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The Brain Drain was a period during the early 2000s where Canadian academics and graduates moved to the United States to pursue jobs in academia. Particularly in biomedical sciences and biotechnology, due to the draft version of the human genome being sequenced. In 2002, my parents moved to California from Vancouver, so that my dad could complete his post-doctoral work at an private research institute in San Diego.

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My parents in Pismo beach while on their way to San Diego.

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CANADA'S BRAIN DRAIN: MONEY LURES SCIENTISTS SOUTH

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CANADA'S BRAIN DRAIN: MONEY LURES SCIENTISTS SOUTH

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TORONTO -- After taking over Canada's only private medical research institute five years ago, Mark Poznansky started hunting for eager Canadian scientists to expand his staff.

Fortunately, he found them.

Unfortunately, they were already working in the United States, and it took a hard sell and some aggressive fund-raising to lure them back from Harvard, Stanford, the National Cancer Institute and other American institutions.

Although Poznansky counts that "repatriation" of Canadian researchers among his chief successes -- more than half of the 17 scientists he hired in the last five years were Canadian nationals brought back from the United States -- his experience has been more the exception than the rule here in recent years. With Canadian research budgets dwindling, the lucrative grants, lower taxes and apparently stronger national commitment to scientific research that exist south of the border have become irresistible lures for many researchers who grew up and were trained in Canada.

For every scientist retained or attracted back to Canada, Poznansky said, many more leave, sometimes taking years of expertise with them. The result, he and others have warned with increasing urgency, is a brain drain that will make it harder for Canada to expand an economy still rooted in the country's natural resource wealth.

With research budgets increasing in the United States and parts of Europe, "long term . . . Canada will become a wasteland in terms of discovery and therefore of wealth and job creation," said Poznansky, president of the John P. Robarts Research Institute in London, Ontario. "The discovery platform -- the young people -- are going to leave."

Despite its relatively small size, Canada has built a successful scientific and research community. Canadian researchers discovered insulin at the University of Toronto in the 1920s, developed a unique technology for generating nuclear power and built the robotic arm being used on the American space shuttle.

But, as in many other fields, it is a community that has grown up in the shadow of the United States and sometimes sought validation from it.

Just as Canadian actress Mary Pickford migrated south and became one of Hollywood's first bona fide stars, many of this country's most talented performers, artists, scientists and entrepreneurs feel their careers are incomplete unless they succeed in the United States.

The concern now, however, is not over the loss of a singer or comedian, but of the type of technological prowess that makes countries competitive in the global marketplace.

Four decades ago, the government's decision to abandon development of the Avro Arrow military plane, a jet considered a generation ahead of its time, is thought to have crippled a budding Canadian aerospace industry and perhaps cost the country thousands of potential jobs.

In the early 1980s and 1990s, Poznansky said, Canadian scientists were becoming noted for genetic research on cystic fibrosis and muscular dystrophy, but looked to the United States for the money and support to exploit their discoveries.

Vancouver researcher Michael Smith, for example, won a Nobel Prize for his work on methods for altering genes but was lured to Seattle to establish a company to develop the technology.

More recently, government officials, in their assault on the federal deficit, cut the budget of every agency, including the country's three main research councils. The reductions amounted to as much as 25 percent. At a time when the National Institutes of Health and other U.S. institutions received funding increases and promises of more to come, grants in Canada were becoming scarcer and smaller, and research facilities were being closed.

At Chalk River, Ontario, where Canadian scientists contributed to the development of atomic bomb technology during World War II, recent cuts forced Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd. to shut down its particle accelerator. Most of the approximately 20 scientists who worked at the facility left for jobs in the United States, said Larry Shewchuk, a company spokesman.

Although the accelerator was considered a valuable tool for the firm's physicists, Shewchuk said the agency considered it a luxury that did not relate to the main business of studying how to generate nuclear power more safely. There are no other institutions or universities in the country that could afford to run it, he said.

