# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Social Outbreack of Chile - Integrative Summary

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Social Outbreack of Chile - Conclusión Integradora

# data[].attributes.headline
Hello everyone!!                                                           We are students of English 1 of the career of Social Communication from the National University of Comahue. And as you have seen,    in our Annual Project we work on the Social Outbreak of Chile. 

# data[].attributes.subject
Hello everyone!!                                                           We are students of English 1 of the career of Social Communication from the National University of Comahue. And as you have seen,    in our Annual Project we work on the Social Outbreak of Chile. 

# data[].attributes.body
The choice of images was based on a shared and transcendental theme for this historic struggle in Latin America: The struggle and resistance of the people of Chile in the streets. This is how the outbreak began, with a fire burning since that October 18, 2019. And despite the rejection of the other masses, it continues to burn in a large part of a country plagued by silence and fear left by the Shock Doctrine.

Here we also justify not only the election but also our position and decision as a group to want to talk about the Social Outbreak in Chile. Because we believe that it should challenge us, light that flame in us, and teach us that song. As the great Víctor Jara sang:

“There, where everything arrives and where everything begins. The song that has been brave will always be a new song”

Versión en español

La elección de las imágenes fue a partir de una temática compartida y trascendental para esta lucha histórica en Latinoamérica: la lucha y resistencia del pueblo de Chile en las calles. Así comenzó el estallido, con un fuego ardiendo desde aquel 18 de Octubre de 2019.  Y a pesar del rechazo de las demás masas, este sigue quemando en gran parte de un país azotado por el silencio y el miedo que dejó la Doctrina del shock.

He aquí también justificamos no solo la elección sino también nuestra posición y decisión como grupo de querer hablar sobre el Estallido Social de Chile. Porque creemos que debe interpelarnos,  encender en nosotros esa llama,y enseñarnos esa canción. Como cantaba el gran Victor Jara:

“Ahí donde llega todo y dónde todo comienza. Canto que ha sido valiente siempre será canción nueva”

# data[].attributes.headline
November, 2019                                                 Analysis | Chile's streets are filled with protests. How did a 4 percent fare hike set off such rage? 

# data[].attributes.subject
November, 2019                                                 Analysis | Chile's streets are filled with protests. How did a 4 percent fare hike set off such rage? 

# data[].attributes.body
Resumen en Español:

El 6 de octubre del 2019, el gobierno de Chile aumentó las tarifas del metro y los ciudadanos lanzaron protestas callejeras masivas. Los manifestantes intensificaron sus demandas con nuevas protestas, más violencia y llamados a reescribir la constitución de la era de Pinochet. Chile, al igual que otros países latinoamericanos, tiene grandes disparidades de ingresos entre ricos y pobres. El gobierno respondió enviando militares y policías a las calles. Los problemas en Chile no son solo económicos, existe una falta de  viviendas, una serie de gobiernos intentaron solucionarlo pero no pudieron, desde la dictadura de Pinochet hasta la actualidad, esto ocasionó la dispersión de las clases bajas a las periferias de Santiago. Aquí es donde aparece el sistema de metro como uno de los pocos servicios públicos que llegó a los pobres de la periferia urbana y los conectó con el centro urbano acomodado, es por eso que el aumento tarifario provocaron tanta ira.

Resumen en Inglés:

On October 6, 2019, the Chilean government increased subway fares and citizens launched massive street protests. Demonstrators intensified their demands with new protests, more violence and calls to rewrite the Pinochet-era constitution. Chile, like other Latin American countries, has large income disparities between rich and poor. The government responded by sending military and police into the streets. The problems in Chile are not only economic, there is a lack of housing. A series of governments tried to solve it but could not, from the Pinochet dictatorship to the present, this caused the dispersion of the lower classes to the outskirts of Santiago. This is where the subway system appears as one of the few public services that reached the poor of the urban periphery and connected them with the well-off urban center, which is why the fare increase provoked so much anger.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
A demonstrator plays a drum as police use a water cannon during an anti-government protest in Santiago on Oct. 30. (Edgard Garrido/Reuters)

On Oct. 6, Chile's government hiked subway fares - and citizens launched massive street protests that show no sign of waning. On Friday, an estimated 1 million people joined a peaceful march in the capital, Santiago. Other protests have been violent, with arson, looting, at least 20 deaths and several-hundred injured. Although President Sebastián Piñera canceled the fare hike and agreed to replace cabinet members as demanded, protesters escalated their demands with new protests, more violence, and calls to rewrite the Pinochet-era constitution.
Why a 4 percent transit fare hike sent people to the streets
Most observers point to economic inequality to explain the widespread protests. Chile, like other Latin American countries, has large income disparities between rich and poor. The growing lower-middle class is too well-off to receive targeted social assistance but too poor to live comfortably.

