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Il luogo in cui vivono gli studenti determina la qualità dell'istruzione che gli studenti riceveranno. Le comunità nere e latine ricevono meno opportunità educative rispetto alle comunità bianche.

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"Più della metà degli scolari della nazione si trova in distretti razzialmente concentrati, dove oltre il 75% degli studenti è bianco o non bianco"

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"Più della metà degli scolari della nazione si trova in distretti razzialmente concentrati, dove oltre il 75% degli studenti è bianco o non bianco"

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Kindergarten students dancing during a performance arts class at a school in New Jersey. A new report highlighted the drastic differences in funding for predominantly nonwhite school districts compared with mostly white districts. Credit... Michelle Gustafson for The New York Times

School districts that predominantly serve students of color received $23 billion less in funding than mostly white school districts in the United States in 2016, despite serving the same number of students, a new report found.

The report, released this week by the nonprofit EdBuild, put a dollar amount on the problem of school segregation, which has persisted long after Brown v. Board of Education and was targeted in recent lawsuits in states from New Jersey to Minnesota. The estimate also came as teachers across the country have protested and gone on strike to demand more funding for public schools.

"You can tell these dollars make a difference," said Rebecca Sibilia, the chief executive of EdBuild, a nonpartisan organization focused on improving the way states fund public education.

"Walk into a rural nonwhite community," she said. "Walk into an urban nonwhite school district. You can see what that means in terms of how much that has added up over time."

The report took aim at school district borders, which it said can chop up communities and wall off wealthier districts to fund their schools with local property tax revenue, while poorer districts are unable to generate the same revenue.

"Because schools rely heavily on local taxes, drawing borders around small, wealthy communities benefits the few at the detriment of the many," the report said.

The report, which looked at state and local funding for school districts in the 2015-16 school year, found that more than half of the nation's schoolchildren are in racially concentrated districts, where over 75 percent of students are either white or nonwhite.

On average, nonwhite districts received about $2,200 less per student than districts that were predominantly white, according to the report.

School districts are generally funded locally, but states are supposed to "fill in the gaps" so communities are evenly funded despite wealth disparities, Ms. Sibilia said. The report showed that in many states, "they are not keeping up with their own obligation," she said.

Differences in funding translate to the classroom, where underfunded communities often use older, worn textbooks and have less access to computers, said Francesca López, associate dean of the College of Education at the University of Arizona.

"I can tell you as a parent and as a researcher, when I walk into a school district that is in one of these low-funded areas, it is a stark contrast," Dr. López said. "They are basic rights to education, but look like amenities in comparison. It's dramatic."

The report identified certain states, like New Jersey, as among the "worst offenders." In New Jersey, which divides students up into more than 500 districts, predominantly nonwhite districts received about $3,400 less per student than mostly white districts, the report said.

A spokesman for the New Jersey Department of Education said he had not seen the report and could not immediately comment.

Arizona also had one of the most drastic differences in funding among states listed in the report. Dr. López said that in her state, "boundary lines are a huge contributor because of gerrymandering, segregation and zoning."

But she said the situation in Arizona was exacerbated by a new kind of "white flight" because of the popularity of charter schools and open enrollment, a policy that allows parents to request that their children attend schools outside the district. In Arizona, funding generally follows the student, rather than staying in the district.

"It's depleting even more funding from these districts that were already at a disadvantage to begin with," Dr. López said.

Richie Taylor, a spokesman for the Arizona Department of Education, said the department was aware of disparities in the state but did not believe the gap was "as egregious" as the report suggested.

"Equity and fairness are a major concern for us and we are open to exploring a variety of options to address these problems," he said in a statement.

But he said the State Legislature would need to take action to consolidate school districts, something school boards generally oppose.

"It is far from certain that consolidation would help here," he said. "What will help is more funding for education across the board," with a focus on addressing inequities.

But Ms. Sibilia said that larger, more inclusive school district borders could help "smooth out" some of the wealth disparities in many places in the United States.

