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12-21/07 = vacances
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cannibalism?

satanism?

pedophilia?

human

trafficking?

underground

tunnels?

cannibalism?

satanism?

pedophilia?

human

trafficking?

secret

signage?

underground

tunnels?

How the #PizzaGate conspiracy theory evolved

WikiLeaks began releasing emails hacked from the account of John Podesta, Hillary Clinton's campaign chairman, a month before the election.

Social media users on a popular Reddit forum dedicated to Donald J. Trump and 4chan's far-right fringe message board searched the releases for evidence of wrongdoing.

Within the emails were discussions that include the word pizza, including dinner plans between Mr. Podesta and his lobbyist brother, Tony Podesta.

A participant on 4chan connected the phrase "cheese pizza" to pedophiles, who on chat boards use the initials "c.p." to denote child pornography.

Following the use of "pizza," theorists focused on the Washington pizza restaurant Comet Ping Pong. The WikiLeaks emails revealed that John Podesta corresponded with Comet's owner, James Alefantis, who had connections to Democratic operatives.

The theory started snowballing, taking on the meme #PizzaGate. Fake news articles emerged and were spread on Twitter and Facebook.

The false stories swept up neighboring businesses and bands that had played at Comet. Theories about kill rooms, underground tunnels, satanism and even cannibalism emerged in fabricated stories and on social media.

On Dec. 4, Edgar M. Welch, a 28-year-old from North Carolina, arrived at Comet with a military-style rifle and a handgun. The police said he fired the rifle inside the pizzeria, hurting no one, and surrendered after finding no evidence to support claims of child slaves being held there.

The shooting did not put the theory to rest. Purveyors of the theory and fake news pointed to the mainstream media as conspirators of a coverup to protect what they said was a crime ring.

The conspiracy theory took the internet by storm. YouTube clips pushed the false story, racking up hundreds of thousands of views. Tens of thousands of individuals subscribed to message boards, feeding into theories with fake news reports and crowd-driven detective work. The police refuted the claims of an online pedophile ring running out of Comet Ping Pong, but the theories continued. Here are eight that gave #PizzaGate momentum.

Claim: Podesta's leaked emails contained secret code language.

Combing through John Podesta's leaked emails, members of a far-right fringe community on the social media site 4chan and Trump supporters on Reddit pulled out a number of emails unconnected to politics. Several of them mentioned pizza or other Italian food.

Did you leave a handkerchief

The realtor found a handkerchief (I think it has a map that seems pizza-related. Is it yorus? They can send it if you want. I know you're busy, so feel free not to respond if it's not yours or you don't want it.

RE: Did you leave a handkerchief

It's mine, but not worth worrying about.

The most cited email revolved around a handkerchief left at a house Mr. Podesta visited with a real estate agent. It led to speculation that the handkerchief and map on it were clues to some sort of wrongdoing.

Claim: The emails contained coded messages about pedophilia.

The term "cheese pizza" had previously been used on 4chan as code for "child pornography." An anonymous user speculated that other food-related terms could also have double meanings.

This interpretation spread, and other emails containing supposed code words were reinterpreted as evidence of pedophile activity. For example, this 2015 email was taken as an inquiry about providing sexual services.

Walnut sauce?

Hey John,

We know you're a true master of cuisine and we have appreciated that for years ...

But walnut sauce for the pasta? Mary, plz tell us the straight story, was the sauce actually very tasty?

Re: Walnut sauce?ing

It's an amazing Ligurian dish made with crushed walnuts made into a paste. So stop being so California.

The Podesta brothers were famous in Washington circles for their Italian cooking and big salon and fund-raising dinners, often cooked by their mother.

Claim: Comet Ping Pong is at the center of it.

Some pizza-related emails mentioned a Washington pizzeria, Comet Ping Pong, whose owner is connected to prominent Democratic figures. An email about a pizza fund-raiser there fed speculation about sex parties.

Comet Ping Pong and OBAMA...and Podesta?.

Hello. Some young lawyer type friends of mine are hosting an Obama Fundraiser at Comet Ping Pong on Thursday Night and then watching the debate. Should be about 150 people and they are raising between 25 and 35 thousand dollars. Would you be willing to stop by around 8 o'clock or so and make a little speech. They (and I) would be thrilled to have you of course. I understand if you are not available.

Also, I saw that you are reading at Politics & Prose soon. What can we do afterward? Would you like to have a dinner at my places?!?

Big or small. What do you think?

The pizza parlor owner was swept into the rumormongering on message boards. Amateur online sleuths linked the pizzeria's signage to satanic symbols. Fake stories emerged putting the restaurant in the center of a child-trafficking ring.

Claim: An Instagram photo is proof of a link between Obama and Comet Ping Pong.

A photo of President Obama playing table tennis was used by conspiracy theorists to connect him to the pizza restaurant. In a video, this photo is introduced with "here is Obama at Comet Ping Pong."

However, this photo is of a framed picture within the White House, and the original photograph was taken inside the White House, not the Comet Ping Pong restaurant. Mr. Alefantis took the picture of the photograph at the White House and posted it on his Instagram account, according to a spokesperson for the restaurant.

From "Celebrities Playing Table Tennis," original submission by Timmy La

Inside the White House, where the picture was taken.

Claim: Comet Ping Pong and other nearby businesses use pedophile symbols in logos.

According to an F.B.I. document released by WikiLeaks, the following symbols are used by pedophiles to identify sexual preferences.

Conspiracy theorists claimed that other design elements used by businesses near the Comet Ping Pong restaurant also resembled pedophile symbols.

However, countless other major American brand logos contain similar shapes. Hearts, triangles and spirals are widely used symbols in business logos.

Claim: Comet Ping Pong had a secret kill room and posted a picture of it on Instagram. Fake stories claimed underground tunnels and child trafficking in the basement.

The photo shows a walk-in refrigerator supposedly in the restaurant, described as part of a network of underground facilities. However, a reporter can confirm that there is no basement in Comet Ping Pong.

Comet's spokesperson said the photo was taken during a visit to a restaurant Mr. Alefantis was considering leasing. Comet uses a low-slung refrigerator at Buck's Fishing & Camping, Mr. Alefantis's other restaurant two doors down on the same block, to store produce, cheese and proofing dough.

Claim: The owner of Comet Ping Pong admitted he was a pedophile - on a T-shirt.

This photo was found on James Alefantis's Instagram account, and #PizzaGate believers claimed it as proof that he is a pedophile.

However, the man with the black T-shirt was not James Alefantis. It was a co-owner of a different restaurant in Washington, named L'Enfant Cafe-Bar.

(And in case you're wondering, that restaurant was named after Pierre Charles L'Enfant, an American colonist from France who served under George Washington during the Revolutionary War.)

Claim: John and Tony Podesta personally kidnapped Madeleine McCann from her bed at a Portugal resort in 2007.

Another part of the conspiracy theory was a supposed link between the Podesta brothers and the child abduction case of Madeleine McCann on May 3, 2007. Two e-fit (electronic facial identification technique) photos released by British detectives were repeatedly used as evidence.

However, the two e-fits were based on descriptions of a single suspect by two witnesses, not two different suspects, a crucial detail that was left out.

According to The Guardian, the witnesses described the man as "white, aged between 20 and 40, with short brown hair, of medium build, medium height and clean shaven." In 2007, Tony Podesta was 64 and John Podesta was 58.

The information that the Podestas were in Portugal is solely sourced to "FBI Anon," quoted in Victurus Libertas, a conspiracy-minded news site that suggests, among other things, that the Titanic was deliberately sunk and that the queen of England is a reptilian alien.

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Dissecting the #PizzaGate Conspiracy Theories

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cannibalism? satanism? pedophilia? human trafficking? underground tunnels? cannibalism? satanism? pedophilia? human trafficking? secret signage? underground tunnels? How the #PizzaGate conspiracy theory evolved WikiLeaks began releasing emails hacked from the account of John Podesta, Hillary Clinton's campaign chairman, a month before the election. Social media users on a popular Reddit forum dedicated to Donald J.

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Certains historiens estiment que les enquêtes réalisées au XIXe siècle amplifient le phénomène, d'autres pensent évidemment le contraire. Entre 1840 et 1850, selon la Statistique générale de France, il y a 143.665 enfants travaillant dans la grande industrie dont 93.000 dans le secteur textile, pour une main d'œuvre totale de 1.055.000 ouvriers.

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L'apparition de nouvelles techniques, le développement de la mécanisation industrielle, la production concentrée en usine, des tâches de plus en plus ciblées, entraînent des mutations très importantes dans le monde du travail en France et en Europe occidentale.

Les grands pôles industriels, surtout le secteur textile, la métallurgie et les mines, font appel à une main-d'œuvre très nombreuse et exploitable à volonté, celle des enfants.

Le travail en usine

Depuis la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle, les enfants constituent une grande partie de la main d'œuvre non qualifiée des entreprises textiles, notamment les manufactures d' impression sur étoffes. Dès l'âge de huit ans et parfois moins, les enfants sont employés à des travaux sollicitant leur habilité et leur petite taille, indispensables pour certaines tâches. Un adulte effectue le même travail avec un salaire quatre fois supérieur mais les revenus insuffisants des parents les incitent à faire également embaucher leurs enfants.

En 1835, à Mulhouse, grand pôle industriel textile, lorsqu'un ouvrier gagne deux francs par jour, une ouvrière reçoit plutôt un franc et un enfant de moins de douze ans, 45 centimes et 75 centimes s'il a entre 13 et 16 ans. A titre de comparaison, le pain coûte de 12 à 15 centimes (la livre), la viande 45 centimes (la livre) et le lait 15 centimes (le litre). Un salaire d'appoint nécessaire à la survie de la famille, explique l'obligation pour les parents d'envoyer leurs enfants au travail dès leur plus jeune âge.

Au début du XIXe siècle, dans les filatures, les enfants sont sollicités pour rattacher les fils brisés sous les métiers à tisser en fonctionnement et nettoyer les bobines encrassées. Ils peuvent être chargés de surveiller les machines, durant des journées qui atteignent aisément quinze heures. Les mines accueillent également des enfants manœuvres qui poussent des chariots et descendent dans les galeries les plus étroites, où un adulte peut difficilement se tenir debout. Dans les petites industries (moins de vingt ouvriers), les enfants échappent à la législation ; leur exploitation y est donc encore plus intensive.

Premiers débats contre le travail des enfants

En 1840, les résultats d'enquêtes menées à travers la France, dans l' industrie textile, engendrent les premiers débats sur le travail des enfants et sont à l'origine d'un projet de loi présenté par le sénateur Charles Dupin. Peut-on faire entrer des enfants de moins de huit ans dans une filature ? Faut-il veiller à ce qu'ils travaillent moins de quarante-huit heures par semaine, pour leur permettre d'avoir deux heures d'enseignement primaire par jour ?

Les partisans de la réforme évoquent les rapports accablants du médecin Louis-René Villermé, qui a longuement visité les manufactures françaises dans les années 1830. Ses comptes-rendus dépeignent les " misérables créatures hébétées par un inconcevable excès de travail et réduites à l'état des machines dont elles ne sont plus que les accessoires obligés ". Les statistiques effectuées au moment du service militaire, montrent que les jeunes gens arrivant de départements fortement industrialisés, sont en très mauvaise santé : deux fois plus de jeunes hommes souffrent de déficience physique que ceux qui arrivent de départements ruraux. L'opinion publique ne semble pas encore concernée par la situation : lorsque le philosophe et homme politique Jules Simon écrit " L'ouvrier de huit ans", il est accusé de vouloir ruiner l'industrie textile française, où l'on estime qu'il est impossible de réduire le temps de travail des enfants, puisqu'il vient en soutien de celui des adultes. Cette résistance à toute amélioration est mise en évidence par la succession de textes législatifs de faible portée sociale.

La question de la scolarisation des enfants va faire évoluer celle du travail des jeunes : la gratuité de l' école primaire publique est votée le 16 juin 1881 et le 28 mars 1882, la deuxième loi Jules Ferry rend l'enseignement primaire obligatoire. En 1892, les enfants ne peuvent plus être admis au travail avant douze ou treize ans, âge du certificat d'études. La limite de la scolarité obligatoire est fixée à seize ans en 1959 mais l'ordonnance entre seulement en vigueur le 1er juillet 1967 !

Les textes de loi sur le travail des enfants

Le 22 mars 1841, est votée la loi limitant l'âge d'admission dans les entreprises à huit ans, mais uniquement dans celles qui emploient plus de vingt ouvriers. A Mulhouse, en 1845, les enfants de moins de douze ans ont disparu des filatures de coton mais ceux de douze à seize ans travaillent douze à treize heures par jour. Dans d'autres manufactures, on constate que des enfants de huit à neuf ans travaillent sur des machines à dévider (on leur donne des tabourets trop hauts pour qu'ils ne relâchent pas leurs efforts). Dans l'impression sur étoffes, les enfants travaillent neuf à onze heures par jour, dès l'âge de huit ans.

En 1851, une nouvelle loi limite la durée de travail journalier à dix heures au-dessous de quatorze ans et à douze heures entre quatorze et seize ans. En 1874, la limitation de l'âge d'embauche est fixée à douze ans ; le travail de nuit est interdit et le repos du dimanche devient obligatoire pour les ouvriers âgés de moins de seize ans. Cette protection est insuffisante mais c'est un premier pas vers une lente évolution de la législation du travail, qui va commencer à concerner les adultes dans les années 1890. En novembre 1892, la durée maximale de travail est ramenée à dix heures à 13 ans et à 60 heures hebdomadaires entre 16 et 18 ans. Des mesures efficaces concernant la protection des enfants au travail, sont promulguées à partir de 1905 ; la loi du 7 décembre 1926 interdit l'affectation des enfants aux travaux dangereux et insalubres. La liste des travaux interdits aux enfants (et aux femmes) a déjà fait l'objet d'un décret en mars 1914, modifié en 1926, 1930 et 1945. Le décret du 19 juillet 1958, relatif aux travaux dangereux pour les enfants et les femmes, vient confirmer les dispositions précédentes.

Le nombre d'enfants au travail au XIXe siècle

Certains historiens estiment que les enquêtes réalisées au XIXe siècle amplifient le phénomène, d'autres pensent évidemment le contraire. Entre 1840 et 1850, selon la Statistique générale de France, il y a 143.665 enfants travaillant dans la grande industrie dont 93.000 dans le secteur textile, pour une main d'œuvre totale de 1.055.000 ouvriers. En 1868, un nouveau recensement présente 99.212 enfants concernés par la loi de 1841 : 5.005 entre 8 et 10 ans, 17.471 entre 10 et 12 ans, 77.000 entre 12 et 16 ans, auxquels il faut ajouter 26.503 enfants non concernés par la loi parce qu'ils sont employés dans des ateliers de moins de vingt ouvriers. Total : 125.715 enfants au travail pour 1,1 million d'ouvriers ; le nombre d'enfants employés dans l'industrie commence à diminuer. Cette tendance peut s'expliquer par la mécanisation de plus en plus importante, les lois sociales (pas toujours appliquées) et la dépression économique de fin de siècle.

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Pendant des siècles, la plupart des enfants ont travaillé dès leur plus jeune âge. A la campagne, ils sont employés aux travaux des champs et à la ville, ils aident leurs parents artisans ou...

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THE SINISTER ORIGINS OF THE PEANUT BUTTER-DOG-VAGINA MYTH

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THE SINISTER ORIGINS OF THE PEANUT BUTTER-DOG-VAGINA MYTH

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The first versions, according to Ellis, appeared on the alt.folklore.urban network on June 3, 1994. “They varied quite a bit, though the food used to entice the dog was almost always peanut butter (margarine, whipped cream and dog food were specified once each),” he says. “The peanut butter was spread on the woman’s genitals usually, though some versions said she spread it on her breasts or covered herself ‘from head to toe.’”

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The rumor about the girl in my school who smeared peanut butter on her vagina and waited for her to lick it off was told to me, a fifth grader at the turn of the millennium, standing in the breezeway among a huddled group of three boys. There was laughter. There was a dick joke. There was me, repeating the story back to myself in secret - partly aroused, partly ashamed, but mostly just befuddled in disbelief. Expectedly, the rumor spread like a , seeping through the various cliques until it found its way back to its ostensible source. She left school the following year.

You've no doubt heard some form of this rumor too, probably directed at some hapless individual in your hometown or school. Based on the number of that refer to some variation of a scenario in which a person's pet is lured into licking their genitals by way of a healthy smear of peanut butter, awareness of this rumor seems to be a rite of passage.

In junior high I let my dog lick my penis and now I can't stop thinking about my dog when I'm getting a blow job from confession

It's reared its head in pop culture as well: In 2018, my colleague reported that HBO execs had cut a similar scene from the final episode of the first season of Sex and the City - in the scene, a golden retriever is caught "going down" on a guy who continuously demands blow jobs from one of the show's main characters. As to the legality of said act, Klee notes that, while "bestiality laws vary widely by state (still a-okay in Kentucky and New Mexico!) ... that won't necessarily get you off the hook for 'Peanut Butter Kisses.' ... In California, for example, the penal code forbids sexual abuse of animals, or 'sexually assaulting an animal for the purpose of arousing or gratifying your sexual desire,' noting that 'the conduct doesn't have to be forced or violent.' The crime is punishable by a $1,000 fine and up to six months in jail."

All of this is to say that clearly, in a real-life scenario where a dog, peanut butter and a person's genitals are involved in some sort of sexual act, a crime has been committed in the eyes of the law. Alternatively, when the rumor is just that - a rumor - but the subject is a nursery school teacher, it can quickly turn into a living nightmare.

Case in point: In 1985, a version of the peanut butter story scurried its way into a nursery school in Maplewood, New Jersey. "I noted the similarity of the central motif to the alleged crime committed by Kelly Michaels, a teacher/teacher's aide at Wee Care Day Nursery ," says Bill Ellis, professor emeritus of English and American Studies at Penn State University, when I reach out to him to ask about the continued prevalence of the urban legend. Michaels had been accused of molesting and sexually abusing preschoolers, "often by forcing them to lick peanut butter off her privates, or, alternatively, by smearing peanut butter on their bodies and licking them," Ellis tells me.

In August 1988, Michaels was sentenced to 47 years in , with no possibility of parole for the first 14 years . "Among other things, it was notorious that Michaels was a lesbian, and this fact made the children's claims of sex-related abuse more credible to parents and prosecutors," says Ellis. Her case became a cause celebre in New York, with a number of activists and legal volunteers alleging that she'd been the victim of a witch hunt.

Five years later, the Supreme Court of New Jersey decided as much and Michaels was exonerated . She would go on to appear on . The truth was that the entire story was coaxed into the minds of impressionable preschoolers by the detectives who interviewed them. "Certainly, investigators found the children's (apparently) independent testimony on this point strong evidence for Michaels' guilt," says Ellis. "'Little ears fill big jugs,' a proverb holds." By then, though, the damage had been done; a folktale turned into small-town gossip had taken five years of life away from an innocent person.

But whatever form it takes, where did this endlessly persistent story come from in the first place?

To answer that, Ellis points to a much older legend named "The Surpriser Surprised." In it, a woman's friends sneak into her house to throw her a surprise party and are shocked when they find her having sex. "This version has always focused on the 'surprise birthday party' situation, with the group breaking in on a sexual encounter by a normal heterosexual couple," says Ellis.

Over time, he says, the story tended to focus on the female partner, who (not knowing about the party crowd that has gathered) stands at the top of a stairway, completely naked, and shouts out an invitation to her partner to come have sex with her. "This is as old as the 1930s and probably has earlier versions," says Ellis. Folklorists have noted that the person who is typically "shamed" in the story, when the party group's presence is realized, is the female rather than the male. According to Snopes , though highly unusual, "every now and then, a version starring a man in the central role will appear."

Ellis tells me that this is typical of white urban legendry. "Even when the same or similar legends circulate with either a male or a female protagonist, males tend to be embarrassed or perhaps wounded, while females are driven insane or killed outright." In other words, typical endings to the "Surpriser Surprised" see the woman go crazy or "leave town forever," says Elllis.

In her book, Satan's Silence: Ritual Abuse and the Making of a Modern American Witch Hunt , Debbie Nathan notes that "recent versions [of the story] are more deviant: As the partygoers enter the home, they hear the woman calling her dog, and they find her nude, with peanut butter smeared over her genitals, waiting for the animal to lick it off." "The presence of peanut butter in the Michaels charges, and the earlier popularity of the sex education legend [a liberal teacher promoting sex ed], suggest that contemporary folktales have leapt over traditional evidentiary barriers into ritual-abuse trials," writes Nathan.

Increasing anxieties and contempt toward anything but heterosexuality, then, will always bolster these contrived stories of deviancy. Their target is often a marginalized group, and the intent is to tear down a person's character - whisper by whisper, slowly, in order to make the rumor more credible.

For his part, Ellis tells me that he found out about the story when he was editor for a newsletter titled FOAFTale News [ Friend of a Friend ] which went out to members of an academic organization called The International Society for Contemporary Legend Research . "The October 1994 issue of FOAFTale News had a lengthy section on the 'Peanut Butter Surprise' variation, which seems to have emerged into wide circulation around the beginning of June 1994," he says. "It was first published on July 7, 1994, in the Canadian satirical magazine but we found versions appearing in a variety of groups about a month earlier."

The first versions, according to Ellis, appeared on the alt.folklore.urban network on June 3, 1994. "They varied quite a bit, though the food used to entice the dog was almost always peanut butter (margarine, whipped cream and dog food were specified once each)," he says. "The peanut butter was spread on the woman's genitals usually, though some versions said she spread it on her breasts or covered herself 'from head to toe.'" She was a , a who lived by herself, or a co-worker who was notoriously attached to her pets. "The site of the misdeed was either the kitchen or the bedroom, the surprisers hid in the basement or living room, and the woman either called off her marriage, quit her job or sold her house and left town permanently," says Ellis.