The government responded by sending more than 10,000 military members and police to the streets and declaring the country "at war." Demonstrators say the troop presence feels like a return to the country's military dictatorship, which lasted from 1973 to 1990.

Piñera last week announced measures to tackle income inequality - including a higher tax bracket for those at the top and a minimum-wage increase for those at the bottom.

But Chile's inequality is not just economic - it's spatial. The dictatorship segregated class groups into different parts of the city - and set things up so that public services like health care, schools, and transit have been delivered unevenly across these neighborhoods. I'll explain below.
The Pinochet regime shifted thousands of people from the city center to the periphery
Just before General Augusto Pinochet took power, Santiago faced a housing crisis. A series of governments tried to build housing but couldn't do it fast enough to meet the growing demand. Some politicians organized the poor to invade private land and build themselves homes; democratically elected presidents tolerated these violations to win votes and house the poor, my research shows.

After Pinochet's 1973 military coup, he promised to make Santiago "a city without slums." The military eradicated the illegally built housing. In 1979 alone, the military government removed 29,000 families from the city center and housed them in hasty constructions in the far west and south of the city. Other low-income families were lured voluntarily to the city limits when the government relaxed regulations to encourage new affordable housing construction.

Democracy returned in 1990 - but the spatial segregation didn't change. To keep building lots of housing, the government needed inexpensive, open land - which meant land far from the city center. Meanwhile, sustained economic growth pushed up prices in desirable central areas.

The policy had its successes. Chile became the only Latin American country to reduce its housing deficit and avoid large illegal land takeovers by the poor. But that quantity came with lower quality and geographic segregation by class.

Chile elected a billionaire president. Here's what you need to know.
The structure of city government reinforces inequalities
While such economic divides are familiar in American cities, Santiago's urban governance structure has exacerbated the resulting inequalities. Pinochet's economic advisers decentralized local government, believing that created competition to improve public services and respond to local interests.

Pinochet therefore divided the Santiago metropolitan area into 52 small districts, or comunas, each of which is primarily locally funded. Although a government "solidarity fund" is supposed to redistribute sales and property taxes collected across districts, the disparities are staggering. The wealthiest district spends eight times more per capita (Vitacura, $1,450) than the poorest (Puente Alto, $180) - even though the poorest use public services much more.

Consider one district in the south of Santiago. During the dictatorship, the government moved 15,000 low-income people from the city center to San Ramón. As its former mayor told me in 2016, "residents in rich communities don't use public services. ... [Here] they use the medical clinics, they go to municipal school, they need buses to get their kids to school. And the residents are poor, so who is going to pay for everything?"

Is Bolivia's democracy in danger? Here's why citizens are in the streets.
The metro helped reduce these inequalities - but could do even more
Santiago's metro system is one of the few public services that reached the poor on the urban periphery and connected them with the well-off urban center. Democratically elected governments designed the metro, but Pinochet inaugurated the first line in 1975 and oversaw the system's expansion across areas where the poor live.

That's why the fare hikes sparked such anger: The lower classes depend far more on the metro to reach their jobs and to enjoy city life. Fare hikes hit them hardest.

Metro officials defend Santiago's fares because of the system's extensive reach and continued development. The metro integrates with the bus system and residents pay a single, flat fare, making it a better deal the farther you go.

But other cities, like Bogotá, Colombia, take an even more redistributive approach, offering subsidized fares when trips originate in low-income districts or issuing special fare cards for low-income groups.

Another redistributive policy involves taxing land values. While subway routes bring low-income users to work in the city center, some of the biggest gains accrue to downtown landowners who see their properties skyrocket in value when the metro connects them with more residents. For instance, the extension of the Jubilee Line of the London Underground increased proximate land values by an estimated $3.9 billion.

Land-based taxation tries to recapture some of these gains for the government. This approach doesn't deter development such as property taxes, which fall on both land and the construction on it.

Right now, the government plans to extend the subway through Santiago's richest districts, Las Condes and Vitacura. One option used in Taiwan, Singapore and Japan involves taxing the land-value increases created by transit investments in rich, commercial areas - and using that to fund extending lines and subsidizing fares in poorer areas.