"If you have a wealthy suburb or subdivision that happens to have very high-value homes, that is a subdivision that is going to be able to raise a significant amount of money from their property taxes," she said. "If you have a huge shopping mall in a suburb and you have a school district where they can keep their sales taxes, that's also going to play a role in the ability to spread out that money."

But right now, Ms. Sibilia said, about 180 school districts nationwide exist entirely within a larger school district - a figure she said showed how some school districts have become their own enclaves.

"When it comes to education," she said, "it is a public good and people need to share their wealth with their neighbors."

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How Much Wealthier Are White School Districts Than Nonwhite Ones? $23 Billion, Report Says (Published 2019)

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School districts that predominantly serve students of color received $23 billion less in funding than mostly white school districts in the United States in 2016, despite serving the same number of students, a new report found. The report, released this week by the nonprofit EdBuild, put a dollar amount on the problem of school segregation, which has persisted long after Brown v.

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La segregazione scolastica prima della sentenza Brown contro Board of Education (1954).

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è un partito politico neonazista statunitense fondato nel 1974

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Il Southern Poverty  Law Center è una organizzazione non-profit che si occupa del monitoraggio delle attività dei gruppi di “haters” degli Stati Uniti.

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 917 gruppi organizzati che inneggiano all’odio razziale. “Hate groups” li definisce il Southern Poverty Law Center

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 917 gruppi organizzati che inneggiano all’odio razziale. “Hate groups” li definisce il Southern Poverty Law Center

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Più di quattro persone su dieci affermano che il paese non ha compiuto progressi sufficienti verso l’uguaglianza razziale

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150 anni dopo che il 13 ° emendamento abolì la schiavitù negli Stati Uniti, la maggior parte degli adulti statunitensi afferma che l’eredità della schiavitù continua ad avere un impatto sulla percezione della comunità afroamericana

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Pew Research Center's Social & Demographic Trends Project

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For updated findings on views about racial inequality in the U.S., see "Amid National Reckoning, Americans Divided on Whether Increased Focus on Race Will Lead to Major Policy Change."
More than 150 years after the 13th Amendment abolished slavery in the United States, most U.S. adults say the legacy of slavery continues to have an impact on the position of black people in American society today. More than four-in-ten say the country hasn't made enough progress toward racial equality, and there is some skepticism, particularly among blacks, that black people will ever have equal rights with whites, according to a new Pew Research Center survey.

Opinions about the current state of race relations - and President Donald Trump's handling of the issue - are also negative. About six-in-ten Americans (58%) say race relations in the U.S. are bad, and of those, few see them improving. Some 56% think the president has made race relations worse; just 15% say he has improved race relations and another 13% say he has tried but failed to make progress on this issue. In addition, roughly two-thirds say it's become more common for people to express racist views since Trump became president.

Blacks are particularly gloomy about the country's racial progress. More than eight-in-ten black adults say the legacy of slavery affects the position of black people in America today, including 59% who say it affects it a great deal. About eight-in-ten blacks (78%) say the country hasn't gone far enough when it comes to giving black people equal rights with whites, and fully half say it's unlikely that the country will eventually achieve racial equality.

Americans see disadvantages for blacks and Hispanics in the U.S. A majority of all adults (56%) say being black hurts people's ability to get ahead at least a little, and 51% say the same about being Hispanic. In contrast, 59% say being white helps people's ability to get ahead. Views about the impact of being Asian or Native American are more mixed.

Blacks, Hispanics and Asians are more likely than whites to say being white helps people's ability to get ahead at least a little. Among whites, those who are more educated, as well as those who identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party, are particularly likely to see advantages to being white.

The nationally representative survey of 6,637 adults was conducted online Jan. 22-Feb. 5, 2019, in English and Spanish, using Pew Research Center's American Trends Panel. In addition to exploring the public's views about the state of race relations and racial inequality in America, the survey also looks at personal experiences with racial and ethnic discrimination and the role race plays in people's lives. Among the report's key findings:

Most Americans say it's now more common for people to express racist or racially insensitive views; more than four-in-ten say it's more acceptable

Most Americans (65%) - including majorities across racial and ethnic groups - say it has become more common for people to express racist or racially insensitive views since Trump was elected president. A smaller but substantial share (45%) say this has become more acceptable.

