wages, and limit their opportunities. This includes improving vital public assistance programs, addressing workplace disparities, ensuring work-family benefits, and expanding access to lifesaving supports. These robust solutions must prioritize the needs of women of color, who are at heightened risk of poverty due to the combined effects of gender and racial discrimination. Poverty among women is not inevitable, and only intentional efforts to expand opportunities and supports for all women will ensure lasting economic security for women and their families.
Robin Bleiweis is a research associate for women's economic security for the Women's Initiative at the Center for American Progress. Diana Boesch is a policy analyst for women's economic security with the Women's Initiative at the Center. Alexandra Cawthorne Gaines is the vice president of the Poverty to Prosperity Program at the Center. The authors would like to thank Shilpa Phadke, Jamille Fields Allsbrook, Jocelyn Frye, Osub Ahmed, Sharita Gruberg, Rasheed Malik, Lily Roberts, Rebecca Cokley, Sarah Jane Glynn, and Richard Figueroa from the Center for American Progress for their contributions to this fact sheet. Special thanks to Justin Schweitzer for his thorough fact check and invaluable edits and suggestions. * Correction, August 7, 2020: Some of the language in this fact sheet identified 2018 data reported in the 2019 Current Population Survey, Annual Social and Economic Supplement, incorrectly as 2019 data. These years were corrected to 2018. For consistent comparison, 2019 data from other sources were updated to reflect 2018 data, when available.

The positions of American Progress, and our policy experts, are independent, and the findings and conclusions presented are those of American Progress alone. A full list of supporters is available here. American Progress would like to acknowledge the many generous supporters who make our work possible.

Robin Bleiweis

Research Associate, Women's Economic Security

Diana Boesch

Policy Analyst, Women's Economic Security

Alexandra Cawthorne Gaines

Vice President, Poverty to Prosperity

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The Basic Facts About Women in Poverty This fact sheet contains a correction. In the United States, more women than men live in poverty. According to U.S.

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Intersection of Media & Gender Representation 

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Intersection of Media & Gender Representation 

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This article discusses the intersection of media representation, gender stereotypes, objectification, and sexualization and the effects of these. The effects include shifting gender role norms, harming body image, creating eating disorders, causing an imbalance in power structures, and much more. This article overlapped with the concept of the beauty ideal mentioned in the lectures by talking about the harm on body image and how that effects a person like causing eating disorders to develop. It also relates to the discussion of norms constructed for men and woman as well as the harm of sexualization and objectification in media to please the male viewer.

Santoniccolo, F., Trombetta, T., Paradiso, M. N., & Rollè, L. (2023). Gender and Media Representations: A Review of the Literature on Gender Stereotypes, Objectification and Sexualization. International journal of environmental research and public health, 20(10), 5770. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20105770

-Shelby Smith

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Gender and Media Representations: A Review of the Literature on Gender Stereotypes, Objectification and Sexualization

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Media representations play an important role in producing sociocultural pressures. Despite social and legal progress in civil rights, restrictive gender-based representations appear to be still very pervasive in some contexts. The article explores scientific research on the relationship between media representations and gender stereotypes, objectification and sexualization, focusing on their presence in the cultural context. Results show how stereotyping, objectifying and sexualizing representations appear to be still very common across a number of contexts. Exposure to stereotyping representations appears to strengthen beliefs in gender stereotypes and endorsement of gender role norms, as well as fostering sexism, harassment and violence in men and stifling career-related ambitions in women. Exposure to objectifying and sexualizing representations appears to be associated with the internalization of cultural ideals of appearance, endorsement of sexist attitudes and tolerance of abuse and body shame. In turn, factors associated with exposure to these representations have been linked to detrimental effects on physical and psychological well-being, such as eating disorder symptomatology, increased body surveillance and poorer body image quality of life. However, specificities in the pathways from exposure to detrimental effects on well-being are involved for certain populations that warrant further research.