An inequitably funded metro in Santiago is just one part of Chilean protesters' frustrations. But it symbolizes their deeper distress about spatial inequality and the government system that perpetuates it.
Don't miss anything! Sign up to get TMC's smart analysis in your inbox, three days a week. Alisha Holland (@ProfTortuga) is an associate professor in the government department at Harvard University. She is the author of "Forbearance as Redistribution: The Politics of Informal Welfare in Latin America" and is writing a book about mass infrastructure projects, including subways, in Latin America.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Analysis | Chile's streets are filled with protests. How did a 4 percent fare hike set off such rage?

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
On Oct. 6, Chile's government hiked subway fares - and citizens launched massive street protests that show no sign of waning. On Friday, an estimated 1 million people joined a peaceful march in the capital, Santiago. Other protests have been violent, with arson, looting, at least 20 deaths and several-hundred injured.

# data[].attributes.body
The choice of both videos is justified based on the topicality and relevance of recent events in Chile. That is why the videos reported on the plebiscite held on September 4, 2022, which was intended to determine if Chilean citizens agreed with the proposal for the new Constitution drafted by the Constitutional Convention. Finally the draft of the new constitution was rejected. For obvious reasons we could not cover this important event in previous installments, that is why these videos are great inputs to understand the Chilean process.

Justificación en español

La elección de ambos videos se justifica en base a la actualidad y relevancia de los recientes acontecimientos en Chile. Es por eso que los videos informan sobre el plebiscito realizado el 4 de septiembre de 2022, que pretendía determinar si los ciudadanos chilenos estaban de acuerdo con la propuesta de nueva Constitución redactada por la Convención Constitucional. Finalmente el borrador de la nueva constitución fue rechazado. Por obvias razones, no pudimos cubrir este importante evento en entregas anteriores, es por eso que estos videos son excelentes insumos para comprender el proceso chileno.

# data[].attributes.body
Summary in English

In a referendum, Chilean voters have rejected the new progressive constitution. Almost 62% voted against the draft  which was due to replace the one drawn up under Gen Augusto Pinochet's military rule. Chile's President Gabriel Boric, who had backed the new constitution, said he will work with Congress and civil society to come up with a "new constitutional process". The process to replace Chile's military rule era constitution started three years ago after mass protests rocked the nation.

This video was chosen because it shows in a summarized and concise way the development of the plebiscite, showing the two positions, the result, and the repercussions.

Resumen en Español

En un referéndum, los votantes chilenos rechazaron la nueva constitución progresista. Casi el 62% votó en contra del proyecto que debía reemplazar al elaborado bajo el gobierno militar del general Augusto Pinochet. El presidente de Chile, Gabriel Boric, quien respaldó la nueva constitución, dijo que trabajará con el Congreso y la sociedad civil para llegar a un "nuevo proceso constitucional". El proceso para reemplazar la constitución de la era del gobierno militar de Chile comenzó hace tres años después de que las protestas masivas sacudieran a la nación.

Se eligió este video porque muestra de forma resumida y concisa el desarrollo del plebiscito, mostrando las dos posturas, el resultado, y las repercusiones.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Chile voters reject progressive new constitution in referendum – BBC News

# data[].attributes.body
Summary in English:

Chile's new draft constitution goes to a referendum on Sunday. This vote will decide if the constitution from the era of General Augusto Pinochet will be scrapped. While supporters of the proposed replacement say it is a model for the future, opinion polls suggest the draft might be rejected at the ballot box.

This video was chosen because in it, two different voices speak in favor of approval (Ulrich Brand) and in favor of rejection (Sebastian Edwards) before the Chilean people finally rejected the proposal for a new constitution and the question arose, how much does Chile want to change?

Resumen en Español:

El nuevo proyecto de constitución de Chile va a referéndum el domingo. Esta votación decidirá si se desecha la constitución de la época del general Augusto Pinochet. Si bien los partidarios del reemplazo propuesto dicen que es un modelo para el futuro, las encuestas de opinión sugieren que el borrador podría ser rechazado en las urnas.

Se eligió este video porque en él, dos voces diferentes hablan a favor del apruebo (Ulrich Brand), y a favor del rechazo (Sebastian Edwards), antes de que el pueblo chileno finalmente rechazara la propuesta de una nueva constitución y surgió la pregunta, ¿cuánto quiere cambiar Chile?