The scientists "were offered jobs immediately, on the spot," by such places as the University of Chicago, Shewchuk said. "The consensus of everyone is that it was really great science, but we simply could not afford it."

There are some bright spots, including the country's most recent federal budget. Beset by a lobbying campaign organized by Canadian research groups -- one that included the resumes of scientists who have left the country for the United States and even a copy of a U.S. government check sent to support a Canadian researcher -- Canadian federal officials agreed to restore funding for the three research councils to their 1994 level.

Industry Minister John Manley said the Liberal Party government realized Canada needed to better support basic research or risk losing its technological capacity to the United States.

"This had the potential to become a much bigger problem," Manley said. "If we had continued to allow the research funding to continue to decline . . . it would have been significant."

Whether the trend can be reversed is another issue. Even restoring funding to the 1994 level -- about $600 million for the three main research councils -- leaves Canada far behind the United States in per capita spending on some areas of research. In a presentation to Health Minister Allan Rock, Poznansky estimated that the U.S. government spends about $66 per capita on health and medical research, while Canada spends only about $8.

That reality is in part why biologist Alexandra Joyner is working in Manhattan. A Toronto native, Joyner said her career followed an arc common in Canada. She completed her doctoral work at the University of Toronto, did some post-doctoral study in California, spent eight years as a researcher in a Canadian hospital -- and realized her opportunities were limited unless she was willing to leave the country again.

She is now director of a program at the Skirball Institute in New York, where she was allowed to recruit her own staff of 10 scientists to pursue biomedical research. She also has received a grant from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute that has guaranteed her salary and research costs for a decade or more, giving her a degree of latitude in her research that she said would be impossible to find in Canada.

"I hope at some point {Canada} would look attractive" again, Joyner said. She said the situation is particularly frustrating for young researchers who, just as they are starting their careers, must choose between a country where initial research grants are around $35,000 and one -- the United States -- where they are $130,000 or more.

"If they all leave, then the whole structure of Canadian research is going to fall apart," Joyner said.

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CANADA'S BRAIN DRAIN: MONEY LURES SCIENTISTS SOUTH

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TORONTO -- After taking over Canada's only private medical research institute five years ago, Mark Poznansky started hunting for eager Canadian scientists to expand his staff. Fortunately, he found them. Unfortunately, they were already working in the United States, and it took a hard sell and some aggressive fund-raising to lure them back from Harvard, Stanford, the National Cancer Institute and other American institutions.

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In 1914 during the first World War, my great-great grandfather was taken into the Russian army. In 1915, my great-great grandmother and great grandmother escaped Volhynia, Russia/Poland (now northwestern Ukraine) to find safety northern Germany (they were German but had lived in a German farming community in Russian for generations). They were forced to leave Germany because they were considered “White Russians”, so they went to a refugee camp at the edge of Denmark. 7 years after they had been separated, my great-great grandparents were reunited in Denmark. During this time, Canada was inviting immigrants to come settle on land in Manitoba and Saskatchewan, causing them to arrive by ship in 1923.

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Between December 2007 to June 2009, the world, but more specifically the United States, experienced a period of economic depression. It was triggered by the United States housing market bubble bursting, due to the banking industries loose lending practices. It led to job losses, increased unemployment, and a decline in household wealth. My parents bought our house in June of 2007, and only 6 months later the value of our home decreased by 1/3. If my parents had waited only a few more months to buy our house, they could have spent a lot less than they originally had to.

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July 1, 1915 - The Expulsion of Germans from Volhynia - Ewald Rapp Biography

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On March 13, 2020, all Fresno Unified schools shut down in response to COVID-19 pandemic. Students were supposed to return to school after spring break, but due to the rapid outbreak of the virus, online schooling did not resume until August. The sudden shift led to a disruption of every aspect of normalcy that I had in my life. All the activities my middle school had planned the following week were cancelled. I had to wait an extra 4 months to get my braces off, and my class never got the chance to go to 6th Grade Camp-something we had all be looking forward to. Online school was not the same. It was very difficult to focus online and students lost valuable instructional time due to the short school days.