The actual origins of legends like these, according to Ellis, can almost never be determined. "As to what the sudden widespread discussion of the story suggests, I thought it likely that it was a reaction to the contemporary discussion of newly emerging icons of stereotype-smashing," he says. He recalls a specific joke at the time when the rumor began to gain serious traction. "If I recall correctly, that was when jokesters said, 'What's the name of the scariest female in America?' and answered, 'Tonya Rodham Bobbitt,'" he says. The name is a combination of women notable for different reasons: Tonya Harding had recently been banned from figure skating after her then husband had arranged an attack on her rival Nancy Kerrigan; Lorena Bobbitt was acquitted of mutilating her husband (most famously chopping off his penis ) after suffering years of abuse, in January 1994; "and of course Hillary Rodham Clinton was in her second year as First Lady," says Ellis.

Basically, the "Peanut Butter Surprise" is meant to further shame such women - i.e., those who don't conform to traditional norms of behavior, "made all the worse by the fact that she cohabits with an animal widely assumed to be 'dirty' in nature and does so in secret, making the surprise an unmasking of her bestial nature," Ellis continues.

It's essentially an extreme form of gossip, although, of course, gossip itself isn't inherently bad. Megan L. Robbins , associate professor of psychology at the University of California, Riverside, who published a last year in the journal Social Psychological and Personality Science on why and how people gossip, tells me that the underlying reason for gossip is to communicate with each other about what is acceptable behavior and what's not. "It can also serve a purpose of warning people about someone," she says. So again, in some cases, gossip can serve a valuable purpose. "One big reason gossip has developed into such a prevalent behavior is because we need to learn about what's okay and what's not for our own selves," she continues. "But it certainly has implications for someone's reputation." In short, for someone who's doing something wrong, spreading the truth about them or reporting on factual information - which will affect that person's reputation negatively - is "gossip" working the right way. "It's a check on moral behavior," says Robbins.

Historically, though, this hasn't been the purpose of the peanut butter rumor. Quite the opposite, in fact - the peanut butter rumor has, up to this point, been a way to keep a check on women who've been deemed out of bounds. "The demonizing of Hillary Clinton continues, and lots of people still want her locked up and shamed for her misdeeds, the most significant being that she didn't conform to expectations of personality, profession and marital submission," says Ellis. "And there are many more iconic female she-demons now running amok on the news. So I'd guess that the need to focus on a legendary 'dirty dog' of a woman and publicly shame her is a form of psychological relief at a time when gender stereotypes increasingly are in flux, politically and legally."

This is especially true when you consider that there's no evidence that women are any more likely than men to engage in this sort of behavior. (Certainly, there are who have nearly lost their lives in this quest, not to mention that in the book The Secrets of Abu Ghraib Revealed: American Soldiers on Trial , writers Christopher Graveline and Michael Clemens report that during the trial of chief petty officer Michael J. Smith , evidence was presented showing Smith used his "military working dog to lick peanut butter off of another male soldier's genitals.")

Moreover, Robbins tells me that despite there being no evidence in her study to support that women gossip more than men, there was a gendered bias as to the subject of this gossip. "The participants in our study agreed to be recorded," she tells me. "They talked to other people over the course of us observing them. Even from just thinking about examples that I heard from our data, most of them [the gossip] were women."

This, as I recall, was just as true under the awning of the breezeway in elementary school, just as it was in middle school gossip circles and, of course, as it continued to be virulent when we graduated into high school. And so on and so forth.

You can bet that as the current rigid system by which we define the two genders continues to unravel, huddled whispers of the peanut butter rumor - and, surely, worse - will only continue to spread.

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The Sinister Origins of the Peanut Butter-Dog-Vagina Myth

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The rumor about the girl in my school who smeared peanut butter on her vagina and waited for her to lick it off was told to me, a fifth grader at the turn of the millennium, standing in the breezeway among a huddled group of three boys. There was laughter.

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Comment éviter les Systèmes de Ponzy dans l'univers du Marketing de Réseau ?

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Fellation

« Une épouse légitime et née libre n’avait pas à pratiquer la fellation », rappelle l’historienne Virginie Girod dans son livre sur la sexualité des Romaines.

Pour ce type de plaisir, les maîtres exploitaient leurs esclaves, filles ou garçons. La fellatrice comme le fellateur appartenaient à une condition sociale inférieure à leur partenaire, selon les codes de l’époque.

Les pauvres, voire les esclaves eux-mêmes, devaient se contenter des « louves », c’est-à-dire des prostituées qui œuvraient dans les lupanars et les tavernes. Des graffiti, laissés sur les murs de ces lieux de prostitution, témoignent du succès de certaines « suceuses » ou, au contraire, de l’insatisfaction de clients s’estimant mal servis. « Sabina, tu fais des fellations, mais tu ne les fais pas bien », se plaint un homme déçu. Les graffitis nous renseignent aussi sur les tarifs particulièrement bas de ces prestations considérées comme banales : 2 as (c’est-à-dire deux pièces de bronze seulement) pour une fellation rapide dans l’arrière-boutique d’une taverne. Le même prix qu’un repas pris sur le pouce ! Sans doute l’équivalent aujourd’hui de 6 ou 8 euros.

////

Dans les vestiaires des thermes dits « suburbains » (car ils se trouvent au sud de la ville), les peintures pouvaient aussi servir de point de repère. Le client gardait facilement en tête le type de coït figuré à l’endroit où il avait déposé ses vêtements. Une pornographie mnémotechnique en quelque sorte.

Mais l’art servait aussi à l’expression de la morale sexuelle du moment. En matière de sexe, les Romains distinguaient le licite et l’illicite. La sexualité était liée à des règles très strictes qui imposaient des comportements déterminés par le statut social de chaque individu.

Le citoyen romain dominant devait jouer un rôle perçu comme viril, sans quoi il était condamné par ses pairs.

//

Interpréter les fresques de Pompéi comme des représentations d’une sexualité épanouie et sans complexe serait un contresens. On n’y trouve pas l’éloge de l’amour libre mais des pratiques dictées par une morale sexuelle contraignante.

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La pose du " cheval érotique ", fresque du lupanar de Pompéi. Wikimedia

La magnifique exposition parisienne consacrée à Pompéi (au Grand Palais, du 1 er juillet au 27 septembre 2020) est destinée à tous publics.

Difficile dans ces conditions de mettre en valeur l'art pornographique romain qui constitue pourtant l'une des richesses du célèbre site archéologique.

Le sexe était omniprésent à Pompéi. Rares étaient les demeures qui ne possédaient pas leur peinture érotique, sans compter les nombreuses tavernes, les thermes publics ou encore les bordels, abondamment décorés d'images très explicites. Voici un petit catalogue des principales poses représentées. Attention, cette visite s'adresse à un public averti !

La pose du " cheval érotique "

Commençons par quelques préliminaires. Pour les Romains, il n'y avait rien de mieux que quelques baisers suaves. Ils embrassaient fréquemment les prostituées sur la bouche.

Ensuite, l'une des poses les plus représentées est le " cheval érotique " ou equus eroticus, en latin. La femme chevauche l'homme confortablement étendu sous elle. Il existe plusieurs versions de cette pose : la femme est agenouillée ou bien accroupie, en équilibre sur ses jambes ; ce qui facilite les mouvements de son bas-ventre.

Elle peut ainsi danser sur le sexe en érection qu'elle guide dans un mouvement pendulaire. Pour ne pas tomber en avant, elle prend parfois appui sur la tête de son partenaire. Autre variante : elle tourne le dos à l'homme et place ses mains sur ses genoux afin de bien conserver l'équilibre durant ses va-et-vient.

Cunnilingus

Le cunnilingus était considéré comme dégradant s'il était pratiqué par un homme important. " Lèche-vagin " était d'ailleurs, à l'époque, l'une des pires insultes pour un citoyen romain. Certaines riches Romaines se faisaient lécher par leurs esclaves, comme le raconte le poète latin Martial ( Epigrammes IX), sans doute à l'insu de leurs maris, ou une fois devenues veuves.

Sur une mosaïque des thermes de la Trinacrie, à Ostie, le port de Rome, on peut lire une bien étonnante inscription latine : statio cunnulingiorum ; c'est-à-dire " le coin des lécheurs de vagins ". S'agissait-il d'une expression humoristique seulement destinée à faire rire les clients, ou bien désignait-elle très sérieusement la pièce où des prostitués vendaient à des femmes les services de leur langue ?

Fellation

" Une épouse légitime et née libre n'avait pas à pratiquer la fellation ", rappelle l'historienne Virginie Girod dans son livre sur la sexualité des Romaines.

Pour ce type de plaisir, les maîtres exploitaient leurs esclaves, filles ou garçons. La fellatrice comme le fellateur appartenaient à une condition sociale inférieure à leur partenaire, selon les codes de l'époque.

Les pauvres, voire les esclaves eux-mêmes, devaient se contenter des " louves ", c'est-à-dire des prostituées qui œuvraient dans les lupanars et les tavernes. Des graffiti, laissés sur les murs de ces lieux de prostitution, témoignent du succès de certaines " suceuses " ou, au contraire, de l'insatisfaction de clients s'estimant mal servis. " Sabina, tu fais des fellations, mais tu ne les fais pas bien ", se plaint un homme déçu. Les graffitis nous renseignent aussi sur les tarifs particulièrement bas de ces prestations considérées comme banales : 2 as (c'est-à-dire deux pièces de bronze seulement) pour une fellation rapide dans l'arrière-boutique d'une taverne. Le même prix qu'un repas pris sur le pouce ! Sans doute l'équivalent aujourd'hui de 6 ou 8 euros.

Levrette et sodomie

Une relation plus longue était bien sûr plus chère. Il fallait louer une petite chambre, parfois une minuscule cellule ne disposant que d'un matelas posé sur une couche en briques.

Les fresques de Pompéi ne permettent pas toujours de bien voir si le client pénètre le vagin ou l'anus de sa partenaire. Levrette ou sodomie ? En général, le coït vaginal était pratiqué dans le cadre conjugal, le but du mariage étant de faire des enfants. Les prostituées, elles, devaient privilégier la sodomie. Elles évitaient ainsi de tomber enceintes et de se retrouver indisponibles pendant de longs mois.

Les fresques pompéiennes nous offrent de nombreuses variantes de ces coïts. L'homme à genoux pénètre la femme à quatre pattes devant lui. D'une main ferme, il maintient la croupe ou le dos de sa partenaire. Il lève un bras pour manifester son plaisir. La femme peut être passive ou active, bougeant les fesses pour guider le coït.

Sur une peinture, un jeune homme debout pénètre une femme allongée sur le dos, les jambes en l'air. Notez que, cette fois, c'est elle qui paraît éprouver un certain plaisir, si l'on en croit son bras droit relevé.

Une pornographie prophylactique et humoristique

Le terme " pornographie " est d'origine grecque. Il est composé de graphein (" écrire " ou " dessiner ") et de porné-, " prostituée ". D'un point de vue étymologique, est pornographique la représentation d'esclaves sexuels ou de prostitués des deux sexes, en action, ou soumis à des pénétrations. Exactement ce que représentent de nombreuses fresques de Pompéi.

Comme l'ont souligné quelques historiens, ces scènes jouaient un rôle prophylactique. Il s'agissait de provoquer chez le spectateur un rire ressenti comme bénéfique et susceptible d'écarter le malheur.

Dans les vestiaires des thermes dits " suburbains " (car ils se trouvent au sud de la ville), les peintures pouvaient aussi servir de point de repère. Le client gardait facilement en tête le type de coït figuré à l'endroit où il avait déposé ses vêtements. Une pornographie mnémotechnique en quelque sorte.

Mais l'art servait aussi à l'expression de la morale sexuelle du moment. En matière de sexe, les Romains distinguaient le licite et l'illicite. La sexualité était liée à des règles très strictes qui imposaient des comportements déterminés par le statut social de chaque individu.

Le citoyen romain dominant devait jouer un rôle perçu comme viril, sans quoi il était condamné par ses pairs. Les rapports sexuels impliquaient des relations de pouvoir entre dominants (citoyens romains, parfois riches maîtresses de maison) et dominés (esclaves, prostitués des deux sexes), même si l'opposition entre passivité et activité n'est pas pertinente. En effet, une prostituée, femme dominée par excellence, pouvait se montrer très active physiquement, notamment lorsqu'elle chevauchait son client.

Une scène de triolisme visible dans les thermes suburbains pourrait revêtir une signification morale. On voit un homme sodomisé par un autre homme, alors qu'il est lui-même en train de pénétrer une femme à quatre pattes devant lui. Peut-être s'agit-il de l'épouse, surprise en flagrant délit d'adultère par son mari qui se venge ainsi en sodomisant l'amant de sa femme ?

Interpréter les fresques de Pompéi comme des représentations d'une sexualité épanouie et sans complexe serait un contresens. On n'y trouve pas l'éloge de l'amour libre mais des pratiques dictées par une morale sexuelle contraignante.

Le plaisir partagé entre deux amants consentants n'est guère mis à l'honneur. L'art érotique vante surtout la satisfaction, vue comme légitime, d'individus dominants qui exploitent les jouets sexuels vivants, mis à leur disposition par la prostitution et l'esclavage.

Toutes ces fresques n'en demeurent pas moins fascinantes, à la fois d'un point de vue esthétique et comme autant de témoignages du passé. Elles inspirent encore le présent, comme l'a montré, en 2013, une étonnante exposition au Contemporary Art Museum de Casoria, pas très loin des ruines de Pompéi.
Christian-Georges Schwentzel a publié " Le Nombril d'Aphrodite, une histoire érotique de l'Antiquité ", aux éditions Payot.

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La magnifique exposition parisienne consacrée à Pompéi (au Grand Palais, du 1 er juillet au 27 septembre 2020) est destinée à tous publics. Difficile dans ces conditions de mettre en valeur l'art pornographique romain qui constitue pourtant l'une des richesses du célèbre site archéologique. Le sexe était omniprésent à Pompéi.

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mock / soirées d'hiver

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Killer Ethyl -  J'artourne à l'fabrique (1986)

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Jr., The Foster Portfolio is an offbeat, mid-century tale about a rookie investment counselor who discovers that his penniless client is hiding a million-dollar inheritance in order to conceal a strange, double life

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Based on the original short story by Kurt Vonnegut, Jr., The Foster Portfolio is an offbeat, mid-century tale about a rookie investment counselor who discovers that his penniless client is hiding a million-dollar inheritance in order to conceal a strange, double life.

WORLD PREMIERE:
Tribeca Film Festival

WINNER - BEST SHORT FILM:
San Diego International Film Festival

HONORABLE MENTION - BEST NARRATIVE SHORT:
Woodstock Film Festival

OFFICIAL SELECTION:
Tribeca Film Festival, Palm Springs International ShortFest, LA Shorts International Film Festival, HollyShorts Film Festival, Edmonton International Film Festival, Traverse City Film Festival, San Diego International Film Festival, Woodstock Film Festival

Director: Danielle Katvan
Producers: Saleah Smith, Danielle Katvan, Joel Pincosy
DP: Michael Epple
Starring: Roe Hartrampf, Joel Nagle, Rebecca Watson

http://www.daniellekatvan.com

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Scientists Successfully Teach Gorilla It Will Die Someday

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kennedy nixon 1960

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The Case of the Missing Hit

(podcast, 51 min)

> sympa

A man in California is haunted by the memory of a pop song from his youth. He can remember the lyrics and the melody. But the song itself has vanished, completely scrubbed from the internet.

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PJ VOGT: From Gimlet this is Reply All. I'm PJ Vogt.

ALEX GOLDMAN: And I'm Alex Goldman.

PJ: So Alex.

ALEX: Mhm.

PJ: I'm gonna tell you a story that I think you sort of remember but maybe don't know the details of.

ALEX: Ok.

PJ: So last spring, I went to a therapist cuz I was having a hard time with a bunch of stuff, and I was complaining to this therapist, I was like "Yeah, I'm just so obsessed with this, I can't stop thinking about this," and the therapist said something to me that no therapist ever said before. He was like, "Have you ever considered the idea that you might have OCD?"

ALEX: Yes, I do remember this.

PJ: And at the time, I was like, I definitely don't. Whatever else is going on with me, I definitely don't have OCD. Like, there's no part of my life that's about compulsive neatness or order. Like I am a walking pigpen.

ALEX: I can attest to the truthfulness of that statement.

PJ: But what the guy said, he was like, "Well, he was like, there's a kind of OCD called Pure O where you don't really have noticeable, visible compulsions. Instead, you're just extremely, extremely obsessive."

ALEX: Ok. That, that, that comports with the person that I know.

PJ: Yes, so he gave me the test, I was off the charts. Um, and like it was one of those moments that was really helpful because there were all these parts of my personality that I've kind of struggled with that

ALEX: All of a sudden snapped into place.

PJ: It's like finding your horoscope kind of? Like pe- there's so many times in my life where somebody's like, "Oh. Why don't you just stop thinking about it. Why don't you let it go. Why don't you get over it. Why don't you just not look at that." And I've always been like... you're joking.

But then, there's this other thing that happens where sometimes my brain just locks onto things that don't matter at all, like things that are small and stupid. Like I was talking to somebody the other day about this sci-fi book I read as a kid, and I tried to remember the name, and I couldn't remember the name, and I was like, "Oh, this is the rest of my day. The rest of my day is trying to remember the name of this book, and my brain will not change the channel until I do.

ALEX: What was the book.

PJ: The Ear, the Eye and the Arm, thank god, um but but but like I know everybody experiences that, I experienced it, I swear to god, much more deeply.

ALEX: Okay.

PJ: I'm saying this to you because the story I want to tell you this week, it's about a man who is living in exactly that hell, like the hell of having something stuck on the tip of your tongue that just will not go away. I felt like I was uniquely qualified to help him.

And so I tried. The story is a Super Tech Support.

SUPER TECH SUPPORT THEME

So this week, our listener with an unusually thorny technical problem - is a guy named Tyler Gillet.
TYLER GILLETT: So I am - I live in Los Angeles. I am an artist, a film director. PJ: I was very intrigued by your email. TYLER: I've been, like I can't overstate how much this has driven me crazy. [laughs]
PJ: So what- tell me about the problem.
TYLER: So this-this-the problem began, this is probably, I don't know, this was a couple months ago now, I was leaving-I was leaving a dinner party with my wife, I think it was a holiday party. And I had, I had a couple of beers and we're driving back to our place and as I tend to do, you know, I'm trying to get her attention, make her laugh, and I'm singing this song that's stuck in my head, and she's asking me like, "What is this, what is this weird song you're singing?" And so I was like, "You don't know this song? This was like a huge thing in the 90's! I can't believe you don't know this song!" So I pull my phone out to try to find it so that I can put it on Bluetooth and we can listen to it on the drive home. And I can't find a single lyric to this song. I can't figure out, you know, who made it. Nothing, no information anywhere on Google about this song. And the next you know the next 10, 15 minutes of our drive home is quiet because I'm just sort of sitting in the passenger seat frantically searching for this, for this song. TYLER: And I eventually get home it's like, you know, 10:30, 11:00 at night. And she's like, " Well I'm going to bed," and I was like "Well cool I'm going to stay up, I got it I got to figure I got to figure this thing out." And I'm, I'm awake for the next like three and a half hours on Google. And every time, I searched something new and and found another dead end, I was getting increasingly frustrated but also kind of scared. Like it started to dawn on me that there was something-that there was something really bizarre happening.
It just... It felt almost like he'd found a hole in the world. Like a glitch. He said it wasn't liek this was the best song in the world like that wasn't the problem. The way he described it, he said it's a song where it's like the choruses are kind of in the style of U2. But the verses are very Barenaked Ladies.

ALEX: So far you're selling me like a song that I really don't want to listen to.

PJ: Well, don't worry. You can't. The point is because Tyler couldn't' find it, he just could not let go of this thing.
TYLER: I would wake up in the middle of the night with a new lyric in my head and I'd go to my computer and write it down and then go back to bed. Like this, these lyrics were kind of like filtering into my brain. Cause the lyrics of this song are not ambiguous lyrics. There are a million and one things that you should be able to just type into Google, and it would immediately pull up, you know, the right song. And instead Google was returning these like wildly literal search results. Like one of the lyrics is, "Better than a sultan for a bride" or something like that, and I'm searching this and it's just pulling up pictures of like, of like royalty, you know? TYLER: Like sultans and royalty and their family. I'm like this is the weirdest thing that there's not - there's absolutely nothing on the internet about this song.
ALEX: Does he know how he remembered the lyrics so clearly? Was it a song he heard a lot?

PJ: Yeah, it's a song that like, he said he would have heard a lot in like junior high, high school era, when he was growing up in Arizona.

ALEX: OK.

PJ: Which also means that he has remembered this song with what I have to say is a remarkable amount of clarity for over two decades.
TYLER: So the intro, the kind of intro two measures it's like this [singing] "do do do-do-do-do do-do-do-do do-do-do-do do-do-do-do." I think it's-I think it's like a flute. And the whole kind of conceit of the song is "Better than," like "Better than a-" you know, and then they sort of rattle off a bunch of things, like yeah, "You're better than a [inaudible] with a g-string, better than a promise of a good one night fling, better"-you know it's sort of like this quick, rap- [snapping fingers] PJ: [Overlapping] Oh it is Barenaked Ladies-y. TYLER: It's very Barenaked Ladies-y, right? TYLER: And then this sort of-the chorus is like, "Share your love with me tonight, I want to feel that love." Which is kind of U2, it has the sort of grand, like, arena [laughs], arena sound to it, you know? PJ: Yeah. And it's catchy, even like your rendition of it, it has like, Nokia ringtone... magic to it
TYLER: Yeah, there's like an earworm-y, an earworm-y quality to it for sure.