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Divided opinions as voters consider Chile's new constitution

# data[].attributes.body
Estudiante en los torniquetes de una estación de metro durante la primera manifestación que inició un despertar en Santiago, Chile, 2 de diciembre de 2019.

Justification in english

The Chilean conflict began with student manifestations. They demanded that the Piñera government policies end social inequality. Young people from educational institutions took to the streets en masse against the increase in the transport fare. They also demanded that the financing model of public education be changed. The mobilizations were the biggest social agitation in the country since the return to democracy in the late '80s.

Justificación en español

El conflicto chileno comenzó con las manifestaciones de los estudiantes. Estos  reclamaban al gobierno de Piñera políticas que terminen con la desigualdad social. Los jóvenes de instituciones educativas salieron masivamente a las calles en contra del alza de la tarifa del transporte. También exigieron que se cambie el modelo de financiamiento de la educación pública. Las movilizaciones fueron la mayor agitación social del país desde el regreso a la democracia a fines de los '80

# data[].attributes.body
Carabinero tirando gas lacrimógeno a ciudadanos que se manifestaban pacíficamente. Foto: Reuters

Justification in english

From the beginning all demonstrations of the people of Chile were repressed by Carabineros. Both in the Piñera government and in the current Boric government.

The repressive security forces have deployed the so-called "Carabineros Protocol for the Maintenance of Public Order" with indiscriminate use of hydrant trucks, tear gas launchers, batons and "anti-riot" shotguns.

Justificación en español

Desde el comienzo todas las manifestaciones del pueblo de Chile fueron reprimidas por Carabineros. Tanto en el gobierno de Piñera como en el gobierno actual de Boric. Las fuerzas represivas de seguridad han desplegado el denominado “Protocolo de Carabineros para el Mantenimiento del Orden Público”  con indiscriminado uso de camiones hidrantes, camiones lanzadores de gases lacrimógenos, bastones y escopetas “antidistubios”.

Fuente fotografica: https://www.telesurtv.net/news/chile-indh-denuncia-carabineros-ciega-mujer-represion-protesta-20191128-0020.html

# data[].attributes.body
Velatón por Abel Acuña en Maipú el 16 de noviembre de 2019.

Justification in english

Between October 2019 and March 2020, 34 people have been officially reported dead as a result of the strong repression of the demonstrations. The deaths have been caused by the impact of bullets, pellets, run over by trucks, blunt blows, electrocution, torture, and confrontations with other citizens. Among them 9 women, 20 men and five remain unidentified. Several cases were archived and are not being investigated. Their families demand justice because they know and recognize that the State is responsible.

Justificación en español

Entre octubre de 2019 y marzo de 2020, 34 personas han sido reportadas oficialmente como fallecidas producto de la fuerte represión en las manifestaciones. Las muertes han sido provocadas por impacto de bala, balines, atropello con camiones, golpes contundentes, electrocución, torturas, y enfrentamientos con otros ciudadanos. Entre ellas 9 mujeres, 20 hombres y cinco permanecen sin identificar. Varios casos quedaron archivados y no están siendo investigados. Sus familias exigen justicia porque saben y reconocen que el Estado es responsable.

# data[].attributes.body
- Mariano Almaza: Student of Degree in Social Communication. A.N. Allen journalist. Co-host of the local news program of AN Radio

- Tamara Chazarreta: Soon Professor of Social Communication. And student of the Bachelor of Social Communication. Audiovisual producer and radio producer. She always committed to social struggles.

- Adrián Facundo Huenul: student of Teaching in Social Communication.

- Lautaro Melillan:

# data[].attributes.attachment_caption
Foto: composición LR / AFP La ciudadanía se pronunciará sobre la propuesta de nueva constitución para Chile.

# data[].attributes.body
Justification in english
The closing of the campaign of the "I approve" option for the constitutional plebiscite in Chile was in the central avenue Alameda of Santiago, which according to the organizers was attended by 250,000 people to support the reform of the Magna Carta in force since the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Meanwhile, in San Cristobal, the supporters of the "rejection" opted for a more sober closing with barely 500 people. On September 4, the winning option was to reject the change in the constitution, obtaining 61.88% against 38.12% for "Approve". 13 million voters participated in the election.