Democrats and those who lean Democratic are more likely than Republicans and Republican leaners to say it has become more common and more acceptable for people to express racist and racially insensitive views since Trump was elected president. Among Democrats, 84% say this is now more common and 64% say it's more acceptable; fewer than half of Republicans say it has become more common (42%) and just 22% say it has become more acceptable for people to express these types of views.

Views of Trump's handling of race relations are far more negative than views of how Obama handled the issue

A majority of Americans (56%) say Trump has made race relations worse; just 15% say he has made progress toward improving race relations, while 13% say he has tried but failed to make progress and 14% say he hasn't addressed this issue. In contrast, 37% say Barack Obama made progress on race relations when he was president, and 27% say he tried but failed. A quarter of Americans say Obama made race relations worse. These retrospective views of Obama's handling of race relations are nearly identical to views expressed during Obama's last year in office.

Not surprisingly, assessments of Trump's and Obama's handling of race relations differ considerably along partisan lines. Democrats overwhelmingly say Trump has made race relations worse (84%), including large shares of black (79%) and white (86%) Democrats. Views are more divided among Republicans. About a third of Republicans (34%) say Trump has improved race relations and 25% say he has tried but failed to make progress; 19% of Republicans say he hasn't addressed the issue, while 20% say he has made race relations worse.

When it comes to views of Obama's handling of race relations, 55% of Democrats say he improved race relations during his presidency; just 8% say he made things worse. In contrast, 51% of Republicans say Obama made race relations worse, while 14% say he made progress toward improving it. As is the case with views of Trump's handling of race relations, white and black Democrats offer somewhat similar assessments of how Obama handled this issue when he was president.

Republicans and Democrats have vastly different views on race

In addition to being linked to views of Trump's handling of race relations, partisanship is strongly associated with racial attitudes more broadly. In fact, after controlling for other factors, partisanship has a greater association with views about the country's racial progress than demographic factors, though being young and more educated are also significant predictors, particularly among whites.

Because whites and nonwhites often have widely different views of racial issues, and nonwhites disproportionately identify with or lean to the Democratic Party, gaps between Republicans and Democrats are often shown among whites in this report in order to account for differences in the racial composition of the two parties.

White Democrats (64%) are far more likely than white Republicans (15%) to say the country hasn't gone far enough when it comes to giving black people equal rights with whites. About half of Republicans say it's been about right, while a sizable minority (31%) says the country has gone too far in this regard.

Eight-in-ten white Democrats - vs. 40% of white Republicans - say the legacy of slavery continues to have an impact on black people's position in American society today. And when it comes to views about racial discrimination, 78% of white Democrats say the bigger problem is people not seeing it where it really does exist, while a similar share of white Republicans say people seeing racial discrimination where it really does not exist is the bigger problem.

Blacks are more likely than other groups to say their race has had a negative impact on their ability to get ahead; whites are the most likely to say their race helped them

About half of black adults (52%) say being black has hurt their ability to get ahead at least a little, with 18% saying it has hurt a lot. About a quarter of Hispanics and Asians (24% each) and just 5% of whites say their race or ethnicity has had a negative impact. In turn, whites are more likely than other groups to say their racial background has helped them at least a little.

Among blacks, those with at least some college experience are more likely than those with less education to say being black has hurt their ability to get ahead.

Education is also linked with whites' perceptions of the impact their race has had on their ability to get ahead. Small shares of whites across educational levels say their racial background has hurt their ability to succeed, but those with a bachelor's degree are more likely than those with less education to say being white helped them at least a little.

Across all racial and ethnic groups, more point to their own hard work than to any other attribute, including their race, their gender, the people they know or their family's financial situation, as something that helped them get ahead.