ALEX: This is the - this, I'm like -

PJ: You don't recognize that?

ALEX: No.

PJ: Nobody recognized this. So the next thing Tyler did next to solve this, ... it was such a desperate attempt at a solution. So Tyler is not a musician, but he decided to try to record this song on his own, using like Adobe Premiere cause he's a filmmaker, so he recorded like a multitrack version of it where he is doing every single instrument himself-

ALEX: With his mouth?

PJ: With his mouth. Do you want to hear what he made?

ALEX: I absolutely do.

PJ: Okay. This is truly inspired.

[Tyler's version of the song plays]

ALEX: [laughs]

I hate to say it, but one of the reasons this doesn't help much is because -

PJ: He doesn't have perfect pitch.

ALEX: He's not necessarily like a natural born singer.

PJ: No, he would be the first to admit this.

[Tyler's version of song plays]

ALEX: [laughing] Oh, Tyler! ... It reminds me of a lot of bad 90's songs. It does remind me of "Chickety China the Chinese chicken".

PJ: Uh, which is actually called "One Week" by Barenaked Ladies.

["One Week" plays]

ALEX: It reminds me of Savage Garden, do you remember that band?

PJ: It reminds you of Savage Garden? I guess the choruses?

ALEX: [imitates Savage Garden song] You know that fucking song?

PJ: No.

ALEX: Bad song!

["I Want You" plays]

PJ: Yeah, it's like there was a moment in the mid to late 90's where white alt-rock bands had to like have sort of like the cadence of rapping in their songs. And this belongs to that moment.

ALEX: Yeah. Well, Tyler, sorry this is in your head.

PJ: An additional thing that makes this very frustrating and confusing is that Tyler's 100% sure that this song is a pop song. He says as a kid he didn't listen to anything obscure or indie, he says his taste in music was just completely mainstream.

ALEX: Right.

PJ: So whatever this was, it was something like, big-

ALEX: On the radio.

PJ: So it shouldn't have disappeared.

ALEX: Yeah, I mean there are regional hits.

PJ: I had the same theory, maybe this was just big in Arizona- but the one thing he found on the Internet was a post on a forum called "Strat-Talk.com", which is for Stratocaster fans, the guitar.

ALEX: Uh, I'm familiar with the guitar.

PJ: Uh, so it's a post by a guy who goes by Piezoman.
TYLER: And this guy on the forum had posted this question, that basically was like, "this song was in my head but I can't find it anywhere on Google." And then on, on this forum post, he lists some of the lyrics and they're the same. Like the lyrics are similar enough that they are definitely from the same song that I am remembering. And he even went as far as to play the sort of intro, like the first two measures of the intro, on his guitar and posted it on YouTube. [GUITAR SOUND FROM YOUTUBE]
PJ: The thing about this guy is he's posting from Trinidad and Tobago.

ALEX: Ohhh okay, not a regional hit.

PJ: Not a regional hit. Like somehow this song was heard by Piezo Man, who is in Trinidad and Tobago, and Tyler, who was in Flagstaff, Arizona, but then completely wiped from the Internet.

Tyler had already tried messaging Piezo Man on the forum, no luck. I tried also. No luck either. So Tyler's next step had then been to take the song he made and then tried to plug it into this app called Soundhound. Soundhound is like Shazam except, the idea with Soundhound is supposedly you just sing a melody into the app and it's supposed to be able to recognize the song.

ALEX: That's really cool.

PJ: Yeah, so he tried that. It hadn't worked. So that's when I came up with a plan of my own, which is this: I was gonna fly to Los Angeles, get Tyler into a studio and then just make a way higher-quality, way more accurate version of this song from his memory. Then we could take that copy, plug it into Soundhound, and then we'll have it.

So that was the plan. After the break...Los Angeles.

PJ: Welcome back to the show.

Ok so a couple weeks ago, my friend Christian Lee Hutson, who's a singer/songwriter in LA, he basically put together a band for me, just a bunch of great musicians he knows, who he said would be willing to help me with this project.

Person: Hey how's it going?

PJ: Hey, PJ. Nice to meet you.

PJ: I met them on a Sunday morning in a parking lot of this recording studio called United Recording in Hollywood. The band, uh, I would describe them as cool in an unintimidating way? They were just a gang of really smiley dudes.
LOGAN: Hi PJ, Logan. PJ: Nice to meet you Logan. LOGAN: What's up? PJ: Should we go in? Person: Yeah. ENGINEER: Hey how you doing. PJ: Hi is this studio B? ENGINEER: Studio B. MUSICIAN: Hey how you doing man?
PJ: So we walk in the studio and everybody's like, oh god. This place is uncomfortably fancy. Like, this was a studio that Frank Sinatra built in Los Angeles.

ALEX: Okay. [laughs]

PJ: I started thinking about the band that actually recorded this song, like did they get to use a studio this nice to do it? It's a beautiful like, wood paneled - like the walls had all the records that were made there and it's like

PJ: Michael Jackson's "Thriller", Mariah Carey... (laughing)
CHRISTIAN: Think of all the things that have been recorded here and now... PJ: And now this...they fell so fast. [laughs]
PJ: We were, we're joking, I was starting to get a little bit queasy at that moment just because like, we're in a really nice recording studio, there's four musicians, there's an engineer, just like what business do I have trying to recreate a song out of somebody's memory. And that is the moment when Tyler shows up, the guy with the song in his head.
PJ: Hey Tyler! Nice to meet you in person, how's it going?
PJ: So we go to the control room, they're like "Hey, we've got like a runner if you guys need snacks or anything." Which is a guy who works for the studio who goes to get you snacks.

ALEX: I didn't know that there was such a thing.

PJ: I didn't know either.

PJ: Anyway, Tyler, me, all the musicians, we gather round in a semi-circle...I recite the plan...
PJ: So I'm a journalist. and I make a podcast and sometimes we'll, listeners will have problems they want help with...So this guy wrote us...
PJ: And it feels like everybody is sort of enjoying the challenge of this, but nobody really thinks Tyler's gonna remember the song well enough to really make something out of it. Like we are taking a crappy fossilized footprint of a dinosaur and trying to imagine and recreate the dinosaur from that footprint. So I take out my iPhone and I play Tyler's recording and show people what they'll be working with.

[Tyler's recording plays]

Person: I can't believe how much he remembers.

Person: What is that song I am thinking, it is reminding me of one particular song (sings)
Person: That's the Barenaked Ladies! Person: Oh that is the is that "One Week"? Yeah ok, yeah.
So at this point my friend Christian, the guy who got the band together, this is the moment where he realizes what he's gotten himself into? Um, he leans over to me and he goes, "I'm gonna have to sing this?" because Christian is a very talented musician but it's true the way he sings his song...

[Song by Christian Lee Hutson]

PJ: Sounds NOTHING like the Barenaked Ladies guy.

ALEX: Yeah.

PJ: So anyway

PJ: The band leaves the control room and goes into the live room and starts warming up. The crazy thing, the thing that I didn't expect, was that basically Tyler immediately transformed into like a very confident music producer. Like he was running around like, the guitar's going to do this.
TYLER: (coaching guitar player) Instead of the deh-dah-loo, it's like dah, dah, dah - instead of like doo da doo it's like dah dah dah. Yeah, that's it.
PJ: The cymbals I think need to be a little more shimmery.

PJ: Like bass is going to do this.
Tyler: is there a, is there a more, is there a sparser bassline? It feels busy.
PJ: He was like the guitar's supposed to sound a little more edge guitar like from U2...

Tyler: Is there a way to turn down the level of funkiness?

PJ: He was so specific in his musical instruction in a way that I would never have been able to be.

Guitar and Drums, Singing

ALEX: That sounds like trying to make a police sketch.

PJ: Yes, it's totally like a police sketch except in this case the dude who got mugged has perfect recall for people's faces. Like, Tyler started coaching the drummer, he started coaching the bassist, the guitarist who also played flute, and then he jumped in the vocal booth with Christian and was coaching him through vocals.

Christian: [singing] Though some things are never what they seem / I never have to

worry because I know you are, you're better than a [laughter]

PJ: Tyler was so high off the thrill of seeing the song come back to life...first of all, he made his wife come to the studio to see, because he was like this is real, this is real. You can see the song is real. And then he like - he would like -

ALEX: Like in the middle of it he called her?

PJ: He called her and she came. She drove over to the studio. And he was like clutching his hair in his hands in like pure joy. And then he even actually started remembering parts of the song he'd forgotten, like "Oh, you know there's this guitar solo, can we do the guitar solo?"

[Tyler sings guitar solo]

ALEX: [laughs] I'm very happy for Tyler.

PJ: I know! It felt great, like, it felt like we'd yanked this thing out of his memory and we turned it into an actual roadmap we could actually use to find the song. Do you want to hear it?

ALEX: Mhm.

PJ: Okay.

[PJ plays final version of song]

ALEX: Your buddy is such a trooper for actually singing these lyrics.

PJ: He kind of killed it.

ALEX: "Better than a cherry on a whipped cream sundae".

The guitars are shimmering.

PJ: They are very much shimmering.

ALEX: The rhythm guitar shimmers.

PJ: This is the solo.

ALEX: Alright, so... then you ran it through the thing and you figured out what it was.

PJ: We put it into Soundhound. No result.

ALEX: Uh-huh.

PJ: But now we had like a real version of this song. We could go play for people. We could find somebody who recognized it.

I had this feeling like I was carrying almost a artifact. Like we had plucked this song from whatever late 90's Napster graveyard it had been interred in, and it was our's now, you know, it was like having a baby triceratops in my pocket. So I figured the best place to take this would be to music critics.

So I called Brendan Klinkenberg, he's a senior editor at Rolling Stone.

PJ: Ok here we go.

BRENDAN: I do not know this song.
BRENDAN: I'm sorry ..lemme...do you want me to grab some people like in a conference room?
PJ: Yes, oh my god, yes please!
BRENDAN: There's a bunch of people who would be better suited to have heard this. PJ: Oh my god, thank you so much.
Brendan was referring to the fact that he's 28, there are a lot of critics at Rolling Stone who are older than 28, so he grabbed 5 of them, he said between them there was over 100 years of pop music writing experience in one room.
Someone at Rolling Stone: You're talking to the Rolling Stone braintrust...and we were young in this time period and listening to a lot of modern music like this.
PJ: So I played it for them... nothing.

Rolling Stone people: No, no, nothing. Not at all. Not ringing any bells.

They thought that because they didn't recognize the song, it actually meant the song probably didn't exist.

Rolling Stone: That's either a super elaborate prank or...

Something's very strange here, something's off in the, something's off-

What do we know about the guy... is he telling the truth?

Does he work for a viral marketing company?

PJ: Their honest-to-god best guess was that this was a hoax. That Tyler was just lying to me. But I believed Tyler. So I went for a second opinion. I called Jessica Hopper. She's a legendary music critic, she used to edit Pitchfork, she ran MTV News.

PJ: Alright, here we go.

PJ: Do you recognize this at all?
JESSICA: Part of it. JESSICA: The like, the like dibdibadiba JESSICA HOPPER: This song probably exists, where did he live? PJ: He lived in Arizona, he lived in suburban Arizona and he said he only listened to the radio and not cool radio. JESSICA: Mmm..mm..MMM. I love this challenge. This is weird. It was a man singing. JESSICA: And it was a rock band... PJ: So the one other place that he found it on the internet when he looked, there was a post on a stratocaster guitar forum. And that guy was in Trinidad and Tobago.
JESSICA: It's a major label record.
PJ: Major label record. JESSICA: Yeah, 'cause there's no indie record that would have literally gotten around the world to weird places like that. It would have had to be something that was a charting hit. PJ: But then if it's a charting hit, how is it not on the internet? JESSICA: Fuck. JESSICA: This is a real Bermuda Triangle situation- JESSICA: They've both sailed through this song. Oh my god. Ok. Can you send me a copy of this song? PJ: Yes absolutely.
PJ: So next person I tried was... I emailed Robert Christgau...you know who Robert Christgau is? [Alex: Yeah.] Like dean of American pop music where he's like--

ALEX: Wait, you you contacted Robert Christgau about this?

PJ: I emailed Robert Christgau about it. I was like, he's heard every pop song since 1967. So he told me to email him the song, which I did, and he said "You know actually the person who would really know this is Rob Sheffield."

ALEX: Mm.

PJ: Which is the same thing the Rolling Stone editors had said. Everybody seems to agree that Rob Sheffield is the human encyclopedia of forgotten pop music. He would definitely know it.
ROB: When it comes to terrible music from the vault of collective cultural memory, I'm the janitor with a broom. [laughs]
PJ: [laughs] Can I play you this mess?

PJ: Is this ringing any bell?

ROB: Uh, no. It's not ringing any bells at all. I'd love to, to hear just a bit of it again.

PJ: Yeah let me play it again for you.

ROB: Thank you.

[PLAYS AGAIN]
ROB: Something I picked up that I didn't pick up the, the first time is the reference to, to Bettie Page pictures, which is like that's-that's-that's-that's super specific. That's definitely late 90s. That's definitely not early 90s. I, you know, I would, I would bet, not a limb, I'd bet a toe that it's 1997-99.
PJ: What do I do?
Rob: Have you tried just like walking from town to town with a ukelele? Knocking on doors?
PJ: [laughs] That feels like the punishment. That feels like my sentence.

PJ: So this is the point where my obsessive brain just really dug its teeth in because despite all this work, not only was I no closer to finding the song, the song was winning. It had wormed itself into my brain so terribly. I actually realized, it's been decades since I heard a pop song that I couldn't just immediately look up online to get out of my head. And it was like, in the meantime, my brain's defenses had atrophied.

Like, during the day, it was kind of fine. Like I'd walk around humming the song. I'd see people in the hallways and sing lyrics to them. It was at night that it got really bad. I'd go home, I'd eat dinner, I'd get in bed, and I'd just lie there. Staring at the ceiling. The guitar solo, just 17 seconds of music, looping in my head for hours. Like till literally 3AM.
[PJ MISERABLY SINGING]
PJ: I have an obsessive brain. I'm used to obsessing over things. This was uniquely bad. It was just a melody. A melody and this question, which was starting to feel frankly infuriating. "How on God's green earth can you have a hit radio song that actually just gets vaporized from history?"

And it wasn't just me, like one of these nights I got a text from Christian, the singer. He was also awake, also humming it to himself.
CHRISTIAN: do do do do do do [singing song] PJ: Your brain is broken the way my brain is broken. CHRISTIAN: It's like Tyler has like a contagious disease. He's patient zero. And now, I... we all have it. CHRISTIAN: I talked to Jay and Max who played on that session. I guess they had dinner the other night specifically to talk about this song. Cause they both are having the same thing we're having - can't get it out of their heads. They're like what, something so familiar about this. PJ: Wait they met up to have dinner just to talk about the song? CHRISTIAN: Yeah. PJ: That makes me feel so much less alone. CHRISTAIN: Man I really hope that you figure this out.
So at this point I escalated things. I decided, I'd been going about this all wrong. The song hadn't gotten to a point where music critics themselves cared about it. So who was somebody who the song would have mattered to back when it came out?

And the only name I could really come up with was Steven Page. Steven Page was the former frontman of the Barenaked Ladies.

ALEX: [laughs] Okay.

PJ: Cause my thinking was, everybody keeps saying the verse of our mystery song, sounds like the verse of "One Week" -
["One Week" plays]
If I was the frontman for the band that sang "One Week," I would notice the songs that were very similar to my hit song. So I called Steven.
Steven: Hello. PJ: Hey Steven, how's it going? Steven: I'm great, how are you? PJ: I'm good. I'm calling you for a weird reason. Steven: Yeah.
PJ: So Steven was the lead singer of the Barenaked Ladies when they were doing songs like "If I Had A Million Dollars"... Goofy pop songs that sold millions of records. So first things first, I played him the song.
PJ: Ok here you go. Steven: I, there are elements in that that are very Barenaked Ladies, and they're little things like, there's the flute part, like when we had a song "Who Needs Sleep" that had a flute thing in it like that. And then like the, in the chorus there's that duh duh duh duh in the guitar which is like very Barenaked Ladies. But that stuff is more Barenaked Ladies to me than the song itself. The song itself makes me go "Oh, that's what people thought we sounded like." Steven: Yeah. [laughs]
So Steven did not recognize the song. But, he was actually able to help me with the mystery, that question of like, how does a pop song just disappear? He said that, as someone who was actually in the late 90s music scene, this completely made sense to him.

PJ: Can you imagine the band that would have written this song?
STEVEN: Oh yeah, there was an era there in that, like whatever, '97 to 2002, where there were bands, largely who'd grown up in the bar scene, who had this kind of mix of like the history of being a cover band who then morphed into a band who had originals. And at that point, that was the absolute peak of the the record industry, 1998 to 2000. PJ: What do you mean? STEVEN: That was when the record business made the most money in the history of the record business. STEVEN: It was the bubble, it was-it was-the-the real estate bubble or the dot com bubble of the music business.
PJ: The way Steven described it, all this money pouring in - it was actually unsafe for musicians. Because it meant the labels were just in full speculation mode, they were treating the bands like penny stocks.

STEVEN: So they were signing bands left right and center.
PJ: Interesting. So it was like-so it was totally an era that would support somebody who pops up, does one thing, and then you never hear from them again. STEVEN: Yeah. It's also possible too that sometimes these bands would have a song or two that they would test on some radio stations, and they'd never get the record deal. Or they'd get the record deal and the album would never come out- PJ: Wait, what? STEVEN: Cause the song wasn't-yeah it'd be kind of like, you know demoing the stuff-they'd be doing a test market. Doing some research, they would call it. Doing research on a record. PJ: So you'd, you'd write the single, you'd record the single, it'd get mixed, engineered, it would get played on the radio and if people didn't respond to it in like, Flagstaff, Arizona, it just disappeared? STEVEN: Sometimes that was the case. or the record would come out and not get any promotion. But stuff might seem, like seem like it's a hit when it's-you just happened to be hearing it a few times while it was being tested in your market. PJ: That's so strange. God for those bands it must have been so hard. Like- STEVEN: Oh god I know so many bands, so many great bands too who, you know, record, were in debt up to their ears with the record company and the record company would either not put the record out eventually or they'd put it out and dump it and they'd get dropped and then they'd be seen as a band that got dropped and it was hard to get second chances then.
ALEX: So this band could have been one of those.

PJ: It is fully possible this song was played on the radio, but never actually released. Which would explain why it never made it onto the internet.

ALEX: Huh.

PJ: This was the first person I spoke to who actually had a working theory for how Tyler could've heard this song a million times on the radio, but then also the song just disappeared. And Steven had an idea for how to find the song.

ALEX: Which is?

PJ: He said what we had to do is try to go find a radio program director who worked in the late 90s.Record labels were bombarding them with singles. They were the ones who heard everything. So I played tried that, played the song for Preston Elliot from Y100, and-
PRESTON ELLIOT: [laughing] Ahh. Uh that's got a real distinctive melody to it with the, with the flute playing there and it would definitely stand out to me if I knew that, you know? Because that's a really dorky sounding song I think that I would absolutely recognize it. (PJ laughs and sighs)
PJ: So, Preston had never heard this song. He was absolutely sure.

ALEX: Ok.

But that was okay, because there was one more avenue to try. It was actually Christian's idea, the singer from the band.

ALEX: Mhm?
CHRISTIAN: It might be worth reaching out to like producers from the time. PJ: Ohhh cause probably like there was like one producer who did like half of these guys' albums. CHRISTIAN: Yeah, probably. And usually when you have a band that like is either trying to sound like another band or whatever, they would always try to-like that guy. I think his name was Jerry-but he produced all the Blink 182 stuff and every band that sounded like Blink 182 is like, let's get this guy to record. CHRISTIAN: And maybe there's that equivalent of that for the Barenaked Ladies.
It turns out there is her name is Susan Rogers
SUSAN ROGERS: Hi! That was weird. PJ: What's going on? Did it answer funny? SUSAN: Oh well first there was dead silence, and then there was a tone that sounded like a complex tone that was kinda rising in pitch? PJ: You hear everything musically. SUSAN: [laughs] I don't know about that PJ: Well at least you hear things more musically than I do.
PJ: So Susan Rogers, along with David Leonard did the bulk of the Barenaked Ladies production, and I played her the song.
PJ: Does it ring a bell?
PJ: So she didn't remember it, but she had a totally different theory.
I have a strong suspicion that what he's hearing in his brain is a hybrid... that it might feature a verse from Barenaked Ladies and a chorus, chorus from something else. When the brain is forming memories, it has to take a pattern of neural activity... and it has to tag that pattern...with this protein...but that pattern is pretty darn fragile.
PJ: Okay, so a thing I should have mentioned about Susan. She actually left the music industry to pursue a career in academia, she knows a ton about cognition, how the brain works. But her theory that this is actually a false memory for Tyler, that it's two songs that he's fusing together...that's actually a theory mostly based in her days as a music producer. She told me a story about working in the studio.
Susan: I remember one time, Prince was uh, we were at rehearsal and he was at the piano and takin' a break and he's just noodling around with something and he he he liked it. The thing he was noodling around with and he looked up and he says, "That's really nice, did I write that?" [PJ: Huh] You know, he didn't, he wasn't sure. He liked it and he wasn't sure if it was one of his or not. Before Prince I worked with Crosby, Stills, and Nash and I'll never forget this. I walked into the studio one morning after they had been up all night working on a track and the engineer was just putting it away so I heard the track. It was just instrumental at this point and I said, "Oh, I love that song." And Nash looked at me, and he said, "What song?" SUSAN: And I said, "The one you're playing right now - Love Don't Live Here Anymore." SUSAN: And he said, "Uh, we just wrote that and recorded it last night." [PJ laughs] And I went, "No you didn't because it's on the radio."
PJ: So Susan's point is even professional musicians can mix up whether they're writing a song or remembering a song. And she thinks Tyler just made the opposite mistake. Like, he thought he was remembering a song, actually he was taking like chunks of songs he half remembered and writing a new song with them.
PJ: Is there something, musically, do you hear the song and it sounds like- what about the song makes you think it could be two songs crossed together musically? SUSAN: It doesn't really, doesn't really sound like a single. SUSAN: The radio was so damn competitive in the 90s. You had to be damn good. And it sounds like the kind of song that would have made the grade as a nice album cut, but...I kinda suspect, my strong hunch is that that song is an invention.
PJ: Susan's theory both made sense and sent me into a total tailspin. Cuz at this point I realized the song is an earworm, it's stuck in my head ...but it's an earworm that can never be removed because to get rid of a song that's stuck in your head, you have to listen to the song and we have a melody to a song that might just not exist.