Justificación en Español
El cierre de campaña de la opción “apruebo” para el plebiscito constitucional de Chile  fue en la céntrica avenida Alameda de Santiago al que según los organizadores asistieron 250.000 personas dando su apoyo para modificar la Carta Magna, vigente desde la dictadura de Augusto Pinochet . Mientras tanto en San Cristóbal los partidarios del “rechazo” optaron por un cierre más sobrio con apenas 500 personas. El 4 de septiembre la opción ganadora fue la de rechazar el cambio en la constitución obteniendo un 61.88% contra el 38.12% del Apruebo. 13 millones de electores participaron de la elección.

# data[].attributes.headline
October,2020                                                               "An End to the Chapter of Dictatorship': Chileans Vote to Draft a New Constitution"

# data[].attributes.subject
October,2020                                                               "An End to the Chapter of Dictatorship': Chileans Vote to Draft a New Constitution"

# data[].attributes.body
Resumen en Español:

Los chilenos votaron para redactar una nueva Constitución, los votantes aprobaron el referéndum con una victoria aplastante, el 78 por ciento votó a favor de una nueva Constitución. El movimiento que surgió de las protestas de 2019 se apoderó de un vehículo para sus demandas: la Constitución de Chile. La carta existente fue redactada sin participación popular durante la dictadura militar del general Augusto Pinochet y aprobada en un plebiscito fraudulento, enmarcado en parte por la Constitución, Chile, atrajo inversión extranjera. El país creció consistentemente y vio disminuir la pobreza. Pero esto se produjo a costa de una aguda concentración de la riqueza y una creciente desigualdad. Para cubrir el alto costo de la vida, los chilenos están muy endeudados. Los sistemas públicos de salud y educación están en ruinas. Varias disposiciones hacen casi imposible alterar el modelo de libre mercado promulgado bajo el gobierno militar. Reescribir la carta podría permitir una mayor flexibilidad para que Chile haga los cambios económicos y políticos exigidos por los manifestantes.

Resumen en Inglés:

Chileans voted to write a new Constitution, voters approved the referendum with a landslide victory, 78 percent voted in favor of a new Constitution. The movement that emerged from the 2019 protests seized a vehicle for its demands: the Chilean Constitution. The existing charter was drafted without popular participation during the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet and approved in a fraudulent plebiscite, framed in part by the Constitution, Chile attracted foreign investment. The country grew consistently and saw poverty decline. But this came at the cost of a sharp concentration of wealth and growing inequality. To cover the high cost of living, Chileans are heavily indebted. The public health and education systems are in ruins. Several provisions make it almost impossible to alter the free market model enacted under the military government. Rewriting the letter could allow more flexibility for Chile to make the economic and political changes demanded by the protesters.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Voters overwhelmingly approved a bid to scrap the charter inherited from Gen. Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship, a move that could set a new course for the country.

Voters in Santiago, Chile, cast ballots in a constitutional referendum on Sunday. Credit... Martin Bernetti/Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

SANTIAGO, Chile - The protests started over a small hike in metro fares, then exploded into a broad reckoning over inequality that shook Chile for weeks. Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators poured into the streets, calling for sweeping change in their society, with higher wages and pensions, better health care and education.

The movement soon seized on a vehicle for their demands: Chile's Constitution.

The existing charter, drafted without popular input during the military dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet and approved in a fraudulent plebiscite in 1980, was widely blamed for blocking change - and seen as a lingering link to a grim chapter in Chile's history.

On Sunday, just over a year after the massive demonstrations swept the nation, Chileans voted to scrap the dictatorship-era document and write a new one - a process that could transform the politics of a country that has long been regarded as one of the most stable and prosperous in Latin America.

With 100 percent of the ballots counted, voters approved the referendum in a landslide victory, and 78 percent voted in favor of a new Constitution.

"This plebiscite is not the end; it is the beginning of a path we should all undertake together," President Sebastián Piñera said in an address from the presidential palace.

"Until now, the Constitution has divided us," he added. "As of today, we should all cooperate to make the new Constitution become one home for all of us."

Until the protests last year, the idea of a new Constitution "wasn't on anyone's agenda," said Lucía Dammert, a political scientist and board member of the research center Espacio Público. "The fact we are now discussing a new Constitution is a victory of the social movement."

The vote, originally scheduled for April, was postponed as Chile went on lockdown during the pandemic. Now, with most of the capital, Santiago, and other areas gradually opening up, voter turnout was high.