Blacks, whites differ in assessments of why it may be harder for black people to get ahead

Whether or not they see their race as an obstacle for them personally, about two-thirds of blacks (68%) say being black generally hurts a person's ability to get ahead in the country; 55% of whites say the same.

Among those who say being black hurts a person's ability to get ahead, blacks are far more likely than whites to point to racial discrimination, less access to high-paying jobs and less access to good schools as major reasons why this is the case. In turn, whites are more likely than blacks to point to family instability and lack of good role models as major obstacles for black people. The same shares in both groups (22%) say a lack of motivation to work hard is to blame.

There are wide partisan gaps in these views. Most white Democrats who say being black hurts a person's ability to succeed point to racial discrimination (70%) and less access to good schools (75%) or high-paying jobs (64%) as major reasons for this (among black Democrats, the shares are 86%, 74% and 78%, respectively). By comparison, about a third or fewer white Republicans say these are major obstacles for blacks. White Republicans are more likely than white Democrats to cite family instability, lack of good role models and a lack of motivation to work hard.

Majorities of black and white adults say blacks are treated less fairly than whites in dealing with police and by the criminal justice system

Black and white adults have widely different perceptions of how blacks are treated in America, but majorities of both groups say blacks are treated less fairly than whites by the criminal justice system (87% of blacks vs. 61% of whites) and in dealing with police (84% vs. 63%, respectively).

About six-in-ten blacks or more - but fewer than half of whites - say blacks are treated less fairly than whites in hiring, pay and promotions; when applying for a loan or mortgage; in stores or restaurants; when voting in elections; and when seeking medical treatment. In each of these realms, whites tend to say blacks and whites are treated about equally; very small shares say whites are treated less fairly than blacks.

Across these different areas, there are gaps ranging from 39 to 53 percentage points in how white Democrats and white Republicans see the treatment of blacks in the U.S. About half or more white Democrats say blacks are treated less fairly than whites in dealing with the police (88% vs. 43% of white Republicans); by the criminal justice system (86% vs. 39%); in hiring, pay and promotions (72% vs. 21%); when applying for a mortgage or loan (64% vs. 17%); in stores or restaurants (62% vs. 16%); when voting in elections (60% vs. 7%); and when seeking medical treatment (48% vs. 9%).

In some of these areas, black and white Democrats express similar views, but larger shares of black Democrats say black people are treated less fairly than whites in employment situations (86%), when applying for a loan or mortgage (78%), in stores or restaurants (73%), and when seeking medical treatment (61%).

Seven-in-ten U.S. adults say they, personally, think it's never acceptable for a white person to use the N-word; 13% say this is rarely acceptable and about one-in-ten say it is always (3%) or sometimes (6%) acceptable for a white person to use the N-word. Roughly seven-in-ten whites and blacks say this is never acceptable.

A smaller share of Hispanics (58%) say it's never acceptable for a white person to use the N-word, but this is driven in part by the relatively large share of foreign-born Hispanics (28%) who say they are not sure whether it's acceptable for a white person to use the N-word. Among Hispanics born in the U.S., 67% say this is never acceptable.

When it comes to black people using the N-word, about four-in-ten adults - including similar shares of blacks and whites - say they, personally, think it is never acceptable; 15% say it is rarely acceptable and about a third say it's always (13%) or sometimes (20%) acceptable for black people to use the N-word.

Most black adults say being black is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves

Blacks are more likely than Hispanics or Asians - and much more likely than whites - to say that their race is central to their identity. About three-quarters of black adults say being black is extremely (52%) or very (22%) important to how they think of themselves; 59% of Hispanics and 56% of Asians say being Hispanic or Asian, respectively, is at least very important to their overall identity, with about three-in-ten in each group saying it's extremely important. In contrast, just 15% of whites say being white is very or extremely important to how they think of themselves; about two-thirds say it's either only a little important (18%) or not important at all (47%).