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The period known as the Great Moderation came to an end when the decade-long expansion in US housing market activity peaked in 2006 and residential construction began declining. In 2007, losses on mortgage-related financial assets began to cause strains in global financial markets, and in December 2007 the US economy entered a recession. That year several large financial firms experienced financial distress, and many financial markets experienced significant turbulence. In response, the Federal Reserve provided liquidity and support through a range of programs motivated by a desire to improve the functioning of financial markets and institutions, and thereby limit the harm to the US economy.Nonetheless, in the fall of 2008, the economic contraction worsened, ultimately becoming deep enough and protracted enough to acquire the label "the Great Recession." While the US economy bottomed out in the middle of 2009, the recovery in the years immediately following was by some measures unusually slow. The Federal Reserve has provided unprecedented monetary accommodation in response to the severity of the contraction and the gradual pace of the ensuing recovery. In addition, the financial crisis led to a range of major reforms in banking and financial regulation, congressional legislation that significantly affected the Federal Reserve.

Rise and Fall of the Housing Market

The recession and crisis followed an extended period of expansion in US housing construction, home prices, and housing credit. This expansion began in the 1990s and continued unabated through the 2001 recession, accelerating in the mid-2000s. Average home prices in the United States more than doubled between 1998 and 2006, the sharpest increase recorded in US history, and even larger gains were recorded in some regions. Home ownership in this period rose from 64 percent in 1994 to 69 percent in 2005, and residential investment grew from about 4.5 percent of US gross domestic product to about 6.5 percent over the same period. Roughly 40 percent of net private sector job creation between 2001 and 2005 was accounted for by employment in housing-related sectors.

The expansion in the housing sector was accompanied by an expansion in home mortgage borrowing by US households. Mortgage debt of US households rose from 61 percent of GDP in 1998 to 97 percent in 2006. A number of factors appear to have contributed to the growth in home mortgage debt. In the period after the 2001 recession, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) maintained a low federal funds rate, and some observers have suggested that by keeping interest rates low for a "prolonged period" and by only increasing them at a "measured pace" after 2004, the Federal Reserve contributed to the expansion in housing market activity (Taylor 2007). However, other analysts have suggested that such factors can only account for a small portion of the increase in housing activity (Bernanke 2010). Moreover, the historically low level of interest rates may have been due, in part, to large accumulations of savings in some emerging market economies, which acted to depress interest rates globally (Bernanke 2005). Others point to the growth of the market for mortgage-backed securities as contributing to the increase in borrowing. Historically, it was difficult for borrowers to obtain mortgages if they were perceived as a poor credit risk, perhaps because of a below-average credit history or the inability to provide a large down payment. But during the early and mid-2000s, high-risk, or "subprime," mortgages were offered by lenders who repackaged these loans into securities. The result was a large expansion in access to housing credit, helping to fuel the subsequent increase in demand that bid up home prices nationwide.

Effects on the Financial Sector

After home prices peaked in the beginning of 2007, according to the Federal Housing Finance Agency House Price Index, the extent to which prices might eventually fall became a significant question for the pricing of mortgage-related securities because large declines in home prices were viewed as likely to lead to an increase in mortgage defaults and higher losses to holders of such securities. Large, nationwide declines in home prices had been relatively rare in the US historical data, but the run-up in home prices also had been unprecedented in its scale and scope. Ultimately, home prices fell by over a fifth on average across the nation from the first quarter of 2007 to the second quarter of 2011. This decline in home prices helped to spark the financial crisis of 2007-08, as financial market participants faced considerable uncertainty about the incidence of losses on mortgage-related assets. In August 2007, pressures emerged in certain financial markets, particularly the market for asset-backed commercial paper, as money market investors became wary of exposures to subprime mortgages (Covitz, Liang, and Suarez 2009). In the spring of 2008, the investment bank Bear Stearns was acquired by JPMorgan Chase with the assistance of the Federal Reserve. In September, Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy, and the next day the Federal Reserve provided support to AIG, a large insurance and financial services company. Citigroup and Bank of America sought support from the Federal Reserve, the Treasury, and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.