ALEX: This is actually my worst nightmare.

PJ: And honestly, I'd been walking around for weeks thinking how unusual and interesting it was that Tyler, a non-musician, had a sort of, almost photographic memory for a pop song that he had not heard since he was in high school. Susan's explanation for what was actually going on, it made a lot more sense.

ALEX: Sure but that still doesn't explain our guy in Trinidad and Tobago.

PJ: Piezoman.

ALEX: Yes.

PJ: That is what I thought. So I actually, I went back to the Stratocaster forum, I went back to that post, and there's two things. One: Piezoman actually did not post very many of the lyrics to the song, he had that opening melody and then he had like two lyrics, really. So it was fully possible that Tyler had composited the-

ALEX: Part of the song that he remembered-

PJ: With something else.

ALEX: Ok.

PJ: But the other thing I noticed is in his original post is that Piezoman actually mentions posting questions about the song on Facebook. And so I was like "Oh, I should try to find that Facebook post." Cuz the whole time I'd been searching for the song, Tyler had been searching for the song, everybody had been searching for the song, we'd been searching the song on Google. Nobody had looked on Facebook. So I start plugging lyrics into Facebook, and I get a hit. A hit that leads me to the first person I've ever played this song for who actually recognized it.
EVAN: [laughs] [song playing] PJ: Familiar? Evan: Wow they did that all from memory? EVAN: Wow man, I thought everyone forgot about that song.
PJ: So this is Evan Scott Olson. The reason he remembers the song is, he wrote the song.

ALEX: Fucking get out of here!

PJ: [laughs] So when I did that Facebook search, I never found Piezo Man, but I found this other post from a guy in the Philippines who'd posted the entire lyrics to the song like everything Tyler remembered-the verse, the chorus, actually a little bit more-and this guy, at the bottom of his post, helpfully identified the singer. Do you want to know how Evan ended up writing a hit pop song that disappeared from the internet?

ALEX: Of course I do.

PJ: So, Evan's from Greensboro, North Carolina. He was 30 years old when he wrote the song and he said it basically popped into his head.
Evan: Songs like that that kinda fall into your lap, you know are totally an organic experience, they kinda just grow and grow and I wanted something that was, you know really pop-oriented and I wanted to create something that had a really catchy beat.
The song that just sprung from Evan's head, he called it "So Much Better".

ALEX: Uh huh.
PJ: Who were you listening to at the time? Who were your influences musically?
EVAN: I think, I think at the time, I've been listening to a lot of U2, you can probably hear that-
PJ: Yeah, I can hear it in the chorus. EVAN: Yeah, yeah. So, so that's probably where that came from. But um, again, like I was listening to and there was a band, and I can't remember the name of the band, but it was kind of like an industrial band that had really syncopated vocals. [rhythmic vocals] And I just can't remember the name of the band but I was listening to a lot of stuff like that.- PJ: The verses to me sounded like Barenaked Ladies. EVAN: See, I never thought about that. EVAN: I never, I'd never, I never really got into them.
PJ: so i was very surprised to learn that Evan actually made this song completely alone. And once he was done he sent it to this company that would print CDs for you. And when he would play shows locally, he would just give the CDs out for free.

ALEX: Ok.

PJ: The thing that happened next is the part that just feels like the embarrassing dream that every musician has that they don't tell anybody. Which is, out of the blue, he gets a phone call from this guy who says, "Hey, I work for Universal Music [Alex: Oh wow], the largest music label in the world" [Alex: Uh huh]. They send a Lincoln town car to his house.
Evan: First of all, I live in Greensboro North Carolina, it's like a medium sized town, it's not a big town, but they send this town car, this really nice town car with this driver. Really cool guy, just telling me stories and talkin up a storm and so I get to the, I get to the plane and I'm in first class, and then I get off the plane and you know how people hold up signs with your name on 'em you know? PJ: No one has ever done that for me. EVAN: There's a guy with a sign with my name on it and he takes me to the hotel, and I get into this big huge suite and you know, how do you, how do you absorb that kind of experience I dunno.
PJ: Evan says he kept thinking, "This song is really quirky, are they sure it's gonna be a hit?" But it didn't matter, the whole thing was like a fever dream. He gets whisked into this meeting with Doug Morris, legendary label exec at the time, he ran Universal Music.
EVAN: I walked in there and he says you like ice cream? And I said yea I love ice cream and then he said something into this monitor on his desk [PJ: What?] and then this beautiful like 6 foot tall ... I guess it was his secretary I dunno, but she comes out with this tray of ice cream, no check this out, like coconut amazing like coconut flavored ice cream that's like organic coconut flavored ice cream in martini glasses. And I, and I sit there and I eat ice cream with Doug Morris and there's a rapper called Juvenile?
PJ: Yeah I know Juvenile.

EVAN: And he had a song called 'Back That Azz Up'?

PJ: Yeah I know 'Back That Azz Up'.

EVAN: First time I was in Doug Morris's office, he played me that song.

[JUVENILE SONG PLAYS]
EVAN: I thought, wow this makes my song look really stupid. It was just funny cause Doug Morris was at that time was probably in his 60s and he was really digging this song. Evan: And next thing I know I was signing a record contract-- it all kinda happened so fast. It was really unbelievable.
ALEX: That's ridiculous.

PJ: Yeah, but it's like as soon as he signs that contract, things go downhill. They actually go downhill in a way that really reminded me of everything Steven from Barenaked Ladies had said. First, they don't do what you'd expect -- they don't re-record the album, like in a real studio, with a full band?

ALEX: They just released his-

PJ: They literally took the thing he'd made and started sending it to radio stations.

ALEX: Ok.

PJ: The label did officially put the record out, but they basically buried it. There was no national tour, there's no real money for promotion. Evan says he actually remembers the moment where he realized what was happening.
EVAN: They have these drop dates where they put the record out, and it's always on a Tuesday. At least it was back then, it was always on a Tuesday. And the original drop date Septemer 9th or something like that, I can't remember exactly. And the first red flag was when they said, oh we're moving the drop date. And I just knew that something was up. They were talking all about business and all about radio spins and all about not getting enough radio spins in this place and I'm not getting enough in that place and you know, is it gonna sell over here and then Evan we need you to call some people to see if you can get a spark going in this area. PJ: They wanted you to call radio stations and tell them-- EVAN: They wanted me to call radio stations, they wanted me to call friends to see if I could get you know...and I ended up, this is, this is really crazy but I ended up paying, sending a check to a friend of mine in New York and saying I need you to go out- and his name's Gary. I said "Gary I need you to go out to the that big record store." What was it called? PJ: Tower Records? EVAN: Virgin. Virgin Records. I said "Here's a check, I want you to put it in your account and I want you to go out and just buy handfuls of the CD, just every record store you could find and just buy handfuls of CDs." And he did. And um but it wasn't enough to, to, to keep it going. PJ: And did you, at the time, did you feel disappointed that it didn't turn into the bigger thing? EVAN: I felt, I felt bad, because I felt like I had let them down because they were they were really expecting it to you know, be a big hit song. And I just felt kind of guilty. Because, was it something- because I started to think that maybe just because I didn't record it in a real big studio, I did it in my bedroom you know, maybe if I had gone in and done a huge, big recording of it, or at least gotten it remixed, you know? I don't know. PJ: I think it's weird that you feel like you disappointed them, because what it sounds like is they were like, let's just try it. EVAN: Yeah, like they're throwing spaghetti against the wall and just see if it sticks, you know. PJ: But you're the spaghetti.- EVAN: Yeah, exactly.
PJ: So, after the label dropped him, Evan just returned to his normal life in Greensboro. He says he went back to just playing local shows, mostly covers. But he says he's happy, like he's a professional musician, he gets to write songs for TV and movies, and he says actually, without "So Much Better," he doesn't think he would've had have the confidence to have a career in music.

ALEX: So when can we get a copy of the song?

PJ: Oh he emailed it to me. Let me play it for you.

[Song plays a little bit]

PJ: It's a [indistinct]

ALEX: The drums are way heavier too.

PJ: That's all Evan.

ALEX: Tyler remembered this extraordinarily well.

PJ: Of course, I also played it for Tyler

TYLER: My heart is pounding. This is crazy.

[song continues]
TYLER: Wow. (PJ: yeah) Holy shit. (PJ: Yeah) It's a great song
PJ: I also played it for Christian, the singer.

CHRISTIAN: Oh my god. Oh my god, how did he remember that?
TYLER: I'm gonna immediately, when we're off the phone, listen to the song on repeat.
ALEX: That's awesome.

PJ: Yeah.

Evan Scott Olson, if you want to see him live, he plays every Wednesday night at Printworks Bistro in Greensboro, North Carolina. Tyler's planning on going this spring. And, Tyler said, he's gonna personally add the lyrics to "So Much Better" to the internet where they belong.

CREDITS

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#158 The Case of the Missing Hit | Reply All

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A man in California is haunted by the memory of a pop song from his youth. He can remember the lyrics and the melody. But the song itself has vanished, completely scrubbed from the internet. PJ takes on the Super Tech Support case.

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Liste des camps de concentration nazis

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Cette liste comprend les camps de concentration, les camps de concentration de jeunes , les camps d'extermination, camps de transit et divers autres camps similaires de la période du Troisième Reich.

Les premiers camps de concentration (auparavant souvent dénommés camps de concentration " sauvages ") regroupent les camps créés après la prise de pouvoir par Adolf Hitler, de manière non systématique et dans des conditions différentes de rattachement, afin d'éliminer les opposants politiques au nazisme.

Ils partagent pour caractéristique, une construction toujours antérieure à la création de " l' inspection des camps de concentration ", pour la plupart une existence assez courte, et un rattachement diversifié : SA, SS, ministère de l'Intérieur, etc.

Bien que quelques-uns de ces camps aient été plus tard intégrés dans le système des camps de concentration de la SS, on les considère comme des camps de concentration " précoces " lorsqu'ils ont été construits puis fermés avant le déclenchement de la Seconde Guerre mondiale ou lorsque leur fonction a été par la suite modifiée.

Le camp de Dachau fait exception puisqu'il sera le seul de ces camps à rester utilisé jusqu'à la fin de la guerre et servira de prototype à tous les camps de concentration ultérieurs.

Les camps de concentration fondés par l' Inspection des camps de concentration (IKL), qui pour la plupart sont restés en fonction jusqu'à la fin de la guerre, sont ceux qui sont généralement visés par le terme générique de " camp de concentration ".

D'après un ordre de Heinrich Himmler, seuls ces camps rattachés à l'Inspection pouvaient être ainsi officiellement considérés comme des camps de concentration (en allemand Konzentrationslager abrégé en KZ).

Plus tard, l'inspection des camps de concentration a été rattachée à l' Office central SS pour l'économie et l'administration (WVHA).

Ces camps se caractérisaient, en dehors de leurs conditions de rattachement, par leur structure spécifique et commune calquée sur le " modèle de Dachau " :

séparation de la garde entre équipe de commandement d'un côté, toujours divisée en départements sensiblement identiques, et gardiens proprement dits de l'autre,

existence d'un système d'affectation de prisonniers à des fonctions identifiées,

hiérarchie discriminante fondée sur l'appartenance sociale et/ou à une race inférieure (voir aussi le système de marquage nazi des prisonniers).

Le règlement du camp élaboré en 1933 par Theodor Eicke à Dachau a été généralisé. Les camps érigés par la suite ( Sachsenhausen ou Buchenwald) ont utilisé la structure des baraquements de Dachau avec des plans symétriques.

En plus des camps principaux, sont listés également tous les camps annexes. Le pays indiqué est celui où se trouve le camp aujourd'hui.

Les historiens de la Shoah comme Saul Friedländer ou Raoul Hilberg recensent six centres d'extermination nazis qui ont exclusivement ou essentiellement servi à l'exécution organisée et massive d'êtres humains, dont une écrasante majorité de juifs. Ils sont créés à la suite d'une décision locale, comme Chelmno, dans le cadre de l' Aktion Reinhardt et à la suite des décisions de la Conférence de Wannsee concernant la Solution finale. S'ils se singularisent par l'industrialisation du processus de mise à mort, ils ne peuvent être séparés d'autres lieux d'extermination massive, comme Babi Yar ou Maly Trostenets. En Alsace, les nazis établirent le camp de concentration de Natzweiler-Struthof de à , où 25 000 prisonniers trouvèrent la mort, dont 86 juifs par la chambre à gaz et son crématorium.

Les camps de transit étaient des camps de regroupement dans lesquels les prisonniers étaient enfermés avant d'être envoyés dans les camps d'extermination.

Ce sont par exemple les camps d'éducation par le travail, les camps de prisonniers de guerre ou les camps de travail forcé. Ces camps sont difficiles à caractériser en raison de la hiérarchie raciste instaurée par les nazis. Ainsi, les prisonniers de guerre alliés occidentaux, considérés comme faisant partie de la " race nordique ", étaient généralement bien traités, tandis qu'en particulier les soldats de l' Armée rouge étaient confrontés dans leurs camps de prisonniers à des situations similaires à celles des camps de concentration. Même les camps d'éducation par le travail se distinguaient souvent peu des camps de concentration.

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Liste des camps de concentration nazis - Wikipédia

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Cette liste comprend les camps de concentration, les camps de concentration de jeunes , les camps d'extermination, camps de transit et divers autres camps similaires de la période du Troisième Reich.

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In an analysis of Medicare data, patients hospitalized with acute myocardial infarction 2 weeks after, as compared with 2 weeks before, their 80th birthday were significantly less likely to undergo CABG. This appears to be an example of left-digit bias, which is a behavioral heuristic (a mental shortcut that simplifies decision making)

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Critiques (59), citations (28), extraits de Et si l'amour c'était aimer ? de Fabcaro. Après une journée de boulot harassante, Henri est content de retrouver...

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Le mot “Shoah” s’est imposé à moi tout à la fin parce que, n’entendant pas l’hébreu, je n’en comprenais pas le sens, ce qui était encore une façon de ne pas nommer. Mais, pour ceux qui parlent l’hébreu, “Shoah” est tout aussi inadéquat. Le terme apparaît dans la Bible à plusieurs reprises. Il signifie “catastrophe”, “destruction”, “anéantissement”, il peut s’agir d’un tremblement de terre ou d’un déluge.

Des rabbins ont arbitrairement décidé après la guerre qu’il désignerait “la Chose”. Pour moi, “Shoah” était un signifiant sans signifié, une profération brève, opaque, un mot impénétrable, infracassable, comme un noyau atomique.

Quand Georges Cravenne, qui avait pris sur lui l’organisation de la première du film au Théâtre de l’Empire, m’a demandé quel était son titre, j’ai répondu :
“Shoah.
– Qu’est-ce que cela veut dire ?
– Je ne sais pas, cela veut dire ‘Shoah’.
– Mais il faut traduire, personne ne comprendra.
– C’est précisément ce que je veux, que personne ne comprenne.”

Je me suis battu pour imposer “Shoah” sans savoir que je procédais ainsi à un acte radical de nomination, puisque presque aussitôt le titre du film est devenu, en de nombreuses langues, le nom même de l’événement dans son absolue singularité. Le film a été d’emblée éponyme, on s’est mis partout à dire “la Shoah”

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VERBATIM. A l'occasion de la mort de Claude Lanzmann, nous republions un extrait de Ce mot de " Shoah ", écrit par le cinéaste, paru dans Le Monde du 26 février 2005.

" (...) Au cours des onze années durant lesquelles j'ai travaillé à sa réalisation, je n'ai donc pas eu de nom pour le film. "Holocauste", par sa connotation sacrificielle et religieuse, était irrecevable ; il avait en outre déjà été utilisé. Mais un film, pour des raisons administratives, doit avoir un titre. J'en ai tenté plusieurs, tous insatisfaisants.

La vérité est qu'il n'y avait pas de nom pour ce que je n'osais même pas alors appeler "l'événement". Par-devers moi et comme en secret, je disais "la Chose". C'était une façon de nommer l'innommable. Comment aurait-il pu y avoir un nom pour ce qui était absolument sans précédent dans l'histoire des hommes ? Si j'avais pu ne pas nommer mon film, je l'aurais fait.

Le mot "Shoah" s'est imposé à moi tout à la fin parce que, n'entendant pas l'hébreu, je n'en comprenais pas le sens

Le mot "Shoah" s'est imposé à moi tout à la fin parce que, n'entendant pas l'hébreu, je n'en comprenais pas le sens, ce qui était encore une façon de ne pas nommer. Mais, pour ceux qui parlent l'hébreu, "Shoah" est tout aussi inadéquat. Le terme apparaît dans la Bible à plusieurs reprises. Il signifie "catastrophe", "destruction", "anéantissement", il peut s'agir d'un tremblement de terre ou d'un déluge.

Des rabbins ont arbitrairement décidé après la guerre qu'il désignerait "la Chose". Pour moi, "Shoah" était un signifiant sans signifié, une profération brève, opaque, un mot impénétrable, infracassable, comme un noyau atomique.

Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi " Shoah ", " Sobibor ", les " Quatre sœurs " : une œuvre au service de la mémoire

Quand Georges Cravenne, qui avait pris sur lui l'organisation de la première du film au Théâtre de l'Empire, m'a demandé quel était son titre, j'ai répondu :
"Shoah.
- Qu'est-ce que cela veut dire ?
- Je ne sais pas, cela veut dire 'Shoah'.
- Mais il faut traduire, personne ne comprendra.
- C'est précisément ce que je veux, que personne ne comprenne."

Je me suis battu pour imposer "Shoah" sans savoir que je procédais ainsi à un acte radical de nomination, puisque presque aussitôt le titre du film est devenu, en de nombreuses langues, le nom même de l'événement dans son absolue singularité. Le film a été d'emblée éponyme, on s'est mis partout à dire "la Shoah". L'identification entre le film et ce qu'il représente va si loin que des téméraires parlent de moi comme de "l'auteur de la Shoah", ce à quoi je ne puis que répondre : "Non, moi, c'est 'Shoah', la Shoah, c'est Hitler." "

Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi Claude Lanzmann, le réalisateur de " Shoah ", est mort

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Claude Lanzmann, à propos de " Shoah ", en 2005 : " Si j'avais pu ne pas nommer mon film, je l'aurais fait "

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VERBATIM. A l'occasion de la mort de Claude Lanzmann, nous republions un extrait de Ce mot de " Shoah ", écrit par le cinéaste, paru dans Le Monde du 26 février 2005. " (...) Au cours des onze années durant lesquelles j'ai travaillé à sa réalisation, je n'ai donc pas eu de nom pour le film.

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Chirurgie coronaire isolée chez l’octogénaire

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Chirurgie coronaire isolée chez l’octogénaire

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La mortalité opératoire s’élevait à 2,3 % chez les octogénaires, par rapport à 1,2 % chez les 60 à 70 ans (P non significatif). Il y avait plus de bas débit, d’insuffisance rénale aiguë postopératoire et de transfusion chez les octogénaires. La survie à long terme (durée moyenne du suivi de 3,8 ans) était plus élevée chez les 60 à 70 ans : 89,7 % par rapport à 77,9 % (P=0,025). Nous avons constaté quatre facteurs de risque indépendants d’augmentation de la mortalité à long terme; âge, diabète, antécédents d’accident vasculaire cérébral et de transfusion sanguine postopératoire. Enfin, la survie à long terme des octogénaires opérés était significativement plus élevée que celle des octogénaires de la population générale de France, et leur qualité de vie était considérée comme satisfaisante.

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Language: French | English

Résumé

HISTORIQUE :

Près de trois millions d'octogénaires vivent en France, et ils sont nombreux à présenter une coronaropathie. Par ailleurs, l'espérance de vie à 80 ans semble encore importante.

OBJECTIF :

Évaluer les résultats d'une chirurgie coronaire chez ces patients.

MÉTHODOLOGIE :

Nous avons comparé 88 patients octogénaires consécutifs ayant subi un pontage aortocoronarien isolé entre 1996 et 2002 à 165 patients de 60 à 70 ans. Les deux groupes ont été appariés selon les principaux facteurs de risque. Nous avons pris contact avec les patients par téléphone et leur avons fait parvenir un questionnaire sur la qualité de vie.

RÉSULTATS :

La mortalité opératoire s'élevait à 2,3 % chez les octogénaires, par rapport à 1,2 % chez les 60 à 70 ans (P non significatif). Il y avait plus de bas débit, d'insuffisance rénale aiguë postopératoire et de transfusion chez les octogénaires. La survie à long terme (durée moyenne du suivi de 3,8 ans) était plus élevée chez les 60 à 70 ans : 89,7 % par rapport à 77,9 % (P=0,025). Nous avons constaté quatre facteurs de risque indépendants d'augmentation de la mortalité à long terme; âge, diabète, antécédents d'accident vasculaire cérébral et de transfusion sanguine postopératoire. Enfin, la survie à long terme des octogénaires opérés était significativement plus élevée que celle des octogénaires de la population générale de France, et leur qualité de vie était considérée comme satisfaisante.