Whites and blacks younger than 30 are less likely than their older counterparts to say their race is at least very important to their overall identity. Some 64% of black adults ages 18 to 29 say being black is at least very important, compared with roughly three-quarters or more among older age groups. And while relatively few whites across age groups say being white is central to how they think about themselves, whites younger than 30 are among the least likely to say so.

Among Hispanics, those born abroad are more likely than those born in the U.S. to say being Hispanic is at least very important to how they think of themselves (65% vs. 52%).

Majorities of blacks, Hispanics and Asians say they have experienced discrimination because of their race or ethnicity

About three-quarters of blacks and Asians (76% of each) - and 58% of Hispanics - say they have experienced discrimination or have been treated unfairly because of their race or ethnicity at least from time to time. In contrast, about two-thirds of whites (67%) say they've never experienced this.

When asked about specific situations they may have experienced because of their race or ethnicity, blacks are considerably more likely than whites, Hispanics or Asians to say that people have acted as if they were suspicious of them; people have acted as if they thought they weren't smart; they have been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay or promotion; or they have been unfairly stopped by police. Hispanics and Asians are more likely than whites to say each of these have happened to them.

Asians are more likely than any other group to say they have been subject to slurs or jokes because of their race or ethnicity. In turn, more whites than blacks, Hispanics or Asians say people have assumed they were prejudiced or racist; 45% of whites have had this experience.

For Hispanics, skin color is associated with experiences with discrimination

The survey asked black and Hispanic respondents to identify the skin tone that best resembles their own using a modified version of the Massey-Martin scale. A multivariate analysis suggests that Hispanics with darker skin tones are more likely than those with lighter skin to say they have ever experienced discrimination or been treated unfairly because of their race or ethnicity. Darker skin color is also associated with a higher likelihood among Hispanics of saying that - because of their race or ethnicity - people have acted as if they were suspicious of them, people have acted as if they thought they weren't smart, they have been treated unfairly in employment situations, they have subject to slurs or jokes, and that they have feared for their safety.

Among blacks, those with darker skin tones are more likely to say they have experienced racial discrimination generally, but skin color is not necessarily associated with having faced specific situations because of their race or ethnicity. In fact, for blacks, being male and having higher levels of education are more consistently associated with the specific forms of discrimination asked about in the survey.

This report has been corrected to address an error in the classification of Asian respondents. In this corrected report, Asian estimates are based on 332 respondents who self-identified as Asian or Asian American only. An earlier version of this report provided Asian estimates based on 355 respondents, which properly included the 332 single-race Asian respondents but also included 23 respondents who identified as Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander or both Asian and Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander. This correction did not affect any of the substantive conclusions of the study. Some estimates for Asians changed by 1 to 3 percentage points.

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Juliana Menasce Horowitz, Anna Brown and Kiana Cox

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Most Americans (65%) - including majorities across racial and ethnic groups - say it has become more common for people to express racist or racially insensitive views since Trump was elected president.

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Gli uomini neri hanno circa cinque volte più probabilità di essere imprigionati rispetto ai loro omologhi bianchi e quasi 13 volte più probabilità nella fascia di età 18-19 anni.

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Gli uomini neri hanno circa cinque volte più probabilità di essere imprigionati rispetto ai loro omologhi bianchi e quasi 13 volte più probabilità nella fascia di età 18-19 anni.

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I prigionieri neri sono sovrarappresentati nella popolazione carceraria rispetto alla loro quota della popolazione totale.

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I prigionieri neri sono sovrarappresentati nella popolazione carceraria rispetto alla loro quota della popolazione totale.

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Negli ultimi anni la ricerca ha scoperto ampie prove di discriminazione razziale in vari settori della società moderna  statunitense

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massacri dei nativi americani nell'epoca coloniale

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massacri dei nativi americani nell'epoca coloniale

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La marcia della comunità afroamericana verso l'emancipazione

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La marcia della comunità afroamericana verso l'emancipazione

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Il razzismo negli Stati Uniti esiste dall'era coloniale e coinvolge leggi, pratiche, atteggiamenti e azioni che discriminano vari gruppi in base alla loro razza o etnia.