The Fed's support to specific financial institutions was not the only expansion of central bank credit in response to the crisis. The Fed also introduced a number of new lending programs that provided liquidity to support a range of financial institutions and markets. These included a credit facility for "primary dealers," the broker-dealers that serve as counterparties for the Fed's open market operations, as well as lending programs designed to provide liquidity to money market mutual funds and the commercial paper market. Also introduced, in cooperation with the US Department of the Treasury, was the Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility (TALF), which was designed to ease credit conditions for households and businesses by extending credit to US holders of high-quality asset-backed securities.

About 350 members of the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now gather for a rally in front of the U.S. Capitol March 11, 2008, to raise awareness of home foreclosure crisis and encourage Congress to help LMI families stay in their homes. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Initially, the expansion of Federal Reserve credit was financed by reducing the Federal Reserve's holdings of Treasury securities, in order to avoid an increase in bank reserves that would drive the federal funds rate below its target as banks sought to lend out their excess reserves. But in October 2008, the Federal Reserve gained the authority to pay banks interest on their excess reserves. This gave banks an incentive to hold onto their reserves rather than lending them out, thus mitigating the need for the Federal Reserve to offset its expanded lending with reductions in other assets.

Effects on the Broader Economy

The housing sector led not only the financial crisis, but also the downturn in broader economic activity. Residential investment peaked in 2006, as did employment in residential construction. The overall economy peaked in December 2007, the month the National Bureau of Economic Research recognizes as the beginning of the recession. The decline in overall economic activity was modest at first, but it steepened sharply in the fall of 2008 as stresses in financial markets reached their climax. From peak to trough, US gross domestic product fell by 4.3 percent, making this the deepest recession since World War II. It was also the longest, lasting eighteen months. The unemployment rate more than doubled, from less than 5 percent to 10 percent.

In response to weakening economic conditions, the FOMC lowered its target for the federal funds rate from 4.5 percent at the end of 2007 to 2 percent at the beginning of September 2008. As the financial crisis and the economic contraction intensified in the fall of 2008, the FOMC accelerated its interest rate cuts, taking the rate to its effective floor - a target range of 0 to 25 basis points - by the end of the year. In November 2008, the Federal Reserve also initiated the first in a series of large-scale asset purchase (LSAP) programs, buying mortgage-backed securities and longer-term Treasury securities. These purchases were intended to put downward pressure on long-term interest rates and improve financial conditions more broadly, thereby supporting economic activity (Bernanke 2012).

The recession ended in June 2009, but economic weakness persisted. Economic growth was only moderate - averaging about 2 percent in the first four years of the recovery - and the unemployment rate, particularly the rate of long-term unemployment, remained at historically elevated levels. In the face of this prolonged weakness, the Federal Reserve maintained an exceptionally low level for the federal funds rate target and sought new ways to provide additional monetary accommodation. These included additional LSAP programs, known more popularly as quantitative easing, or QE. The FOMC also began communicating its intentions for future policy settings more explicitly in its public statements, particularly the circumstances under which exceptionally low interest rates were likely to be appropriate. For example, in December 2012, the committee stated that it anticipates that exceptionally low interest rates would likely remain appropriate at least as long as the unemployment rate was above a threshold value of 6.5 percent and inflation was expected to be no more than a half percentage point above the committee's 2 percent longer-run goal. This strategy, known as "forward guidance," was intended to convince the public that rates would stay low at least until certain economic conditions were met, thereby putting downward pressure on longer-term interest rates.