Thousands of people flocked to the Plaza Italia in Santiago to celebrate on Sunday night, chanting, dancing, waving flags and setting off fireworks. Demonstrators unfurled banners addressed to Pinochet, with messages like "Goodbye, General," and "Erasing your legacy will be our legacy."

"Today, citizenship and democracy have prevailed, and peace has prevailed over violence," Mr. Piñera said. "This is a victory for all Chileans."

On Sunday morning, Chileans turned out in droves to participate. Throughout the country, voters in masks ringed block after block in calm, orderly lines.

Image

Chileans waiting in line to vote. Turnout appeared to be high. Credit... Javier Torres/Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

After transitioning to democracy in 1990, Chile's market-friendly business environment, framed in part by the Constitution, attracted foreign investment. The country grew consistently and saw poverty go down. But this came at the cost of an acute concentration of wealth and growing inequality. Last year, the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America estimated that nearly a quarter of total income goes to 1 percent of Chile's population.

To cover the high cost of living, Chileans are greatly indebted. The Central Bank found last year that on average nearly three-fourths of household income was used to pay debt. The public health care and education systems are in shambles, and meager pensions force most people of retirement age to continue working.

Amalia Gómez, 66, barely gets by on a $125 monthly pension and picks up seamstress jobs to compensate. She and many others like her see a new Constitution as a path to better lives and a more equitable country for future generations.

"Why not, if we are a country rich in minerals, fish, agriculture?" she said. "Why can't we use those resources to our benefit, for our education and health?"

Sunday's ballot asks voters whether they want a new Constitution, and who should draft it: a body of only newly elected representatives or a convention in which half of the delegates would be members of Congress.

Voters overwhelmingly opted for a newly elected constitutional convention, without automatic inclusion of Congress members. Elections will be held in April to choose the delegates, among whom there must be gender parity. Political factions are still negotiating whether to reserve seats for Indigenous delegates.

Chileans are now scheduled to vote in 2022 to approve or reject the Constitution the convention drafts.

As the nation geared up for voting, tensions were high.

After last year's immense protests - known as the "estallido," or explosion - rocked the country, the pandemic sent demonstrators home for much of 2020. Timid protests returned last month, leading to clashes between demonstrators and the police.

A giant protest last Oct. 25 in Santiago, the capital, was part of a movement seeking sweeping change in Chilean society, including better wages, pensions, health care and education. Credit... Tomas Munita for The New York Times

In one protest on Oct. 2, a police officer pushed a teenager off a bridge and into the bed of the Mapocho River in Santiago. The teenager survived with fractures, and the officer was charged with attempted murder and expelled from the force.

Last Sunday, tens of thousands flocked to the protests' epicenter, Plaza Italia, to commemorate the anniversary of the uprising. The demonstration was largely peaceful, but late in the afternoon small groups set fire to two churches, including one used by the police for religious services.

Last year's demonstrations often devolved into violence and were met with police brutality. The Public Prosecutor's Office received 8,827 reports of human rights violations, including hundreds of complaints of permanent eye damage from rubber bullets; two people lost their sight completely.

By early last November, the clashes had left five people dead and nearly 1,800 wounded. Mr. Piñera was facing competing calls to deploy the armed forces to restore order - or to resign. Instead, he announced he was willing to open the process for a new Constitution - an idea that sharply divided his own party.

The 1980 Constitution has undergone several changes since it was drafted behind closed doors by a Pinochet-appointed commission. The most significant shift, in 2005, eliminated major authoritarian provisions.

Still, many Chileans saw Sunday's vote as highly symbolic.

President Sebastián Piñera of Chile casting his vote in Santiago. Credit... Marcelo Segura/Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

It "means putting an end to the chapter of dictatorship," said Hernán Becker, 58, a salesman who participated in a demonstration last Sunday. "Its origin is totally illegitimate: under military rule, with no freedom of expression, no freedom of assembly."

Rewriting the charter will also allow greater flexibility for Chile to make the economic and policy changes demanded by protesters.

Under the current charter, new laws may be subjected to scrutiny by a constitutional tribunal, which has the final say on whether they pass muster. And laws that touch on education policy, political parties, the military, the electoral system, mining and reforming the Constitution, among other topics, require a supermajority for approval.

Several provisions make altering the free market model enacted under military rule nearly impossible, experts said.

"Chile's Constitution is neoliberal in nature, and its basic role is to guarantee conditions for the free market, even in traditional social areas such as education, health and social security," said Fernando Atria, a law professor specializing in constitutional matters. "What we need is a Constitution that guarantees social rights more than market conditions."