CONCLUSION :

Pour des octogénaires sélectionnés, on peut proposer une chirurgie coronaire isolée, et les résultats à court et à long terme seront comparables à ceux d'une population plus jeune.

Mots-clés : morbitité, octogénaire, pontage aortocoronarien, qualité de vie, survie

Abstract

BACKGROUND:

There are almost three million octogenarians living in France, many of whom present with a coronaropathy. Moreover, it appears that life expectancy at 80 years of age is still important.

OBJECTIVE:

To evaluate the results of coronary surgery among these patients.

METHODS:

Eighty-eight consecutive octogenarians who had an isolated coronary artery bypass surgery between 1996 and 2002 were compared with 165 patients 60 to 70 years of age; the two groups had been paired according to the main risk factors. Patients were contacted by telephone and then received a quality-of-life-related questionnaire.

RESULTS:

Operative mortality was 2.3% in the octogenarian versus 1.2% in the 60- to 70-year-old group (P not significant). There was more low cardiac output syndrome, postoperative acute renal failure and transfusion in octogenarians. Long-term survival (average duration of follow-up was 3.8 years) was higher in the 60- to 70-year-old group: 89.7% versus 77.9% (P=0.025). Four independent risk factors of long-term increased mortality were found: age, diabetes, history of stroke and postoperative blood transfusion. Finally, the long-term survival in the octogenarians who had this surgery was higher than in the octogenarians of the general French population to a significant degree, with a quality of life considered to be satisfactory.

CONCLUSION:

For selected octogenarians, an isolated coronary surgery can be proposed, with short- and long-term results comparable with those of a younger population.

Keywords: Coronary artery bypass graft surgery, Morbidity, Octogenarian, Quality of life, Survival

Le nombre d'octogénaires augmente en France avec, au 1 er janvier 2006, presque trois millions de français âgés de 80 ans ou plus ( 1). La chirurgie coronaire, dans cette tranche d'âge, est justifiée, d'une part en raison de l'espérance de vie relativement longue des patients de 80 ans (7,67 ans chez l'homme, 9,66 ans chez la femme) ( 2) et d'autre part en raison d'une atteinte cardiovasculaire symptomatique chez 40 % d'entre eux ( 3). Les gros progrès réalisés en matière de technique chirurgicale et de prise en charge périopératoire permettent de proposer à un nombre croissant de ces patients une chirurgie coronaire. Cependant, ces patients ont un athérome aortique fréquent ( 4), une tolérance à l'ischémie diminuée ( 5) et des comorbidités souvent associées, ce qui entraîne classiquement une plus grande morbidité par rapport à des patients plus jeunes, la mortalité opératoire allant jusqu'à 11,5 % selon les études ( 6). La qualité de vie à distance de l'intervention doit également être prise en compte chez ces patients : une récupération plus longue après l'opération et un changement fréquent du cadre de vie en cas de séjour prolongé en milieu hospitalier peuvent modifier radicalement leur mode de vie.

Cette étude vise à analyser les résultats à court et à long terme de la chirurgie coronaire isolée chez l'octogénaire et à comparer ces résultats avec ceux d'une population de 60 à 70 ans ayant subi la même intervention.

MATÉRIEL ET MÉTHODES

Population

Nous avons inclus rétrospectivement 88 patients consécutifs de 80 ans et plus (groupe 1) et 165 patients de 60 à 70 ans (groupe 2; témoins) opérés de pontages coronaires isolés entre mai 1996 et mai 2002. Un ratio de deux témoins pour un patient de plus de 80 ans a été choisi afin d'augmenter la puissance de l'étude. Pour chaque octogénaire, nous avons donc sélectionné deux patients de 60 à 70 ans selon huit facteurs d'appariement : le sexe, les antécédents d'artériopathie des membres inférieurs, d'accident vasculaire cérébral (AVC), de bronchopneumopathie chronique obstructive, la technique chirurgicale (circulation extracorporelle [CEC] ou cœur battant), le degré d'urgence, la fraction d'éjection du ventricule gauche (FEVG) et la période (1996-1999 ou 1999-2002). Onze cas n'avaient qu'un seul témoin correspondant.

Collecte des données

Nous avons utilisé la base informatique du service pour connaître les données préopératoires, périopératoires et postopératoires précoces des patients, avec contrôle systématique sur les dossiers papier pour les données manquantes. On a téléphoné à tous les patients (n=253) afin de connaître les évènements cardiaques survenus depuis l'intervention et les traitements suivis à long terme. Un questionnaire de qualité de vie leur a été envoyé (SAQ [ Seattle Angina Questionnaire] et SF-36).

Définitions

Chirurgie en urgence : réalisée dans les 24 heures suivant le cathétérisme cardiaque. Chirurgie en semi-urgence : réalisée au cours des cinq jours suivant le cathétérisme cardiaque. Infarctus postopératoire enzymatique : un taux de MB-CPK supérieur à 100 μg/L. Infarctus électrique : apparition sur l'ECG postopératoire d'une onde Q de nécrose. Bas débit : index cardiaque inférieur à 2,5 L/min/m ² après obtention d'une normothermie. Déficit neurologique : AVC transitoire (<24 heures) ou définitif. Insuffisance rénale : taux de créatinine supérieur à 200 μmol/L. La FEVG était le plus souvent évaluée en ventriculographie; autrement, la FEVG isotopique ou échographique a été retenue. Insuffisance cardiaque dans le suivi : œdème des membres inférieurs, dyspnée ou antécédent d'œdème pulmonaire.

Sélection des patients

Une intervention chirurgicale n'était décidée qu'après discussion médicochirurgicale, en privilégiant chez le sujet âgé la cardiologie interventionnelle. L'existence de tares associées invalidantes, en particulier neurologiques, était considérée comme une contre-indication à la chirurgie.

Technique opératoire

Tous les patients ont été opérés par sternotomie médiane. Après le temps de prélèvement des greffons (artère mammaire interne gauche plus ou moins droite selon la technique de semi-squelettisation, artère gastro-épiploïque droite, veine saphène interne), les patients ont été opérés sous CEC ou à cœur battant. La chirurgie sous CEC se fait en hypothermie modérée (33 degrés environ), la protection myocardique étant assurée par une solution de cardioplégie sanguine froide. En cas de chirurgie à cœur battant, la stabilisation myocardique est réalisée à l'aide d'un stabilisateur Octopus MD. Les indications respectives entre cœur battant et CEC sont définies ailleurs ( 7), mais brièvement, la chirurgie à cœur battant est réservée aux patients les plus atteints (FEVG basse, aorte calcifiée), en cas de disposition anatomique favorable, en favorisant une revascularisation toute artérielle, afin d'éviter toute manipulation aortique.

Analyse statistique

La comparaison des variables fait appel à un test t de Student non apparié pour les données quantitatives et à un test de χ ² pour les données qualitatives. Les courbes de survie ont été établies selon la méthode de Kaplan-Meier. La comparaison des courbes de survie a fait appel au test du Log-rank pour la survie observée dans les deux groupes ou pour la comparaison avec les données générales de la population française. Le seuil de significativité retenu pour l'ensemble des tests est P<0,05.

RÉSULTATS

Les caractéristiques préopératoires, opératoires et les complications postopératoires sont résumées dans les tableaux respectifs 1 , et . Aucun des pontages réalisés à cœur battant n'a nécessité de CEC d'assistance ni de conversion.

TABLEAU 1

TABLEAU 2

TABLEAU 3

Mortalité postopératoire

Deux patients sont décédés dans chaque groupe, tous durant la même hospitalisation que leur intervention et avant le trentième jour postopératoire. Le taux de mortalité chez les plus de 80 ans est de 2,3 % par rapport à 1,2 % chez les 60 à 70 ans (n.s.).

Survie à long terme

Il existe 5,1 % de perte au suivi dans notre étude. La durée moyenne de suivi est de 45,7 mois, soit environ quatre ans, avec des extrêmes variant de 1,5 an à 7,6 ans. Nous observons que les 60 à 70 ans ont une survie significativement plus élevée à long terme (à quatre ans) que les octogénaires (89,7 % par rapport à 77,3 % respectivement [P=0,025], voir ). La survie à long terme des octogénaires opérés est supérieure à celle des octogénaires de la population générale de France, de façon significative () alors que celle de la cohorte des 60 à 70 ans n'est pas différente (). Les causes de décès tardifs étaient souvent inconnues. La plupart étaient des morts subites dont l'origine cardiaque n'avait pas été démontrée. Par ailleurs, il y a eu deux décès par bas débit postopératoire, un décès par cancer du colon en phase terminale, une nécrose mésentérique et un œdème aigu du poumon. Nous ne connaissons pas l'étiologie exacte des autres décès tardifs. En étude multivariée par régression logistique, nous avons retrouvé quatre facteurs indépendants associés à un risque de surmortalité tardive : l'âge supérieur à 80 ans (RRR = 7,4; P=0,006) les antécédents d'AVC (RRR = 7,9; P=0,003), le diabète (RRR = 7,1; P=0,007) et la nécessité d'une transfusion postopératoire (RRR = 1,3; P=0,05).

Qualité de vie à long terme : voir

TABLEAU 4

Le taux de réponse au questionnaire de qualité de vie était de 71 %. Les octogénaires ont une capacité physique à l'effort plus faible que les patients plus jeunes. Cependant le score d'état de santé global est identique dans les deux classes d'âge. Le retour à domicile a été possible chez 95,6 % des octogénaires, et 3 % d'entre eux sont devenus grabataires. Sur le plan thérapeutique, les traitements pris par les patients au long cours sont résumés à la . Les évènements cardiovasculaires à long terme (angor, récidive d'infarctus, coronarographie de contrôle, angioplastie) sont représentés à la , 79,4 % des octogénaires étant exempts d'évènements coronariens à long terme.

DISCUSSION

Les résultats de cette étude montrent que pour des octogénaires sélectionnés, la chirurgie coronaire isolée peut être proposée et s'associe à une mortalité opératoire comparable à celle d'une population plus jeune. Par ailleurs, de façon intéressante, ces octogénaires opérés présentent une survie significativement supérieure à celle des octogénaires de la population générale française et une qualité de vie satisfaisante.

L'analyse de la morbidité postopératoire établit un taux significativement plus élevé d'insuffisance rénale postopératoire, de bas débit et de recours aux amines en postopératoire ainsi qu'un taux de transfusion supérieur chez l'octogénaire, ce qui est en accord avec les publications ( 8- 12). Par contre, il y a eu très peu de complications neurologiques (un seul AVC dans chaque groupe : un réel AVC prouvé par TDM chez une patiente de 63 ans, et un AIT avec TDM normale chez un octogénaire, les deux ayant été opérés sous CEC). Dans ce cas, il existe probablement un biais, car les patients ayant une aorte calcifiée, habituellement considérés à risque d'AVC, ont été opérés à cœur battant, ce qui explique probablement le faible taux d'AVC postopératoire ( 13, 14).

Le taux de mortalité opératoire est variable dans les publications, allant jusqu'à 11,5 % ( 6). Si le taux de mortalité précoce est relativement bas chez l'octogénaire (2,3 %) et non significativement différent des patients plus jeunes contrairement à d'autres séries ( 6, 8- 10, 15- 19), cela est probablement dû à la sélection rigoureuse des patients octogénaires qui sont plus souvent en classe I ou II de la New York Heart Association, contrairement aux autres séries (jusqu'à 98 % des patients en classe III ou IV [20]), avec un Euroscore moyen plus bas que dans d'autres études. Nous n'avons pas réalisé d'études statistiques visant à trouver des facteurs prédictifs de mortalité précoce, en raison du faible nombre de décès.

Sur le plan de la technique opératoire, le type de greffon, artériel ou veineux, ainsi que le mode de revascularisation, à cœur battant ou non, sont également des éléments importants. Pour ce qui est du greffon, les bienfaits sur la survie d'une artère mammaire interne ont été clairement démontrés, y compris chez le sujet âgé ( 21, 22), et notre attitude est conforme aux recommandations puisque dans notre série, la plupart des patients (autour de 98 %, quelle que soit la classe d'âge) ont été revascularisés à l'aide de l'artère mammaire interne gauche. Par ailleurs, les veines saphènes sont plus souvent utilisées en complément chez les patients de plus de 80 ans, tandis que les 60 à 70 ans profitent plus fréquemment d'une revascularisation complètement artérielle (44,8 % dans le groupe 2 par rapport à 18,2 % dans le groupe 1). Pourtant, malgré un geste plus lourd et plus long sur le plan technique et un risque plus élevé (en particulier chez les patients obèses et diabétiques) de complications infectieuses locales, la revascularisation tout artérielle devrait, en théorie, être proposée davantage aux patients âgés puisqu'elle permet de limiter les manipulations de l'aorte. En effet, il a été nettement démontré que les emboles cérébraux mesurés en doppler transcrânien (HITS) sont directement proportionnels au nombre de manipulations aortiques ( 23), l'idéal étant de réaliser une revascularisation artérielle à cœur battant selon la technique sans manipulation de l'aorte ( 24). En réalité, les veines saphènes sont encore souvent utilisées en complément chez le sujet âgé en raison de la plus grande rapidité et simplicité du geste, (l'IVA étant revascularisée avec une artère mammaire [ 21]), et on recommande alors la réimplantation sous clampage total du pontage saphène afin d'éviter le clampage latéral de l'aorte, source d'embols en cas d'athérome. Pour ce qui est du mode de revascularisation, la chirurgie à cœur battant semble l'emporter par rapport à la chirurgie sous CEC chez le sujet âgé ( 13, 25), même si d'autres remettent cette constatation en question ( 26). Dans notre étude, nous n'avons pas évalué ce paramètre, étant donné la sélection des patients et le faible nombre de décès.

Toutefois, l'analyse des résultats ne doit pas comporter uniquement l'analyse de la morbidité et de la mortalité opératoire compte tenu de la lourdeur de cette chirurgie et de la lenteur de la réadaptation postopératoire, particulièrement à cet âge. L'analyse de la survie à long terme et de la qualité de vie doit être intégrée à toute démarche d'analyse de la qualité des soins chez le sujet âgé. La survie à long terme, de 85 % au bout de trois ans et de 75 % au bout de cinq ans dans notre série, est conforme aux résultats contenus dans les publications : de 71,2 % ( 6) à 87 % ( 27) au bout de trois ans, et de 57 % ( 28) à 83 % au bout de cinq ans ( 17). De plus, la comparaison de la survie des patients octogénaires avec des patients du même âge dans la population générale en France (survie théorique) montre que les opérés ont une survie à quatre ans significativement supérieure à celle des octogénaires de la population générale, alors que pour les 60 à 70 ans, la survie est identique entre les opérés et la population générale () ( 2). Ce résultat est très encourageant, même s'il existe évidemment un biais de sélection, les octogénaires opérés étant probablement en meilleur état général que les octogénaires de la population générale. De plus, les deux populations d'octogénaires ne sont pas équivalentes, car dans la population générale, il existe proportionnellement plus de patients de plus de 89 ans que dans notre groupe, ce qui explique la survie à long terme plus basse.

En ce qui concerne la qualité de vie à long terme, " l'état de santé " des octogénaires est identique à celui des 60 à 70 ans. Par ailleurs, 95,6 % des opérés octogénaires de notre étude vivent à domicile (taux supérieur à celui de la population générale des octogénaires [29]) et 3 % sont devenus grabataires, ce taux étant identique chez les 60 à 70 ans.

Sur le plan thérapeutique à long terme, nous observons que les sujets plus jeunes sont traités de façon optimale, alors que les plus de 80 ans ont plus tendance à avoir le " traitement minimal efficace " et sont plus souvent sous anticoagulants, probablement en raison d'une plus grande prévalence de fibrillation auriculaire chronique dans cette classe d'âge ( 30). À l'égard des évènements cardiovasculaires à quatre ans, près de 80 % des octogénaires sont exempts d'évènements coronariens à long terme, sans différence significative avec les patients plus jeunes.

Les limites de cette étude sont celles inhérentes à une étude unicentrique et rétrospective. Cependant, les données ont été recueillies de façon prospective. L'autre limite est le taux de retour incomplet des questionnaires. Enfin, l'évaluation par le patient de son état de santé et la définition d'insuffisance cardiaque sont des données en partie subjectives.

CONCLUSION

Malgré un taux plus important d'insuffisance rénale, de bas débit et de transfusions postopératoire par rapport aux sexagénaires, les octogénaires qui peuvent profiter d'une chirurgie coronaire s'associent à un faible taux de mortalité précoce, à une bonne qualité de vie et à une meilleure survie à long terme que les sujets du même âge dans la population générale. Il serait intéressant de procéder à une étude comparative auprès d'un groupe supplémentaire de patients octogénaires traités par angioplastie coronaire.

RÉFÉRENCES

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29. Désesquelles A, Brouard N. Le réseau familial des personnes âgées de 60 ans ou plus vivant à domicile ou en institution. Population. 2003;58:201-28. [ Google Scholar]

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Chirurgie coronaire isolée chez l'octogénaire : Résultats immédiats et analyse du taux de survie et de la qualité de vie à long terme

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Language: French | English Près de trois millions d'octogénaires vivent en France, et ils sont nombreux à présenter une coronaropathie. Par ailleurs, l'espérance de vie à 80 ans semble encore importante. Évaluer les résultats d'une chirurgie coronaire chez ces patients.

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Asked how to tackle COVID-19, West suggested we “pray for the freedom” and “stop doing things that make God mad.”

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Kanye West has outlined his prospective presidential platform, coming out against abortion and vaccines in a new interview with Forbes. He said he would run as an independent or, in a race not involving Donald Trump, as a Republican. He added that he would run under a new banner, the Birthday Party, with guidance from Elon Musk and a little-known running mate in Michelle Tidball, a Wyoming preacher who appears to work as a " Biblical life coach."

West went back and forth on whether he still supports Trump, saying he's lost confidence in the president in part because he " hid in the bunker" during Black Lives Matter protests. But West reserved his vitriol for the Democrats and Joe Biden, criticizing Biden's contention that " you ain't Black" if you consider voting for Trump. (Biden apologized for the remark.) West told Forbes, "I'm not saying Trump's in my way, he may be a part of my way. And Joe Biden? Like come on man, please. You know? Obama's special. Trump's special.... Joe Biden's not special."

In addition, to charges that he is dividing Black voters who would otherwise vote Democrat, West said it is "a form of racism and white supremacy and white control to say that all Black people need to be Democrat and to assume that me running is me splitting the vote."

West also revealed that he had COVID-19 symptoms in February and suffered with "chills, shaking in the bed, taking hot showers." Nonetheless, he is "extremely cautious" about the prospect of a vaccine. "So many of our children" are being "vaccinated and paralyzed," West said without providing support for the claim. He called vaccines "the mark of the beast," adding, "They want to put chips inside of us, they want to do all kinds of things, to make it where we can't cross the gates of heaven."

Asked how to tackle COVID-19, West suggested we "pray for the freedom" and "stop doing things that make God mad."

Per the interview, West also believes "Planned Parenthoods have been placed inside cities by white supremacists to do the Devil's work." He said he is "pro-life because I'm following the word of the bible." He praised Trump because he is "the closest president we've had in years to allowing God to still be part of the conversation."

On the subject of George Floyd's killing and racial disunity, West rapped to interviewer Randall Lane about a need for "praying and healing." He alluded to the limitations of education, and said, "We're not going to tear up the Constitution, what we will do is amend." (There has not been a constitutional amendment since 1992.) West also appeared to hint at a reparations policy, saying, "Let's get past all the racism conversation, let's empower people with 40 acres and a mule, let's give some land, that's the plan."

Despite announcing his run on Twitter on July 4, Kanye West has not filed his candidacy with the Federal Elections Commission, according to records viewed by Pitchfork. West believes he can wait roughly 30 days before missing the registration deadline for most states, he told Forbes, though he believes deadlines may be flexible due to the coronavirus.

Read the full interview, titled " Kanye West Says He's Done With Trump-Opens Up About White House Bid, Damaging Biden And Everything In Between," at .

Kanye West has been promoting a possible presidential run since 2015, when he announced plans to run in 2020 at the MTV VMAs. Since then, he has mooted a 2024 run. In a recent interview with , West appeared to brush over his 2020 plans, indicating he would vote for Donald Trump.

Read Pitchfork's feature " The Plight of the Kanye Superfan," as well as " Kanye West and Why the Myth of 'Genius' Must Die " on the Pitch.

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Kanye West Talks Presidential Platform, Opposes Abortion, Vaccines, Biden

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Kanye West has outlined his prospective presidential platform, coming out against abortion and vaccines in a new interview with Forbes . He said he would run as an independent or, in a race not involving Donald Trump, as a Republican.

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Let's make a thermite reaction!
“The formula is very simple,” says Chris Harrison, a chemistry professor at San Diego State University. “It’s 3:1 by mass of rust and aluminum powder. You mix those together and use a piece of magnesium to use as a high temperature fuse. And if you don’t have one, you could use a sparkler.”

The melting point of the hypothetical bronze statue is 1,742 degrees Fahrenheit, but even if you come across a racist cast in copper (melting point: 1,984 degrees), you can still easily melt both with thermite, as it burns at 2,500 degrees.

While thermite might burn nearly half as hot as the sun, it isn’t explosive. “You could pack the thermite around [the statue’s] ankles using a plastic or metal bucket with the base removed,” Harrison says. “You could invert the halves of the bucket and place them on either side of the feet, and then pour in the thermite, packing it down as best as possible. The more open space there is, the less efficient the reaction will be.”