Effects on Financial Regulation

When the financial market turmoil had subsided, attention naturally turned to reforms to the financial sector and its supervision and regulation, motivated by a desire to avoid similar events in the future. A number of measures have been proposed or put in place to reduce the risk of financial distress. For traditional banks, there are significant increases in the amount of required capital overall, with larger increases for so-called "systemically important" institutions (Bank for International Settlements 2011a; 2011b). Liquidity standards will for the first time formally limit the amount of banks' maturity transformation (Bank for International Settlements 2013). Regular stress testing will help both banks and regulators understand risks and will force banks to use earnings to build capital instead of paying dividends as conditions deteriorate (Board of Governors 2011).

The Dodd-Frank Act of 2010 also created new provisions for the treatment of large financial institutions. For example, the Financial Stability Oversight Council has the authority to designate nontraditional credit intermediaries "Systemically Important Financial Institutions" (SIFIs), which subjects them to the oversight of the Federal Reserve. The act also created the Orderly Liquidation Authority (OLA), which allows the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation to wind down certain institutions when the firm's failure is expected to pose a great risk to the financial system. Another provision of the act requires large financial institutions to create "living wills," which are detailed plans laying out how the institution could be resolved under US bankruptcy code without jeopardizing the rest of the financial system or requiring government support.

Like the Great Depression of the 1930s and the Great Inflation of the 1970s, the financial crisis of 2008 and the ensuing recession are vital areas of study for economists and policymakers. While it may be many years before the causes and consequences of these events are fully understood, the effort to untangle them is an important opportunity for the Federal Reserve and other agencies to learn lessons that can inform future policy.

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The 2007-09 economic crisis was deep and protracted enough to become known as "the Great Recession" and was followed by what was, by some measures, a long but unusually slow recovery.

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Michael Doyle - McClatchy Newspapers Updated June 17, 2009 4:49 PM

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Where’s recession really bad? California’s San Joaquin Valley

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WASHINGTON -- The great recession has slammed Stockton, Fresno and Modesto, Calif., harder than almost any other metropolitan areas in the country, according to the latest grim accounting.

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Bob Nelson Announcing Cancelling of Classes

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Bob Nelson Announcing Cancelling of Classes

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Fresno Unified Cancels Classes. They Will Resume April 14.

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Monica Velez Updated August 25, 2020 6:34 PM

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Fresno schools release distance learning plan. Teachers say it’s short on key details

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The Bee has removed the paywall for this story.

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The Germans from Volhynia and Russian Poland

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The Germans from Volhynia and Russian Poland

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Definition

Volhynia, located in the northwest of present-day Ukraine, borders Belarus in the north, the Carpathian Mountains in the south, and Poland in the west. It was ruled by Poland until the late 18th century, when Poland was partitioned by the Prussian, Austrian, and Russian Empires. After the partition, Volhynia was a gubernia, or province, of the Russian Empire until 1919, when the western part of Volhynia once again became part of Poland. In 1945 the entire area of the Volhynia Gubernia was absorbed into the Soviet Union, but the gubernia system was no longer used and the Volhynia name was used to identify a smaller region, called an oblast, in the western part of the old gubernia. Most of what was the Volhynia Gubernia is now in Ukraine, with a small part of northern Volhynia in Belarus. Its capital was Zhitomir.

Source:

http://beepworld.de/members2/joergfroehlich/index.htm

Settlement

In Volhynia, early German settlement was sporadic. German craftsmen and merchants had settled in the region as early as the 13th century, and with the expansion of Protestantism, Germans were involved in setting up Protestant schools and played an important part in the cultural development of the area. But the immigration of colonists came later. [1]

One of the first colonies was at Koretz in 1783. A few Mennonite agricultural villages from Prussia were established prior to 1793, but most of them moved on to the Black Sea region within a few decades. The first permanent settlement by colonists, mostly from Pomerania, came in 1816 but significant migration into Volhynia did not occur until the 1830s. [2] .