While the proposal to write a new Constitution enjoys widespread support, opponents say it would be a mistake to scrap a charter that has been instrumental in Chile's economic success.

"It guarantees freedom, protects individuals from the excesses of the state, ensures the protection of property and guarantees social rights," said Gerardo Jofré, a businessman and one of the directors of the Independents for Rejection campaign. "Those who are rebelling in Chile don't want to change the Constitution, they want to change the model, and that is a monumental mistake."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
'An End to the Chapter of Dictatorship': Chileans Vote to Draft a New Constitution

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Voters overwhelmingly approved a bid to scrap the charter inherited from Gen. Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship, a move that could set a new course for the country. SANTIAGO, Chile - The protests started over a small hike in metro fares, then exploded into a broad reckoning over inequality that shook Chile for weeks.

# data[].attributes.headline
December, 2021                                                  "Gabriel Boric: From student protest leader to Chile's president"        

# data[].attributes.subject
December, 2021                                                  "Gabriel Boric: From student protest leader to Chile's president"        

# data[].attributes.body
Resumen en Español:

El exlíder de la protesta estudiantil, Gabriel Boric, obtuvo una victoria histórica, el hombre de 35 años ha prometido cambios ambiciosos para un país que se ha visto sacudido en los últimos años por manifestaciones masivas contra la desigualdad y la corrupción. Prometió reformas radicales al modelo económico de libre mercado impuesto por el ex dictador general Augusto Pinochet. Que se cree la raíz de la profunda desigualdad del país, desequilibrios que salieron a la superficie durante las protestas de 2019 que provocaron una nueva redacción oficial de la constitución. Fue estudiante de derecho en la Universidad de Chile, pero nunca terminó sus estudios, decidiendo en cambio enfocarse en la política. En 2013, fue electo al Congreso como independiente, en representación de su región de Magallanes. Obtuvo apoyos más allá de su base en la capital, Santiago, y atrajo votantes en áreas rurales. Partidario del matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo y del derecho al aborto, también contaba con el respaldo de un gran número de mujeres.

Resumen en Inglés:

With former student protest leader Gabriel Boric scoring a historic victory, the 35-year-old has promised ambitious changes for a country that has been rocked in recent years by massive demonstrations against inequality and corruption. He promised sweeping reforms to the free-market economic model imposed by former dictator General Augusto Pinochet.  This model is believed to be the root of the country's deep inequality, imbalances that surfaced during the 2019 protests that prompted an official redraft of the constitution. He was a law student at the University of Chile, but never finished his studies, deciding instead to focus on politics. In 2013, he was elected to Congress as an independent, representing his region of Magallanes. He garnered support beyond his base in the capital, Santiago, and attracted voters in rural areas. A supporter of same-sex marriage and the right to abortion, he also had the support of a large number of women.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Former student protest leader Gabriel Boric has won a historic victory to become Chile's youngest ever president. The 35-year-old has promised ambitious changes for a country that has been rocked in recent years by mass demonstrations against inequality and corruption.

When Mr Boric won the candidacy of his leftist bloc to run for president, he made a bold pledge. "If Chile was the cradle of neoliberalism, it will also be its grave," he said. "Do not be afraid of the youth changing this country."

And so he ran on a platform promising radical reforms to the free-market economic model imposed by former dictator Gen Augusto Pinochet. One that, he says, is the root of the country's deep inequality, imbalances that came to the surface during protests in 2019 that triggered an official redraft of the constitution.

After a polarising campaign, Mr Boric defeated far-right rival José Antonio Kast in the second round of the presidential election by a surprising large margin, ushering in a new chapter in the country's political history.

"We are a generation that emerged in public life demanding our rights be respected as rights and not treated like consumer goods or a business," Mr Boric said in his victory speech to thousands of supporters, most of them young people.

"We know there continues to be justice for the rich, and justice for the poor, and we no longer will [we] permit that the poor keep paying the price of Chile's inequality."

Mr Boric not only faces a divided country but also a fractured parliament, worried investors and a slowed economy that is the result of the recent political upheaval and the pandemic.

Born on 11 February 1986 in Punta Arenas, in Chile's far south, he came to prominence a decade ago when he led mass demonstrations demanding improved and cheaper education.