Once you melt the statue’s ankles, it should just fall over, Harrison says, as that metal likely supports everything above it.

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It hasn't been a great past few weeks for statues.

From Bristol, England to Birmingham, Alabama, people all over the world have been grappling with the legacy of racism by tossing their grappling hooks around the heads of problematic monuments.

Should you happen to find yourself near a statue that you decide you no longer like, we asked scientists for the best, safest ways to bring it to the ground without anyone getting hurt -except, of course, for the inanimate racist who's been dead for a century anyway.

⚠️This article is being presented only to describe the physics and mechanics of removing statues, in light of national attention being drawn to the removal of Confederate monuments and statues. Popular Mechanics is not encouraging anyone to remove any statues. There is a risk of injury whenever you try to remove or destroy a statue, even if you were to apply information, materials, or tools presented in this article.

1. The Physical Approach

The force required to pull down a statue isn't as great as you think, says mechanical engineer Scott Holland. Most statues are bronze, using an alloy of 90 percent copper and 10 percent tin and a maximum thickness of 3/16 of an inch. The Statue of Liberty's copper sheeting is only 3/32 of an inch thick, for comparison.

Holland says your average statue of a person tops out at around 3,500 pounds. (FYI: A horse statue is approximately 7,000 pounds.) Meanwhile, the -mandated upper force limit for horizontal pulling per person is 50 pounds of force-"but that's for working every day," he says, "so you could probably do twice that."

At 100 pounds of force, then, we're talking about a 35-person job to drag the statue, Holland says. But to pull it down, "let's assume twice the force-so you'll need twice as many people." So before you start toppling, you'd better recruit 70 buddies with a bit of muscle.

Now that you have your crew, you'll need the right tools. Holland suggests grabbing a few 4x4 recovery straps, which can be rated to over 32,000 pounds and are far less cumbersome than a chain. Once you're properly equipped, you want to get leverage, Holland says, "so you need to get the straps around the head or the neck [of the statue]."

To break the statue from its base, split into two teams on either side and work in a back-and-forth motion. Most statues are attached to the base by 2 to 3 feet of rebar, so you'll actually be breaking it at the bronze above the rebar- not the rebar itself, says Holland. (That's steel.) "When the U.S. took down that statue of Saddam Hussein, you can see it folds at that spot where the rebar is in the base of it," he says.

Let's say you can't find 70 friends. If you still want to attempt this with a smaller removal squad, you have to weaken the monument itself. That's where temperature comes in.

Yield strength changes a lot with temperature. A 90 percent copper/10 percent tin statue, for example, will have a yield strength at room temperature of 31.4 megapascals-that's compared to 275 MPa for 6061 aluminum-"so structurally," Holland says, "it's not hard to break."

With 35 people, you need to cut the statue's yield strength in half by heating it up. And how do you do that? For a bronze statue, your target temperature is around 450 degrees Celsius, or 842 degrees Fahrenheit. "You could use a butane torch," says Holland, "but it would be much quicker with a propane torch. Those burn hotter. You'll be there for 15 to 20 minutes, but it's a lot easier."

Just make sure you use the proper protective equipment and look to see that nobody is underneath the statue when it falls. That means using a long rope to make sure the first person on the rope is farther away from the statue than the statue is tall. Use this handy Pythagorean triangle calculator to help figure that out.

2. The Chemical Approach

Maybe you're operating with an even smaller team-or toppling the statue all by yourself. In that case, your best bet is melting the damn thing. So let's make a thermite reaction.

"The formula is very simple," says Chris Harrison, a chemistry professor at San Diego State University. "It's 3:1 by mass of rust and aluminum powder. You mix those together and use a piece of magnesium to use as a high temperature fuse. And if you don't have one, you could use a sparkler."

The melting point of the hypothetical bronze statue is 1,742 degrees Fahrenheit, but even if you come across a racist cast in copper (melting point: 1,984 degrees), you can still easily melt both with thermite, as it burns at 2,500 degrees.

While thermite might burn nearly half as hot as the sun, it isn't explosive. "You could pack the thermite around [the statue's] ankles using a plastic or metal bucket with the base removed," Harrison says. "You could invert the halves of the bucket and place them on either side of the feet, and then pour in the thermite, packing it down as best as possible. The more open space there is, the less efficient the reaction will be."

Once you melt the statue's ankles, it should just fall over, Harrison says, as that metal likely supports everything above it.

Editor's Note: As national and worldwide attention to the removal of statues has grown, we have continued our reporting on the related science and safety issues, and have amended this article to reflect our findings.

This content is created and maintained by a third party, and imported onto this page to help users provide their email addresses. You may be able to find more information about this and similar content at piano.io

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It hasn't been a great past few weeks for statues. From Bristol, England to Birmingham, Alabama, people all over the world have been grappling with the legacy of racism by tossing their grappling hooks around the heads of problematic monuments.

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Firms arguably price at 99-ending prices because of left-digit bias, the tendency of consumers
to perceive a $4.99 as much lower than $5.00. Using retail scanner data on thousands of products
and dozens of retailers, I provide reduced-form support for this explanation. I then structurally
estimate the magnitude of left-digit bias, and find that consumers respond to a 1-cent increase
from a 99-ending price as if it were a 15-25 cent increase. Next, I analyze how firms should
respond to left-digit biased demand. I solve and estimate a model that makes three key predictions:
(1) prices should bunch at 99-ending prices; (2) there should be ranges of missing prices
with low price-endings; (3) these ranges of missing prices should increase with the dollar digit.
Qualitatively, these predictions hold. Firms respond to the bias with high shares of 99s and
missing low-ending prices. Quantitatively, however, firms price as if the bias were much smaller
and demand were more elastic, so they use dominated prices. I estimate that the retailer is
forgoing 1-3 percents of potential gross profits due to this misperception.

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C'est l'Autriche (24,1 %) qui possédait la plus forte part de terres cultivées biologiquement en 2018. Elle est suivie par l'Estonie avec 20,6 % de zones de culture biologique et par la Suède avec 20,3 %.
La France est quant à elle légèrement en-dessous de la moyenne européenne (7,5 %) avec 7 % de surfaces agricoles biologiques (+ 1 point par rapport à 2017).

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Au sein de l'Union européenne, 13,4 millions d'hectares sont cultivés selon les règles et les méthodes de l'agriculture biologique. La France est proche de la moyenne européenne avec 7 % de ses zones agricoles en culture biologique.

Augmentation des surfaces cultivées biologiquement

En 2018, 13,4 millions d'hectares étaient cultivés biologiquement ou étaient en cours de conversion dans l'Union européenne (le Royaume-Uni y compris, ce dernier appartenant toujours à l'UE en 2018, dernière année pour laquelle les données sont disponibles), soit 7,5 % des terres agricoles. C'est une surface qui représente environ trois millions et demi d'hectares de plus par rapport à 2012. Entre 2017 et 2018, la progression a été de plus de 875 000 hectares.

Pour Eurostat, qui reprend les critères de la réglementation européenne, l'agriculture biologique consiste de manière générale en de bonnes pratiques environnementales, un haut niveau de biodiversité, la préservation des ressources naturelles et de hauts standards de production basés sur des processus et des substances naturels.

C'est l' Autriche (24,1 %) qui possédait la plus forte part de terres cultivées biologiquement en 2018. Elle est suivie par l' Estonie avec 20,6 % de zones de culture biologique et par la Suède avec 20,3 %.

A l'opposé, Malte fait figure de mauvais élève : la part de culture biologique n'y atteint que 0,4 %. La Roumanie (2,4 %), la Bulgarie et l' Irlande (2,6 % chacune) suivent l'archipel maltais.

La France est quant à elle légèrement en-dessous de la moyenne européenne (7,5 %) avec 7 % de surfaces agricoles biologiques (+ 1 point par rapport à 2017).

En volume, ce sont l' Espagne, l' Italie, la France et l' Allemagne qui ont le plus de terres cultivées biologiquement. Ensemble, celles-ci représentent plus de 55 % des surfaces biologiques.

Source : Eurostat

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En Europe, l'agriculture biologique occupe 7,5 % des terres cultivées

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Au sein de l'Union européenne, 13,4 millions d'hectares sont cultivés selon les règles et les méthodes de l'agriculture biologique. La France est proche de la moyenne européenne avec 7 % de ses zones agricoles en culture biologique.

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16 BIT - Where are you (Long 12'' Version Videoclip)

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Le pontage coronarien appelé aussi pontage aorto-coronarien est une technique de chirurgie cardiaque consistant à contourner une artère coronaire rétrécie ou obstruée en implantant un autre vaisseau en aval de cette dernière. Il s'agit d'un traitement en lien avec la maladie coronarienne.

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Friends Don't Understand How Man Not Depressed

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Long-Distance Relationship is an audio series consisting of 10 conversations between comedians Louis CK and Blanche Gardin.

j'ai tenu 10 minutes

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Episode 3 just released!
If you've already purchased "Long-Distance Relationship," click here to download it.

Long-Distance Relationship is an audio series consisting of 10 conversations between comedians Louis CK and Blanche Gardin. Each episode is at least 25 minutes.

They will be released once a week, after the first two are released together now.

The cost is five dollars to download and listen to all 10. You'll be notified by email when each is released or just keep checking back here.

And that is what this is.

As episodes are released, they will be uploaded to the Your Digital Streaming And Download Library page, which contains all of your digital purchases on this website. Please click here to see your list of available digital downloads and digital streams.
NOTE: You must have an account and be logged in to access your digital downloads and streams past the date of purchase! Half of the proceeds from this series will be donated to the Fistula Foundation and the Fondation Abbé Pierre.

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Episode 3 just released!If you've already purchased "Long-Distance Relationship," click here to download it. Long-Distance Relationship is an audio series consisting of 10 conversations between comedians Louis CK and Blanche Gardin. Each episode is at least 25 minutes. They will be released once a week, after the first two are released together now.

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Les premières réactions syndicales sont plutôt favorables. S'ils ont dû céder du terrain sur le montant de l'augmentation, ils ont obtenu 7 500 créations de postes et une réactualisation de certaines grilles salariales. Selon la CGT toutefois, "plusieurs lignes rouges sont franchies".

Olivier Véran, le ministre de la Santé, le 8 juillet 2020. (AURELIEN MORISSARD / XINHUA)

Les négociations du "Ségur de la santé" entre syndicats et gouvernement se sont achevées dans la nuit de mercredi à jeudi et un projet d'accord a été trouvé pour la revalorisation des métiers paramédicaux et non médicaux, a appris jeudi 9 juillet franceinfo de sources syndicales.

L'accord, qui prévoit une augmentation à terme de 180 euros par mois pour tous les salariés des métiers paramédicaux (infirmiers, aides-soignants) et non médicaux (techniciens, brancardiers, administratifs, etc.), doit encore être validé par les syndicats. Ils ont jusqu'à lundi pour se tourner vers leur base et signer le protocole d'accord. La réunion s'est achevée à 1 heure du matin jeudi.

Une augmentation en deux temps

Le protocole d'accord prévoit une augmentation de 180 euros par mois pour tous les salariés, en deux temps : une première hausse de 90 euros par mois à partir du 1er septembre, et une seconde hausse de 90 euros par mois à compter du 1er mars 2021. L'État consacrera 7,5 milliards d'euros de plus au budget annuel de l'hôpital à partir de 2022.

Autre volet du protocole d'accord, les grilles salariales vont être réactualisées pour mieux correspondre au niveau de diplôme. Les kinésithérapeutes et orthophonistes, par exemple, qui ont un niveau de diplôme compris aujourd'hui entre Bac+4 et Bac+5 n'étaient pas payés à ce niveau. Leur grille salariale sera revalorisée.

"Une avancée positive" pour plusieurs syndicats

Un effort salué par Didier Birig, le représentant du syndicat FO à ces négociations. "On ne peut pas dire que 7,5 milliards d'euros, tous les ans pour l'hôpital, à partir de 2022, c'est une petite somme ou que ça ne représente pas grand-chose ! Je pense qu'il faut avoir un tout petit peu de clairvoyance sur la somme, a-t-il réagi au micro de franceinfo. Sur ce point-là, c'est une reconnaissance de l'ensemble des personnels publics de santé de l'hôpital, et pour nous, c'est une avancée positive". Le représentant de FO reconnaît que les syndicats - qui réclamaient une augmentation de 300 euros par mois - ont "certes baissé (leur) prétentions" mais ont obtenu "d'autres choses en compensation : 15 000 créations d'emplois, avec 7 500 qui n'étaient pas pourvus, et 7500 qui sont créés.

Un avis partagé par la CFDT, pour qui la revalorisation salariale n'est "pas suffisante mais quand même conséquente". Le syndicat réformiste se réjouit en revanche des autres avancées. "On n'a pas obtenu satisfaction entièrement, puisque qu'on voulait un socle commun, une augmentation 300 euros, et qu'on a obtenu 180 euros. Pour autant, il y a d'autres choses dans l'accord", a déclaré à France Inter Êve Rescanieres, secrétaire générale de la CFDT Santé Sociaux.

Dans le domaine de la promotion professionnelle, dans le domaine des effectifs, des grilles salariales des soignants, et notamment le passage en catégorie B des aides-soignants, tout cela est très important pour nous, ce sont des revendications de longue date de la CFDT, et ça pèse aussi dans la balance. Êve Rescanières, secrétaire générale de la CFDT Santé Sociaux à France Inter

La réaction de la CGT est plus mitigée. "On se doutait que les annonces ne seraient pas forcément à la hauteur. Il y a plusieurs lignes rouges qui sont franchies, sur lesquelles la CGT est en position de s'interroger sur la possibilité de signer ou pas [ce protocole d'accord]", a indiqué sur franceinfo Patrick Bourdillon, l'un des représentants CGT au Ségur.

"Le gouvernement s'est mis dans la situation, contrairement à ce qui avait été annoncé initialement, de pas forcément revaloriser tout de suite les salaires. Il y aura une première revalorisation de 90 euros par mois en septembre, et un complément qui est à nouveau de 90 euros à partir de mars 2021, donc on est pas du tout sur une revalorisation unique", a regretté le représentant de la CGT.

Les médecins ont claqué la porte

Si la négociation menée en parallèle sur la rémunération des médecins a échoué - ces derniers ont claqué la porte -, un projet d'accord a également été trouvé plus tôt mercredi sur la rémunération des étudiants en médecine et des internes.

Le gouvernement doit désormais envoyer, ce jeudi, le texte définitif de ce protocole d'accord aux syndicats, qui ont jusqu'à lundi, au plus tard, pour donner ou non leur accord. Si une majorité de syndicats ne signe pas ce texte, l'accord sera caduc.

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Ségur de la santé : un projet d'accord trouvé cette nuit, 180 euros de plus pour les métiers paramédicaux et non médicaux et 15 000 embauches

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Les premières réactions syndicales sont plutôt favorables. S'ils ont dû céder du terrain sur le montant de l'augmentation, ils ont obtenu 7 500 créations de postes et une réactualisation de certaines grilles salariales. Selon la CGT toutefois, "plusieurs lignes rouges sont franchies".

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recommandé par h

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Les accès cyclables de la Défense partie 1 : Neuilly et Courbevoie

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How Much Residential Space $250,000 Can Buy in the 100 Largest U.S. Cities?

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Location, location, location -it's a well-worn catchphrase in real estate. However, in today's COVID-19 impacted markets, location has taken on a whole new meaning. In fact, according to data from Harris Poll, almost a third of Americans are looking for properties in areas that are less densely populated. Some of the factors responsible for this trend are the decreased health risks and access to work and job opportunities which, in many cases, no longer limit employees by physical presence due to remote possibilities.

With the closure of many of the locales and cultural events that drew people to big cities and more time spent at home, more living space has become particularly important. Hence, the increased interest in moving to less tightly inhabited areas - that usually provide more living space for the money. The gap can stretch from just $54,000 to buy 1,000 square feet of space in Cleveland to more than $1 million to purchase the same amount in Manhattan.

With this new trend and such striking cost disparities, we analyzed how much space a home-buyer could get for $250,000 in the 100 most populous cities in the U.S. We chose a quarter-of-a-million sale price because that figure is the national median home price from 2018, according to the U. S. Census Bureau, with a 5.1% price increase added per the House Price Index to bring it closer to present day. Additionally, our top 100 list actually includes 104 cities because New York City was divided at the borough level.

So, if you're in the market and considering where to replant your roots, - whether that's in a seaside location, a quiet Midwestern city, or in a spacious Texas city - here's how much space you can expect to buy for $250,000.

Buying Power in the City: From 200 Square Feet in Manhattan to 3,000 in Memphis

New York - both the city and the state - has always been a place of extremes, and this holds true in terms of how much square footage $250,000 can buy. For example, in Buffalo, where the median home size is 1,713 square feet, that amount can procure more than 4,000 feet of space. Conversely, in New York City's famously pricey borough of Manhattan, the same amount would buy only 232 square feet.

Looking westward to two of the nation's artistic hubs, the location of the city once again results in sharp price contrasts. For instance, in Memphis, Tennessee, $250,000 buys more than 10 times as much space as it does in San Francisco - 3,324 square feet versus 269. What's more, location also matters even in cities not as famous for their high costs of housing as San Francisco and Manhattan. For example, would-be urban-dwellers can buy 700 square feet more in Philadelphia than they can in Chicago - 1,745 square feet versus 1,060.

Open Spaces & Sprawling Suburbs: Five Times More Space in San Antonio than in Irvine

In Orange County's Irvine - with its suburban-style homes and location near Los Angeles and the beach, where the median home size is a generous 1,861 square feet, $250,000 buys only one fourth of that space - 525 square feet. This lands Irvine's median home price at almost $1 million.

San Antonio, Texas, a city dotted with suburban homes, is far more accessible. Here, $250,000 buys five times as much space as it does in Irvine: 2,503 square feet versus 500. Meanwhile, the cost per square foot in San Antonio is $100 as opposed to almost $500 in Irvine.

Offering a compromise between the prices in Irvine and the generous space in San Antonio is Plano, Texas. This city is situated just 20 miles from economic powerhouse Dallas and famed for its low taxes and high quality of life. In this area, $250,000 will buy 1,657 square feet of living space - three times as much space as in Irvine, but still almost 1,000 square feet less than in its fellow Texas city of San Antonio.

Seaside Cities: Three Times More Space in Tampa Than Long Beach

Living by the beach is often equated with a luxurious lifestyle and corresponding price tags. Yet, our study found that it's not just proximity to the beach, but rather the location of the city that determines price per square foot.

For instance, with more than five miles of Pacific Ocean beachfront and proximity to Downtown LA and Hollywood, Long Beach affords only 506 square feet of space for $250,000. Alternatively, on the eastern seaboard, far down south - and in stark contrast relative to price per square foot - Tampa affords more than three times as much living space for the same price. Here, you can buy 1,764 square feet, as opposed to just over 500 square feet in Long Beach.

On the other side of the Florida panhandle, Miami is a more even keel between the previous two cities. There, $250,000 can buy 1,030 square feet - almost half as much as in Tampa and twice as much as in Long Beach, Calif. As such, Miami's $368,270 median home sale is a middle ground between Long Beach's $631,336 median and Tampa's $270,738 median.

Dramatic Price Differences in Most Populous Cities: Double the Space in Austin Versus San Diego

In the country's most populated cities with more than 900,000 residents, the difference in price per square foot between coastal cities and Texas cities is miles apart. As expected, vast Texas leads the way in providing the most space for the lowest price. In fact, in every Texas city we analyzed, $250,000 will buy more than 1,000 square feet. Specifically, in cities with more than 1 million residents - such as San Antonio, Houston, and Dallas - this amount will provide home-buyers with 2,503, 2,318 and 1,722 square feet, respectively. Likewise, Phoenix - Arizona's desert city that's also home to more than 1 million people - provides buyers 1,485 square feet for $250,000.

Meanwhile, with populations hovering around 1 million residents, Austin, and San Diego have vastly different pricing. In Austin, $250,000 buys more than double the amount of space as it does in San Diego - 1,139 versus 523 square feet.

Less Than 600 Square Feet in the 10 Most Expensive U.S. Cities

In contrast to Texas and Arizona, New York, and California have the highest prices per square foot, as expected. In terms of cost of space in cities with more than 2 million residents - such as Houston, LA, and Queens and Brooklyn - there is no comparing Texas to California and New York. For example, in Houston, $250,000 could buy 2,318 square feet, whereas in Los Angeles or New York City's Queens and Brooklyn, it would only buy 524, 625 and 534 square feet, respectively - less than half the space in Houston.

Among the 10 cities with the least square footage for $250,000, the majority are in California. And, besides Manhattan's 232 and San Francisco's 269 square feet, the other eight most-expensive cities allow between 347 to 506 square feet. Los Angeles - with nearly 10 times as many residents as Long Beach - is almost equally as expensive. Here, $250,000 buys 524 square feet versus Long Beach's 506.

The rest of the California cities are in the San Francisco Bay Area. In wealthy tech hubs like Fremont and San Jose, $250,000 buys 347 and 372 square feet, respectively. However, the area's median home sizes are five times as large as those numbers, at more than 1,500 square feet in each city. Further north in less-expensive Oakland, $250,000 buys 444 square feet and is the only San Francisco Bay Area city with a median home sale price below $1 million.

As for the East Coast's most expensive and crowded cities, Boston provides 397 square feet for $250,000, while the capital, Washington D.C., affords 477 feet. Likewise, in nearby Arlington, Virginia, the same price buys a mere 420 square feet of space.

Among the New York City boroughs on the list, only Manhattan is among the top 10 most expensive, where $250,000 buys just 232 square feet of space. Although they didn't make the top 10 most expensive, $250,000 in Queens and Brooklyn purchases only 625 and 534 square feet, respectively. However, in Hawaii's urban Honolulu, $250,000 buys only about half - 353 feet of space.