The migration to Volhynia was initiated under vastly different circumstances than the migration to other parts of the Russian empire. Polish landlords who had retained land after the Russian occupation were looking for qualified farmers to develop and farm their land. No special privileges were extended to these immigrants except for those which could be provided by the local nobility. It was the shortage of land in their old homes that drove most of the Germans into this region, but some immigration was also motivated by religion: Virtually all German Baptist communities that had been established in the 1850s in Poland emigrated to Volhynia (by 1914 Volhynia would have between 40,000 and 50,000 Baptists, served by about a dozen churches [3] ).

Source:

http://www.stat.ualberta.ca/people/schmu/giff/volhynia.jpg

By 1860, there were only about 5,000 Volhynian Germans in 35 small villages. Then, with the abolition of serfdom in 1861 and the failed Polish Insurrection of 1863, Germans began to flood into this area. By 1871, there were over 28,000 and by the turn of the century, over 200,000 lived in Volhynia. Most of them had come from Poland, with a minority moving there from Wuerttemberg, Pomerania, East Prussia, Silesia, and Galicia.

In the late stages of the 19th century, conditions for the Volhynian Germans became progressively worse as they lost more and more of their freedoms and privileges that they had been granted. From 1870 on, thousands emigrated to North America.

Under the Soviets, the Volhynian Germans suffered greatly under repression and the collectivization of the land; individual farms were torn town and villages had to be built instead. Small wonder that some Volhynian Germans welcomed the arrival of the German army after the outbreak of the War. Pursuant to an agreement between the Reich and the Soviet Union ethnic Germans from Volhynia were resettled. In December 1939, the first 1,000 Volhynian Germans arrived in the vicinity of Lodz. By February, more than 100,000 persons were moved in from eastern Galicia and Volhynia. Most of them were resettled into the Warthegau where Polish farmers were cruelly expropriated. By 1943/44 altogether 350,000 Germans from Russia were settled in the Warthegau where they received German citizenship.

Settlement in Alberta

The Germans from Volhynia formed small, more or less closed settlements in the 1890s in all three Prairie provinces. In 1894 Germans from Volhynia settled in and around Regina, Rosthern, Yorkton, Langenburg, Lampman, Yellow Grass, Lang, Kipling, Lemberg, Lipton, Mossbank, St. Boswells and Morse. In Manitoba, colonies of Volhynians were started in the vicinity of the Mennonites in Emerson, Gretna, Morris, Brown, Morden and Friedensfeld near Steinbach, as well as east of Winnipeg near Beau-sejour, Goldenbay, Greenbay, Grünwald, and Thalberg, and in the north near Waldersee, Grahamdale, Moosehorn and Camper.

In Alberta, they settled in colonies in Wetaskiwin, Brightview, Leduc, Nisku, Bashaw, Ellerslie, Brüderheim, Brüderfeld, New Sarepta, Peace Hill and Golden Spike. Except for the Moravian Brethren, who in 1894 founded the colonies of Brüderheim, Brüderfeld, and New Sarepta, almost all the Germans from Volhynia at that time were Lutheran Protestants. [4]

Lutheran Germans from Russia founded Heimthal colony near the Rabbit Hills. To the north of it, in 1892-93, Germans from Volhynia founded Lutherhort congregation.

In 1893, the first German Baptists from Volhynia settled in the Leduc farm district. By 1904 as many as a hundred German families had settled there, almost all from Volhynia and mostly Baptists, with a few Lutheran families among them.

The area west of Wetaskiwin, which had been settled by some 20 families of Germans from Russia in 1892, continued to grow as a result of the steady influx of Lutherans and Baptists from Volhynia. In 1894 settlers took up land in the area beyond Bittern Lake, west of Camrose. Immigration to this area was particularly strong between 1895 and 1905, and the region was the chief destination of Germans from Volhynia immigrating to western Canada. [5]

Notes

[1] "Familienforschung in Wolhynien," http://www.wolhynien.de/history.htm. Accessed on March 13, 2004.