He was then a law student at the University of Chile, but he never finished his studies, deciding instead to focus on politics. In 2013, he was elected to Congress as an independent, representing his Magallanes region, and was later re-elected to a second term with a landslide victory.

Bearded, tattooed and rarely seen wearing a tie, Mr Boric represented a break from the traditional image of presidential candidates. During the campaign, he spoke about his diagnosis of obsessive compulsive disorder, saying it was "good that Chile talked about mental health". Critics, however, say he is inexperienced, and he himself has conceded he has "much to learn".

Mr Boric, who says he is an avid reader of poetry and history, describes himself as a moderate socialist. He has abandoned the long hair of his activist days, and jackets now often cover his tattoos on both arms.

He has also softened some of his views while keeping his promises to overhaul the pension system, expand social services including universal health insurance, increase taxes for big companies and wealthy individuals, and create a greener economy.

His resounding win in the run-off vote of the presidential election, after trailing Mr Kast in the first round, came after he secured support beyond his base in the capital, Santiago, and attracted voters in rural areas. A supporter of same-sex marriage and abortion rights, he was also backed by huge numbers of women.

In his victory speech, when he was joined by his girlfriend, he promised to be a "president for all Chileans", saying: "Today hope trumped fear".

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Gabriel Boric: From student protest leader to Chile's president

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Former student protest leader Gabriel Boric has won a historic victory to become Chile's youngest ever president. The 35-year-old has promised ambitious changes for a country that has been rocked in recent years by mass demonstrations against inequality and corruption. When Mr Boric won the candidacy of his leftist bloc to run for president, he made a bold pledge.

# data[].attributes.headline
May, 2022                                                                  Chile finalises new draft constitution to replace Pinochet-era document 

# data[].attributes.subject
May, 2022                                                                  Chile finalises new draft constitution to replace Pinochet-era document 

# data[].attributes.body
Resumen en Español:

Después de 10 meses de tensas negociaciones, Chile finalizó el borrador de una nueva constitución que podría reemplazar la constitución de la dictadura de Pinochet (1973). Aunque esta fue reformada significativamente en 2005, conserva las huellas ideológicas del dictador. La asamblea de 154 miembros con igualdad de género, presentará formalmente el borrador en Antofagasta.  Entre la larga lista de derechos y libertades que consagra están la educación superior  gratuita, la paridad de género en todo el gobierno y que el Estado sea responsable de prevenir y mitigar el cambio climático. Ofrece por primera vez reconocimiento constitucional a la población indígena de Chile, y la restitución compensada de sus tierras; la eliminación del Senado por  una legislatura unicameral y el reemplazo del sistema privado de derechos de agua de Chile, entre otros. La Constitución será sometida a referéndum el 4 de septiembre de 2022. El proceso fue diseñado con la participación de ciudadanos capaces de aprobar artículos y debatir legislación en asambleas a lo largo de Chile. A medida que el país confrontaba su pasado de frente, una vociferante campaña para socavar el proceso se ha desatado en el fondo. Con 499 artículos, la nueva constitución de Chile sería la más larga del mundo. Si el proyecto es aprobado por mayoría, será ratificado como la nueva constitución de Chile. Si es rechazado, el documento de 1980 seguirá vigente.

Resumen en Inglés:

After 10 months of tense negotiations, Chile finalized the draft of a new constitution that could replace the constitution of the Pinochet dictatorship (1973). Although this was significantly reformed in 2005, it retains the ideological traces of the dictator. The assembly of 154 members with gender equality, formally highlights the project in Antofagasta. Among the long list of rights and freedoms that they enshrine are free higher education, gender parity throughout the government and that the State is responsible for preventing and mitigating climate change. For the first time, it offers constitutional recognition to the indigenous population of Chile, and the compensatory restitution of their lands; the elimination of the Senate by a unicameral legislature and the replacement of Chile's private water rights system, among others. The Constitution will be submitted to a referendum on September 4, 2022. The process was designed with the participation of citizens capable of approving articles and debating laws in assemblies throughout Chile. As the country confronted its past head-on, a vociferous campaign to undermine the process has raged in the background. With 499 articles, Chile's new constitution would be the longest in the world. If the project is approved by the majority, it will be ratified as Chile's new constitution. If rejected, the 1980 document will remain in effect.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Chile finalises new draft constitution to replace Pinochet-era document

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Process spawned amid mass protests in 2019 will culminate in September plebiscite but polls show only 38% currently in favour