More Than 2,000 Square Feet in the Most Affordable U.S. Cities

Scattered on the East Coast and in the Midwest, the nation's top 10 cities with the least expensive space allow between 2,667 and 5,407 square feet for $250,000.

For example, in Texas's Laredo, Corpus Christi and Lubbock, buyers can purchase 2,863, 3,431 and 3,458 square feet, respectively, for $250,000. Meanwhile, Ohio is home to two of the nation's most affordable cities. In Toledo, $250,000 buys 3,662 square feet of space, while in Cleveland, buyers can get 4,667 square feet - almost 10 times more than Washington D.C.'s 477 feet.

With the exception of Buffalo, all other cities on the list are in the Midwest. Specifically, in Lexington, Kentucky, $250,000 buys 2,667 square feet of space. In Fort Wayne, Indiana, that same amount buys 3,248 square feet, while in Detroit - the least-expensive city in the top 100 - the same amount buys an enormous 5,407 square feet.

Notably, in each of the top 10 cities with the lowest cost per square foot, the median home sale price was below our $250,000 figure. Furthermore, in each of these cities, the median home size is greater than 2,000 square feet. As a result, $250,000 buys well more than that amount of space - between 2,667 and 5,407 square feet.

Methodology

The 100 most populous cities in the Unites States were identified based on 2018 U.S. Census data. Our list contains 104 entries, as New York City's boroughs were each considered individually.

Median home size in terms of square footage in each city was determined using PropertyShark.com data for 94 entries and Point2Homes.com data for listings active in April 2020 for six entries: Lexington, Ky.; Louisville, Ky.; Boise City, Idaho; Madison, Wis.; New Orleans, La.; Los Angeles, Calif.; and Sacramento, Calif.

Median home sale price was determined using 2018 U.S. Census one-year estimate data for each entry. Per the House Price Index, it was increased by 5.1% from the fourth quarter of 2018 through the fourth quarter of 2019, according to the Federal Housing Finance Agency.

To determine the median price per square foot, each city's median sale price was divided by the median home size in that city. The rounded $250,000 amount was extracted from the national median home price of $229,700 in 2018. To that, we added the above-mentioned 5.1% increase per the House Price Index. The median price per square foot was the determining factor for ranking how much space could be purchased in each city with $250,000. The lowest price per square foot afforded the most space.

The following residential property types were considered: single-family homes, duplexes, condominiums, and townhouses.
Please use the Search feature on the table below to see how much space $250,000 buys in various cities.

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A Room in Manhattan or a Mansion in Memphis? How Much Residential Space $250,000 Can Buy in the 100 Largest U.S. Cities? | PropertyShark

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We analyzed how much space a home-buyer could get for $250,000 in the 100 most populous cities in the U.S. Our top 100 list actually includes 104 cities because New York City was divided at the borough level.

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synaesthesia / acquired savant syndrom

Everything that was curved looked like it was slightly pixelated,” he explains. “Water coming down the drain didn’t look like it was a smooth, flowing thing anymore, it looked like these little tangent lines.”

The same thing happened with clouds, sunlight streaming between trees and puddles. To Padgett, the world essentially looked like a retro video game. Seeing such a radically different view of his surroundings evoked conflicting emotions in Padgett. “I was surprised…confused. It was beautiful but it was also scary at the same time.”

//

I see it [beauty] everywhere,” he says. He is mesmerised by simple things that most people don’t even notice such as raindrops falling on a puddle.

Through Padgett’s eyes, the puddle is transformed into complex rippling patterns, overlapping and forming shapes like stars or snowflakes. And he wants everyone else to see what he sees.

“You should be walking around in absolute amazement at all times that reality even exists,” he says. “I’m having this mathematical awakening and all around us is absolute magic or about as close as you can get to magic.”

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BBC Future has brought you in-depth and rigorous stories to help you navigate the current pandemic, but we know that's not all you want to read. So now we're dedicating a series to help you escape. We'll be revisiting our most popular features from the last three years in our You'll find everything from the story about the world's greatest space mission to the truth about whether our cats really love us, the epic hunt to bring illegal fishermen to justice and the small team which brings long-buried World War Two tanks back to life. What you won't find is any reference to, well, you-know-what. Enjoy. Lockdown Longreads.
Jason Padgett sees maths everywhere. Even something as ordinary as brushing his teeth is governed by mathematics - he turns the tap on and dips his toothbrush into the water 16 times.

"I don't know why I like perfect squares," he says. "It's not just a perfect square, it's two to the power of four or four squared but I just like perfect squares... I automatically do that stuff with everything."

Padgett is so obsessed with maths and understands such complex concepts, he's been called a genius. He certainly has a rare talent for drawing repeating geometric patterns - known as fractals - by hand.

You might also like:
* Is it right to use Nazi science?
* The maths problem that could bring the world to a halt
* What it's like during a chemical attack

But the former futon salesman from Alaska hasn't always had a way with numbers. Just under 17 years ago he was living a very different life in Tacoma, Washington.

"I was very shallow," he laughs. "Life rotated around girls, partying, drinking, waking up with a hangover and then going out and chasing girls and going out to bars again."

Maths wasn't on his radar whatsoever.

"I used to say 'math is stupid, how can you use that in the real world'? And I thought that was like a smart statement. I really believed it."

But on the night of Friday 13 September 2002 everything changed. (Read more about why some people become sudden geniuses).

While out with friends, Padgett was attacked and robbed by two men outside a karaoke bar. They took his already torn leather jacket.

"I heard as much as felt this deep, low-pitched thud as the first guy ran up behind me and smashed me in the back of the head," he recalls. "And I saw this puff of white light just like someone took a picture. The next thing I knew I was on my knees and everything was spinning and I didn't know where I was or how I got there."

Padgett staggered to a hospital across the street where he was told he had concussion and a bleeding kidney thanks to a punch to the gut. "They gave me a shot of pain medication and sent me home," he remembers.

But once home, Padgett's behaviour changed quickly and dramatically. He had sustained a traumatic brain injury, which can bring on obsessive compulsive disorder - OCD. In Jason's case, he became increasingly afraid of the outside world and would only leave his house to stock up on food.

"I just remember nailing blankets and towels over all the windows in the house... I remember actually using this spray foam and gluing the front door shut."

The OCD had made Padgett irrationally afraid of germs, which had a knock-on effect on his daughter who would come to stay with him amidst custody negotiations with his ex-partner.

"When she would come over I would obsessively wash my hands and clean," he says. "The very first thing I would want to do is get her shoes off, get her into clean clothes, wash her hands."

But while Padgett was experiencing all these negative consequences from his attack, something incredible was happening too. The way Jason was seeing things changed.

"Everything that was curved looked like it was slightly pixelated," he explains. "Water coming down the drain didn't look like it was a smooth, flowing thing anymore, it looked like these little tangent lines."

The same thing happened with clouds, sunlight streaming between trees and puddles. To Padgett, the world essentially looked like a retro video game. Seeing such a radically different view of his surroundings evoked conflicting emotions in Padgett. "I was surprised...confused. It was beautiful but it was also scary at the same time."

Because of these visions, Padgett began to think about huge questions in relation to mathematics and physics. Given his hermit-like existence at that time, the internet became a valuable source of information to him as he read extensively about mathematics online.

He stumbled across a webpage about fractals which struck a chord with him. It's a difficult mathematical concept which, put at its most basic, can be likened to a snowflake. When you zoom in, you will see it's made up of smaller snowflakes connected together, zoom in again and those snowflakes are made of smaller snowflakes, and so on until infinity.

Padgett was fascinated by this concept but didn't yet have the words to describe it until one day his daughter asked him how the TV worked.

"When you're looking at a TV screen and you see a circle it's really not a circle," he says. "It's made with rectangles or squares and, if you look close, the edge of the circle is really a zig zag. You can take those pixels and cut them in half and cut them in half and you get closer and closer to a perfect circle but you never actually reach one because you can keep cutting the pixels in half forever, so the resolution gets better but you never have a perfect circle."

Padgett felt compelled to explore this intriguing concept further. So, he began to draw. And he kept drawing.

"I had literally a thousand or more drawings of circles, fractals, every shape that I could manage to draw. It was the only way I could manage to communicate effectively what I was seeing."

Padgett believed his drawings "held the key to the universe" and were so important that he needed to take them everywhere with him.

While on a rare trip out one day, he was approached by a man who had noticed Padgett with his drawings and told him they looked mathematical.

"I'm trying to describe the discrete structure of space time based on Planck length (a tiny unit of measurement developed by physicist Max Planck) and quantum black holes," Padgett told him. It turned out the man was a physicist and recognised the high-level mathematics Padgett was drawing. He urged him to take a maths class, which led Padgett to enrol in a community college, where he began to learn the language he needed to describe his obsession.

After three and a half years of living like a virtual hermit, going to school changed everything for Padgett. He started to get psychological help for his OCD and even met the woman who would become his wife.

But why was he seeing things in such a strange and different way? Why was his world now comprised of geometric shapes and graphs?

Poetically, it was television that again provided him with a clue. Padgett saw a man, a so-called savant, who had extraordinary numerical abilities and talked about what numbers looked like to him.

"I would always describe that math was shapes not numbers and that was the first time I'd heard anybody but me talk about what numbers looked like," says Padgett.

He scoured the internet for more information and came across Berit Brogaard, a cognitive neuroscientist now at the University of Miami. The pair spent hours talking on the phone and from these conversations, Brogaard hypothesised that Padgett had synaesthesia - essentially a cross-wiring of the brain in which the senses get mixed up. (Find out more about synaesthesia - and whether it can be learnt).

It is estimated to effect only around 4% of the population. Some synesthetes might see certain colours when they hear music or smell something that's not there when feeling a particular emotion.

The condition is caused by connections between parts of the brain that are not there in other people. You can be born this way or some type of trauma, an injury, a stroke, an allergic reaction, can change the brain.

Brogaard believes the brain injury Padgett sustained caused him to develop a form of synaesthesia where certain things triggered visions of mathematical formulas or geometric shapes, either in his mind or projected in front of him. She also hypothesised that synaesthesia made Padgett an acquired savant.

"Most of us don't have that kind of insight because we don't visualise mathematical formulas," says Brogaard.

To test these ideas, Brogaard brought Padgett to the Brain Research Unit of Aalto University in Helsinki, where he underwent a series of brain scans.

While in the MRI scanner, hundreds of equations, including fake ones, flashed on a screen in front of Padgett's eyes. The researchers then watched which parts of his brain lit up in response.

"They found that I had access to parts of the brain that we don't have conscious access to and also the visual cortex was working in conjunction with the part of the brain that does mathematics, which obviously makes sense," says Padgett.

Brogaard's hypotheses turned out to be true. Padgett was formally diagnosed with acquired savant syndrome and a form of synaesthesia. Finally, he had answers.

Since his diagnosis, Padgett has published a book about his experience called Struck by Genius, he's toured the world telling people his story and educating them about maths. He is aiming to help others who have had unique or rare/interesting lives by getting their stories published or made into movies. He even sells his drawings of fractals.

The two men who attacked him that fateful September night were never convicted despite Padgett identifying them and pressing charges.

Years later, however, one of the men, Brady Simmons, wrote to Padgett to apologise while he was undergoing treatment for prescription drug addiction following a suicide attempt. In a sense, two lives were changed in the years that followed the attack.

"I'm a completely different person," says Simmons. "When I look back the abysmal person that I was in the past, I just don't see how I existed on that level."

Padgett too feels like he is a different person than he was before.

"I see it [beauty] everywhere," he says. He is mesmerised by simple things that most people don't even notice such as raindrops falling on a puddle.

Through Padgett's eyes, the puddle is transformed into complex rippling patterns, overlapping and forming shapes like stars or snowflakes. And he wants everyone else to see what he sees.

"You should be walking around in absolute amazement at all times that reality even exists," he says. "I'm having this mathematical awakening and all around us is absolute magic or about as close as you can get to magic."

--
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The violent attack that turned a man into a maths genius

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BBC Future has brought you in-depth and rigorous stories to help you navigate the current pandemic, but we know that's not all you want to read. So now we're dedicating a series to help you escape.

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>> lockdown classic

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Alison Roman's Caramelized Shallot Pasta | NYT Cooking

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Universals and cultural variation in turn-taking in conversation

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Universals and cultural variation in turn-taking in conversation

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The means display somewhat more variation, as shown in Fig. 2. Danish has the slowest response time on average (+469 ms) and Japanese has the fastest (+7 ms). The mean response offset for the full dataset is +208 ms, and the language-specific means fall within ≈250 ms either side of this cross-language mean, approximately the length of time it takes to produce a single English syllable (37).

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Abstract

Informal verbal interaction is the core matrix for human social life. A mechanism for coordinating this basic mode of interaction is a system of turn-taking that regulates who is to speak and when. Yet relatively little is known about how this system varies across cultures. The anthropological literature reports significant cultural differences in the timing of turn-taking in ordinary conversation. We test these claims and show that in fact there are striking universals in the underlying pattern of response latency in conversation. Using a worldwide sample of 10 languages drawn from traditional indigenous communities to major world languages, we show that all of the languages tested provide clear evidence for a general avoidance of overlapping talk and a minimization of silence between conversational turns. In addition, all of the languages show the same factors explaining within-language variation in speed of response. We do, however, find differences across the languages in the average gap between turns, within a range of 250 ms from the cross-language mean. We believe that a natural sensitivity to these tempo differences leads to a subjective perception of dramatic or even fundamental differences as offered in ethnographic reports of conversational style. Our empirical evidence suggests robust human universals in this domain, where local variations are quantitative only, pointing to a single shared infrastructure for language use with likely ethological foundations.

Crucial to understanding the nature and origins of human language, perhaps our most distinctive trait, is understanding the social-interactional matrix in which it is used. Informal conversation is where language is learned and where most of the business of social life is conducted. A fundamental part of the infrastructure for conversation is turn-taking, or the apportioning of who is to speak next and when ( 1). Previous research on turn-taking has examined cues used in recognizing opportunities for turn transition ( 1- 4), the time course of a turn in an exchange ( 5), and the timing of turn transitions ( 1, 6- 10). In English conversation speakers do not wait for pauses to begin their turn but avoid gaps and overlaps. To achieve this they use grammar, prosody, and pragmatics to project when they can start a next turn, suggesting that turn-taking is specifically organized to achieve this close timing. Here, we consider whether this organization varies across human cultures or is reflective of a universal system of rules for turn-taking in conversation. To our knowledge, no previous study has set out to test the robustness of a turn-taking system for informal interaction across the diversity of human cultures.

In the anthropological literature there are frequent claims that cultures differ radically in the timing of conversational turn-taking, and thus that the findings for English are culture-specific. Nordic cultures, for example, are said to relish long delays between one turn and the next. As the report goes, "Two brothers of Häme (Finland) were on their way to work in the morning. One says, 'It is here that I lost my knife'. Coming back home in the evening, the other asks, 'Your knife, did you say?"' ( 11). Or receiving visitors in the North of Sweden: "We would offer coffee. After several minutes of silence the offer would be accepted. We would tentatively ask a question. More silence, then a 'yes' or a 'no"' ( 12). Compare this preference for silence between turns with the reported "fast rate of turn-taking" and "preference for simultaneous speech" in New York Jewish conversation ( 13) or the "anarchic" conversation of an Antiguan village, in which there is said to be "no regular requirement for 2 or more voices not to be going on at the same time" ( 12). Although there are many such claims in the anthropological literature of cultures where substantial overlap is the norm ( 14- 16) or where long silences are said to be the rule ( 11, 12, 17), no broad-ranging, quantitative comparison has been made. These claims suggest that there are culturally variable turn-taking systems.

In contrast to these claims of diversity, there are arguments in favor of a universal system for turn-taking, that, as in English, follows a norm of "minimal-gap minimal-overlap" ( 18). First, there is a functional basis for turns to be immediately adjacent (rather than overlapping or overly separated): a timely response makes clear its link to another speaker's prior utterance ( 19), displaying that it is directly contingent on that utterance ( 20), and showing how the prior utterance was understood, allowing rapid correction if necessary ( 1, 21, 22). Second, there is evidence for a human ethological basis for adjacent sequences of communicative action and response, for example in very early "proto-conversation" between newborns and caregivers ( 23- 26). Systems in which turn transitions occur with minimal delay or overlap have been described for several languages ( 1, 8, 27, 28), but no systematic cross-linguistic comparison has been undertaken.

Here, we test these opposing hypotheses: ( i) a universal system hypothesis, by which turn-taking is a universal system with minimal cultural variability, and ( ii) a cultural variability hypothesis, by which turn-taking is language and culture dependent. The universal system hypothesis predicts a unimodal distribution of turn transitions with most transitions occurring ≈0 in all languages, whereas the cultural variability hypothesis predicts that overlap is more common in some languages and gaps more common in others.

If a community of speakers shows a highly regular target for the timing of turn transition, deviations will come to have a natural communicative significance (e.g., delays implying problems with the prior utterance), so giving rise to implicit norms of timely response that will be maintained to avoid such added implications ( 29). Research on questions in English conversation has shown that speakers display inhibition in producing responses that in some way fail to conform with the terms of the question or with the questioner's agenda: thus, responses are often delayed by up to 1 s if, for example, they do not answer the question (e.g., I don't know or I can't remember) ( 30, 31) or if they give a response that runs against the bias of the question (e.g., A: Is that your car? B: No) ( 32, 33).

Two further explanations for variation in turn transition speed are associated with nonverbal behavior such as head movements (e.g., nodding) and gaze. Although the rules for turn-taking may discourage overlap in the vocal channel, they may nevertheless leave other channels exempt. If nonverbal signals are viewed as less intrusive upon speech, they may come earlier than purely verbal responses. Additionally, if questioners fix their eye gaze on their addressees, this may be expected to elicit faster responses. Research on conversation in European languages suggests that a speaker's gaze toward a listener may increase the pressure to respond and to respond quickly: eye gaze does this by indicating who is addressed ( 1), by providing early possible cues that the speaker's turn is now coming to an end ( 4, 6, 34) and signaling the speaker's heightened expectancy for a response ( 35). However, gaze behavior may show substantial cultural variation ( 36).

With respect to these 4 accounts for delayed turn transition (nonanswering responses, disconfirmations, vocal-only responses, and nongazing questions), the 2 hypotheses make different predictions. The universal system hypothesis predicts that the languages will all show the same pattern of slower turn transitions when these factors are present. By contrast, the cultural variability hypothesis predicts that delayed turn transition will be explained by different factors in different languages and that the 4 factors just mentioned are unlikely to account for variation in the same way cross-linguistically.

To test these competing hypotheses, we compared data from video recordings of informal natural conversation in 10 languages from 5 continents, e.g., from Southeast Asia, Mexico, Namibia, and Papua New Guinea (see Table S1). The languages vary fundamentally in type (e.g., in word order, sound structure, grammatical options) and are drawn from cultures of quite different kinds (from hunter-gatherer groups to peasant societies to large-scale postindustrial nations). To achieve a natural control over the discourse environment to be compared, we took advantage of a universal context for turn transition, namely that between questions and their responses. For optimal comparability we restricted the comparison to polar questions (questions that expect a yes or no answer). These are the most common type of questions in 9 of the 10 languages (67% of total questions in our 10-language sample were of this type), and they are also logically the simplest type: unlike responses to WH- questions (see Table S2), the desired response to a polar question comes from a small, closed set, usually yes or no. Although not all languages have precise equivalents of English yes and no, they all do have ways of asking polar questions and ways of conveying the basic functions of yes and no. For example, yes can be conveyed by repeating the key information in the question [e.g., Q: Is John going?, A: He's going (= yes)] or the use of nonstandard expressions like uh huh or yep. To determine whether question-response sequences are representative of turn-taking in general, we examined a corpus of Dutch conversation ( 8) for timing across all types of turns and responses and found no difference between response times after questions and nonquestions (see Fig. S1). This suggests that the use of question-answer sequences is a reasonable proxy for turn-taking more generally.

Results

Distribution of Turn Transitions.

The temporal relation between a turn and its response we will call the response offset, measured in milliseconds, when there is a gap we have a positive offset, when there is an overlap we have a negative offset. As Fig. 1 shows, we find that the response timings for each language, although slightly skewed to the right, have a unimodal distribution with a mode offset for each language between 0 and +200 ms, and an overall mode of 0 ms (see Fig. 1 and Table S3). The medians are also quite uniform, ranging from 0 ms (English, Japanese, Tzeltal, and Yélî-Dnye) to +300 ms (Danish, ‡Ākhoe Hai‖om, Lao) (overall cross-linguistic median +100 ms).

The means display somewhat more variation, as shown in Fig. 2. Danish has the slowest response time on average (+469 ms) and Japanese has the fastest (+7 ms). The mean response offset for the full dataset is +208 ms, and the language-specific means fall within ≈250 ms either side of this cross-language mean, approximately the length of time it takes to produce a single English syllable ( 37).

The Implications of Turn Delay.

Answering vs. not.

Speakers of all of the languages provide answers significantly faster than nonanswer responses to questions ( Fig. 3). In all of the languages we also found a greater proportion of answers than nonanswer responses (ranging from 64% of all responses in Korean to 87% in Dutch and Yélî-Dnye) (see Table S4).

Confirming vs. disconfirming.

Within the set of answers, those that are confirmations are delivered faster than disconfirmations in all languages, between 100 and 500 ms faster on average (see Fig. 4). This difference reaches significance in 7/10 languages. In all of the languages, we also found a greater proportion of confirmations than disconfirmations (ranging from 70% of all answers in Danish to 89% of all answers in Yélî-Dnye; see Table S4). This advantage for affirmation also holds, incidentally, even if the affirming response is negative in form (as in "You're not coming?" and "No, I'm not"), showing that it is not simply a side-effect of the greater processing costs of negative responses ( 38) (confirmations using no are not significantly slower than confirmations using yes; 90 vs. 36 ms; t[693] = −1.1).