[2] Jerry Frank."Germans in Russia and other C.I.S. States." Accessed on January 27, 2005.

[3] "Volhynian Baptist pastors," http://www.genealogyunlimited.com/daveobee/bapt.html. Accessed on March 13, 2004.

[4] Lehmann, Heinz. The German Canadians: 1750-1937. Immigration, settlement and culture. Translated, edited and introduced by Gerhard P. Bassler (St. John's, NF: Jesperson Presss, 1986), p. 116.

[5] Lehmann, pp. 243-245.

Sources

1. "Wolhyniens Geschichte - vom Ursprung zur Umsiedlung der Wolhyniendeutschen 1939/1940 bis zur Ahnenforschung dieser Region," http://beepworld.de/members2/joergfroehlich/index.htm. Accessed on March 16, 2004.

2. "Familienforschung in Wolhynien," http://www.wolhynien.de/index.htm. Accessed on March 16, 2004. "Volhynian history and geography."

3. "Kurze Geschichte der Wolhyniendeutschen," http://www.wolhynien.de/history.htm.

4. Miller, Donald N. In the midst of wolves. A history of German Baptists in Volhynia, Russia, 1863-1943. Portland, Oregon: Multnomah Printing, 2000. History of 20 German Baptist churches in Volhynia, interwoven with personal histories of their members and leaders, and anecdotes from daily life.

5. An excellent discussion of German settlement in Alberta is provided by Heinz Lehmann in his The German Canadians: 1750-1937. Immigration, settlement and culture (translated, edited and introduced by Gerhard P. Bassler. St. John's, NF: Jesperson Presss, 1986), pp. 239-251.

6. The Historical Society of Germans from Poland and Volhynia has an office and a library in Trinity Lutheran Church in Edmonton (10014-81 Avenue, Edmonton, AB, T6E 1W8. Tel. : (780) 433-1604; email: office@trinity-lutheran.ab.ca). Its holdings include family history books, church history records, Zhitomir church records, pedigree charts, maps, newspapers, photos, etc. President: Mr. Dan Pretzlaff (51236 Range Road 825, Sherwood Park, Tel.: 440-0197; e-mail: ipodolej@hotmail.com).

7. The most important English-language resource on the Germans from Volhynia and Russian Poland is the Society for German Genealogy in Eastern Europe site. Its headquarters and library are located in Calgary. The Society has membership from around the world, and they regularly hold conventions / conferences in Calgary and Edmonton.

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The Germans from Volhynia and Russian Poland

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Volhynia, located in the northwest of present-day Ukraine, borders Belarus in the north, the Carpathian Mountains in the south, and Poland in the west. It was ruled by Poland until the late 18th century, when Poland was partitioned by the Prussian, Austrian, and Russian Empires.

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My great grandmother, Augusta, on the right, with her mother, father, and siblings.

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https://irpp.org/research-studies/the-brain-drain-myth-and-reality/

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From Revisiting Canada's Brain Drain: Evidence from the 2000 Cohort of Canadian University Graduates by David Zarifa and David Walters

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From Archives of Ontario War Poster Collection, Bring Him Home with the Victory Loan [Canada], [ca. 1918]

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The Great Recession's Impact on the Housing Market

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The Great Recession's Impact on the Housing Market

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https://www.investopedia.com/investing/great-recessions-impact-housing-market/

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The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Quality of Educational Process: A Student Survey

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The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Quality of Educational Process: A Student Survey

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https://www.mdpi.com/1660-4601/17/21/7770

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From THE ANNIE E. CASEY FOUNDATION, PANDEMIC LEARNING LOSS AND COVID -19: EDUCATION IMPACTS