The Implications of Nonverbal Channels.

Visible responses vs. vocal-only responses.

Visible responses were most commonly head nods, but we also found shrugs and head shakes, and in some languages like Yélî-Dnye conventionalized extended blinks and eyebrow flashes in response to questions. When visible responses occurred in response to a question, they were faster than speech in every language (see Fig. 5). This reached significance in 7/10 of the languages even though there was substantial variation in how frequently visible responses were included in a response (from 21% of responses including a visible component in ‡Ākhoe Hai‖om to 60% in Italian) (see Table S4).

Questioner gaze vs. no gaze.

We found in 9 of the 10 languages that responses were delivered earlier if the speaker was looking at the recipient while the question was asked ( Fig. 6). The differences reach statistical significance in only 5 languages. That Danish shows the opposite timing trend, although nonsignificant, combined with known differences in reliance on interactional gaze in different languages, suggests that gaze may be more culturally variable than other behaviors ( 36). This is also supported by the range of frequencies of gaze to addressee (from 21% in ‡Ākhoe Hai‖om to 88% in Japanese) (see Table S4). This is incidentally not the expectation in the literature, where addressee gaze rather than speaker gaze has been argued to be the norm ( 4, 6, 39).

Multivariate Results.

The results so far show broadly similar patterns of response timing across the languages, with the same 4 factors each independently accounting for faster or slower than average responses Multivariate analysis confirms that these 4 are significant predictors of the speed of response in turn transition (see Table 1). Nonanswer responses are significantly slower than answer responses (positive value indicates longer turn transition time). Confirmation responses are faster than disconfirmation responses (negative value indicates shorter turn transition time); visible responses are faster than responses without a visible component; and questions delivered with questioner gaze are responded to more quickly than questions without questioner gaze. Information requests are slower than questions with other functions such as those initiating repair. These factors are significant predictors even when considered together. The model also shows that the conversation in which the question occurs and the language being spoken both further contribute to the variation we observed (see Fig. 2). However, because language spoken and source conversation were treated as different levels the 4 predictor variables are shown to be language-independent predictors.

Discussion

Our results provide substantial support for the universal system hypothesis. The findings suggest a strong universal basis for turn-taking behavior, in that all languages show a similar distribution of response offsets (unimodal peak of response within 200 ms of the end of the question). The distribution of response offsets in all languages reflects a target of minimal overlap and minimal gap between turns. These results also show that the same set of explanations for a delayed response apply across languages.

Amid a strong universal pattern, we do see measurable cultural differences. However, the range that we show, mean offset of next turn in each language departing no more than a quarter-second from the overall mean, is not of the kind that would imply fundamentally different types of turn-taking systems in the different languages, as the cultural variability hypothesis would suggest.

Language structure does not explain the variance we observe. Languages that mark questions using a sentence-final marker might plausibly have been associated with slower responses because the fact that the utterance is a question may not be evident until the very end of the turn ( 28). However, Japanese, Korean, and Lao all use sentence-final marking for questions, yet they do not cluster together within the cross-language range of mean turn offsets ( Fig. 2). A converse prediction, that languages like Danish, Dutch, and English, which tend to mark questions at the beginning of a turn, would allow faster responses, also turns out not to hold up. These 3 languages similarly do not cluster together ( Fig. 2). Finally, note that this failure of Dutch, English, and Danish to cluster within the cross-language range of mean turn offsets is also evidence that linguistic and cultural kinship (in this case, West Germanic) does not predict interactional tempo.

We suggest that the differences involve a different cultural "calibration" of delay, thus constituting minor variation in the local implementation of a universal underlying turn-taking system, in which speakers aim to minimize the perceived gap before producing a following turn at talk. This target for ideal turn transition remains in a narrow window within each language, with each of 4 factors predisposing a response to be slower (or faster in the case of gaze) than the mean and having similar effects for all of the languages. These differences could either be a because of a specific cultural interactional pace or follow from more general differences in the overall tempo of social life ( 40). This would mean that speakers of all languages aim at minimizing significant delays relative to the specific rhythm of that language in conversation (e.g., ref. 41), a perspective that is supported by existing studies of some non Indo-European languages ( 27, 28, 42). To address this hypothesis we coded the offset of our responses for whether or not, when a relative subjective measure of the conversation's rhythm was taken into account, responses were coded as late versus on time. Mean response times for subjectively on-time responses are much longer in Danish and Lao (203 and 202 ms, respectively) than in Japanese and Tzeltal (36 and 83 ms, respectively) and comparing the 3 languages with longest response offsets to all others, the difference is significant [ t(847) = −10.97, P < 0.001]. Thus, a silence of 200 ms, judged as a delay in most languages, was still considered on time. Such a silence is thus not phenomenologically salient within a speech community (but may be to an outside observer). In short, what constitutes a subjectively notable delay involves greater absolute duration in some languages than in others. This is consistent with the presence of a universal, stable system of turn taking avoiding overlap and minimizing gaps, but where there are different local metrics for what counts as a delay in response ( 18).

The variation we found between mean response times in different languages does not coincide wholly with the ethnographic expectations reported in the literature ( 14, 17). On the basis of these reports, Italian speakers should be more tolerant of overlap, but we found a mean offset of +310 ms, indicating that they in fact tend to leave a slightly longer than average gap before producing a next turn. And only 17% of all responses overlap, not at all an unusual proportion. Similarly, Japanese speakers are said to leave substantial gaps of silence before responding, but our findings show that Japanese speakers are, on average, the earliest to respond of all of the languages in our sample. Danish speakers were more consistent with ethnographic reports for Nordic languages, showing the longest mean response time in our sample. However, note that the mode was still quite small (100 ms), suggesting that here too speakers target minimizing gaps and overlaps in response offset time. To put the Danish case in context, recall that the mean offset in Danish was less than a half-second in total, a quarter-second deviation from the cross-linguistic average, and thus far from the lengthy pauses measured in minutes or even hours suggested by the ethnographic reports mentioned above.

Conclusion

We have shown strong parallels in turn-taking behavior across 10 languages of varied type, geographical location, and cultural setting. All of the languages show on average a small positive offset in response time, i.e., responses tend to be neither in overlap nor delayed by more than a half-second. The factors that predict whether a response will be faster or slower within each language are identical across the languages. These results offer systematic cross-linguistic support for the view that turn-taking in informal conversation is universally organized so as to minimize gap and overlap, and that consequently, there is a universal semiotics of delayed response.

How then to account for the ethnographic reports of diversity in this domain and the phenomenology of significant cross-cultural differences in response timing? Our data suggest that the regimentation of tempo within a culture is tight, and we come to expect a particular interactional metabolism as it were, slight departures from which have the associated contexts and interactional significance we have established above. Speakers become hypersensitive to perturbations in timing of responses, measured in 100 ms or less. This sensitivity to subtle variation may be responsible for the subjective impression by outsiders of "huge silences" in the case of Nordic languages (insiders, of course, will be calibrated to a local norm, as shown above by different subjective measures of what counts as delay). The actual difference between the 10-language norm and the average turn transition in Danish is confined to the time it takes to utter a single syllable. Our findings are in line with other close examinations of ethnographic outliers; see ref. 27 on the alleged Antiguan preference for overlap ( 12).

Abstracting from this fine-tuning of interactional tempo across cultures, our results point to robust universals in this domain. Strong universals of this kind seem to be much harder to find in the grammatical structure of languages than in the interactional systems that underlie their use ( 43). Our results argue for an interactional foundation for language that is relatively stable and relatively separable from the specific languages and cultural practices that instantiate it ( 23). Understanding this will be crucial for understanding the origin of language and the foundations of social life, because it is out of primordial interaction that languages and cultures are ultimately built.

Data and Methods

Data.

All contributors collected videotaped interactions of maximally informal, spontaneous, naturally occurring conversations, each with 2-6 consenting participants. We confine ourselves here to informal conversation, in which turn-taking is essentially self-organizing. Other procedures hold in highly structured institutional interaction (e.g., courts of law, church services, news interviews), which are often subject to explicit rules for who may speak and when. Participants were often engaged in additional activities (e.g., eating, drinking, or stringing beads). As long as the task was not determining the direction or structure of the conversation this was considered acceptable. Each contributor identified 350 consecutive questions across 5-17 separate interactions (101 conversations in the total dataset). No interaction accounts for >3% of the dataset and very few individuals participated in >1 conversation. Both of these features minimized the influence of any 1 individual or interaction on the overall pattern.

Each question and response, where one occurred, was coded for its form and function. In coding question-response sequences we drew on conversation analytic research on social interaction ( 1). This study uses an applied version of this method to test findings comparatively. In this study, only functional yes-no questions were included. Codes that are relevant to this study are described in Table S2. Numerical overviews of the data coding by language are provided in Table S4.

Response time was defined as the time elapsed between the end of the question turn and the beginning of the response turn. The response turn was considered to begin if a vocal or gestural response was initiated. Absolute response time was coded auditorily and then the time from the end of the question to the beginning of the response was measured instrumentally by using annotation software ELAN ( www.lat-mpi.eu/tools/elan) in 10-ms increments rounded to 100 ms. Subjective measures of whether a response was delivered on time were done auditorily for all responses not delivered in overlap. Coders were asked to consider the rhythm of the conversation leading up to the response and to judge whether it sounded delayed or not.

Analytic Methods.

To examine the distribution of turn offsets by language we calculated mean, median, and mode information for each language (see Table S3) and plotted the distribution of turn offset times. To test whether the same factors account for faster and slower response times in different languages, 2 sample t tests were done across 8 categories of data reported in Figs. 3- 6: answers vs. nonanswer responses, confirmations vs. disconfirmations, responses with visible components vs. vocal-only responses, and responses to questions with questioner gaze and responses to questions without gaze. Details of these t tests are in Tables S5 and S6. This information informed the design of multivariate analysis that was performed by using a multilevel mixed effects linear regression model in STATA. This takes into consideration that there is clustering in the data: responses to questions are clustered within 101 interactions. Interactions are clustered within 10 languages. This model tested for association and explanatory power at each of 3 levels.

Acknowledgments

We thank Michael Dunn, John Heritage, and Asifa Majid for comments on earlier drafts of this article. This work was carried out in the Multimodal Interaction Project within the Language and Cognition Group at Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, funded by the Max Planck Society.

Footnotes

¹To whom correspondence should be addressed. E-mail: tanya.stivers{at}mpi.nl

Author contributions: T.S. and N.J.E. designed research; T.S., N.J.E., P.B., C.E., M.H., T.H., G.H., F.R., J.P.d.R., K.-E.Y., and S.C.L. performed research; T.S. and N.J.E. analyzed data; and T.S., N.J.E., and S.C.L. wrote the paper.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

This article is a PNAS Direct Submission.

This article contains supporting information online at www.pnas.org/cgi/content/full/0903616106/DCSupplemental.

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Universals and cultural variation in turn-taking in conversation

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Informal verbal interaction is the core matrix for human social life. A mechanism for coordinating this basic mode of interaction is a system of turn-taking that regulates who is to speak and when. Yet relatively little is known about how this system varies across cultures.

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La complexe mécanique de la conversation ordinaire

Lorsque nous conversons, nous ne cessons de traquer dans le discours de l'autre les éléments qui nous permettront de réagir de manière appropriée en respectant le bon timing. Observons une conversation et remarquons combien nos tours de parole s'enchaînent le plus souvent harmonieusement. Nous n'en avons pas conscience, mais prendre ou céder la parole exige une minutie remarquable. Des études ont montré qu'un délai de 100 à 300 millisecondes serait la règle entre les tours de parole, et ce indépendamment des langues considérées.

Ce délai paraît extrêmement court. On estime en effet qu'il nous faut en moyenne 600 millisecondes pour produire un mot (de l'intention de produire ce mot à sa prononciation). Si nous sommes si rapides dans l'enchaînement entre tours, c'est parce que nous préparons le tour d'après pendant celui de notre interlocuteur ou de notre interlocutrice, dont nous sommes capables de prédire la fin, grâce à différents indices de projection (syntaxique, prosodique, mimogestuel, etc.; par exemple, le fait de pointer notre menton vers l'autre peut constituer un indice gestuel indiquant que nous lui cédons la parole).

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Chambre sourde, enregistrement de deux locuteurs. Jean-Claude Moschetti/CNRS, Author provided

Que l'on soit au travail, entre amis ou en famille, en face à face ou au téléphone, la conversation orale est au cœur de notre vie sociale. Si la communication écrite connaît un essor considérable à l'heure d'Internet, des smartphones et des réseaux sociaux, la conversation orale reste le support privilégié de nos échanges interindividuels, dès les premières années de la vie, et dans toutes les sociétés humaines.

Sans fil conducteur établi d'avance, la conversation est souvent sa propre raison d'être : on parle pour parler, de la pluie et du beau temps, de tout et de rien. Dans bien des cas, l'objectif premier n'est pas tant d'échanger des informations, que de nous engager dans ce mode particulier d'être avec autrui.

De récentes études réalisées sur des corpus de parole conversationnelle, ont d'ailleurs fait apparaître la faible richesse de ces échanges sur le plan informationnel. Auriez-vous imaginé que " mh ", " ah ", ou " voilà ", fassent partie des formes les plus fréquemment produites par les locuteurs ? C'est l'un des multiples éléments montrant que la conversation fait souvent prévaloir la dimension interactionnelle du langage oral, vis-à-vis de ce dont le langage peut nous permettre de parler.

L'orchestration d'une conversation est soumise à la manière dont nos énoncés sont agencés, et notamment au caractère linéaire de cet agencement. Chaque énoncé que nous produisons possède un début, un milieu et une fin, et notre interlocuteur doit traiter les différents éléments de l'énoncé au fur et à mesure que ces éléments lui parviennent. Les conversations sont ainsi organisées sous une forme qui reflète la structure du langage lui-même. Mais les recherches actuelles sur la parole conversationnelle nous amènent également à repousser les frontières du langage, telles que ces frontières ont pu être établies par la linguistique contemporaine depuis son avènement.

Par exemple, le son " mh " dont nous avons fait mention - et que l'on décrit techniquement comme une consonne nasale non relâchée - n'a pas été jusqu'à présent considéré par les phonologues comme faisant partie des consonnes du français. Cela est vrai aussi de ces sons bien particuliers que l'on appelle des clics, et que nous émettons souvent dans nos conversations en français, bien qu'on ne les fasse pas figurer dans notre système consonantique. Des travaux récents ont mis en évidence le rôle central de ces sons " à la marge du langage " dans nos interactions conversationnelles.

Une conversation se présente souvent comme un exercice de libre association pratiqué à deux ou à plusieurs. Son point d'aboutissement est rarement prévisible, et elle peut emprunter de nombreux détours inattendus. Il nous arrive d'ailleurs de revenir en arrière avec notre interlocuteur, afin de savoir " comment on en est arrivés à parler de ça ". Mais derrière cette apparente liberté dans le déploiement de nos conversations, se dissimule un système bien établi de règles de construction, et que chacun respecte sans l'avoir jamais appris de manière explicite. Les recherches menées sur la conversation aujourd'hui visent à mieux comprendre ce système de règles, à étudier de quelle manière il se met en place chez l'enfant, et à déterminer s'il présente des caractéristiques communes à toutes les langues humaines.

Des principes partagés : Alternance et coopération

Tous nos échanges sont le résultat d'efforts de coopération visant à suivre une ligne commune afin de satisfaire certains objectifs. Qu'il s'agisse d'un bref échange de salutations ou d'une réelle conversation, nous obéissons pour ce faire à des règles et des principes qui fondent un réel système. Harvey Sacks et ses collègues ont mis en lumière l'organisation qui sous-tend l'alternance de parole. Une seule personne parle à la fois, selon le schéma ABABAB (A et B : les deux locuteurs). La durée des intervalles entre tours est minimisée (principe " no gap "), tout comme celle des chevauchements entre tours (principe " no overlap ").

Christin Hume/Unsplash, CC BY

Ce modèle rend compte des techniques d'allocation des tours et des lieux possibles de transition de parole. Un locuteur peut ainsi sélectionner le locuteur du tour suivant en lui adressant une question. Ce faisant, il exerce une contrainte sur son interlocuteur en l'enjoignant à répondre, comme en témoignent des remarques telles qu'" alors, je t'ai posé une question ! " quand cette contrainte n'est pas satisfaite.

La réponse forme avec la question une paire adjacente : le premier élément de la paire appelle, ou projette, un type d'énoncé spécifique (le second élément). Ce pouvoir projectif qui s'exerce au sein des paires adjacentes renvoie à une organisation préférentielle selon laquelle, parmi les différentes suites pouvant être choisies par le locuteur B, il en est une que le locuteur A préfère aux autres. Par exemple, l'acceptation, plutôt que le refus, est la réponse préférée à une offre ou une invitation.

L'organisation préférentielle favorise la poursuite du discours et maximise la coopération, en minimisant les conflits. Dans ces paires adjacentes, le deuxième élément prend nécessairement place après la fin du premier. De manière plus générale, le locuteur B prend le tour en des lieux bien précis dans le décours de la conversation, que l'on appelle des lieux de transition pertinents.

Une orchestration temporelle de haute précision

Lorsque nous conversons, nous ne cessons de traquer dans le discours de l'autre les éléments qui nous permettront de réagir de manière appropriée en respectant le bon timing. Observons une conversation et remarquons combien nos tours de parole s'enchaînent le plus souvent harmonieusement. Nous n'en avons pas conscience, mais prendre ou céder la parole exige une minutie remarquable. Des études ont montré qu'un délai de 100 à 300 ms serait la règle entre les tours de parole, et ce indépendamment des langues considérées. Ce délai paraît extrêmement court. On estime en effet qu'il nous faut en moyenne 600 ms pour produire un mot (de l'intention de produire ce mot, à sa prononciation). Si nous sommes si rapides dans l'enchaînement entre tours, c'est parce que nous préparons le tour d'après pendant celui de notre interlocuteur, dont nous sommes capables de prédire la fin, grâce à différents indices de projection (syntaxique, prosodique, mimogestuel, etc. ; par exemple, le fait de pointer notre menton vers notre interlocuteur peut constituer un indice gestuel indiquant que nous lui cédons la parole).

L'organisation préférentielle éclaire également cette question de timing. Si une réponse préférée apparaît généralement dans le délai moyen, son alternative non préférée peut apparaître tardivement (1 seconde ou plus) et comporter des éléments d'excuse ou d'hésitation qui révèlent explicitement une transgression des attentes.

Le rôle actif de l'auditeur

D'autres marques explicites évoquant " l'art de la conversation " renvoient aux " mh ", " ok ", mouvements de tête ou de sourcils qui remplissent nos conversations. Si l'on cherche à se remémorer le contenu d'un échange, il est coutumier de ne pas faire état de ces feedbacks. En revanche, une conversation qui en serait emplie, ou au contraire dépourvue, peut laisser une impression de malaise, comme si le courant n'était pas ou mal passé.

Cette impression est liée au fait que ces items de feedbacks sont loin d'être de simples réactions anarchiques et désordonnées. De fait, ils font système, et ne dérogent pas aux règles et principes de la conversation. Ils reflètent la coopération entre les participants et influent sur la progressivité du discours.

De plus en plus d'études s'accordent sur leur rôle crucial pour favoriser la compréhension mutuelle entre les locuteurs. Outre leurs fonctions d'acquiescement ou d'évaluation de l'énoncé précédent, ils ont également un impact sur l'énoncé suivant.

Quand on raconte une histoire, ce qui est une activité très fréquente en conversation et qui place notre interlocuteur en situation d'écoute, notre récit est de meilleure qualité lorsque l'interlocuteur contribue activement, via ses différents feedbacks, à son élaboration. Par ailleurs, un froncement de sourcil exprimant une incompréhension rompt ponctuellement la progressivité du discours. Ce mouvement de sourcil oriente ainsi le discours vers une trajectoire interactionnelle spécifique de réparation du trouble qui permettra à l'interlocuteur de raccrocher pour que l'interaction s'accomplisse avec succès.

Toutes les études le montrent : si la conversation peut former cet espace interactionnel dans lequel on baguenaude à deux ou à plusieurs avec autant de liberté, cela tient, paradoxalement, à ce qu'elle est orchestrée avec la précision d'une œuvre musicale, et repose sur un ensemble bien établi de règles et principes, que nous respectons sans y penser, et sans les avoir appris de manière explicite. La conversation possède sa propre grammaire, que les chercheurs s'attachent aujourd'hui à mettre au jour.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
La complexe mécanique de la conversation ordinaire

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Que l'on soit au travail, entre amis ou en famille, en face à face ou au téléphone, la conversation orale est au cœur de notre vie sociale. Si la communication écrite connaît un essor considérable à l'heure d'Internet, des smartphones et des réseaux sociaux, la conversation orale reste le support privilégié de nos échanges interindividuels, dès les premières années de la vie, et dans toutes les sociétés humaines.

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Despite the ubiquity of child marriage in India, authorities say recent numbers have been rising, and blame COVID-19 and its subsequent lockdown for the spike. An increase in joblessness is one of the major contributing factors, as highlighted in case involving the aforementioned 16-year-old.

//

It later emerged that the girl's parents had lost their jobs during the pandemic, and had received an offer from the man who said he'd take care of all wedding costs. He did not even demand dowry—a system by which the groom receives payment from the bride’s family to ensure her well-being.

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Officials say many parents are using the pandemic restrictions as an opportunity to force their daughters into child marriage. Photo for representational purpose only, courtesy of Unsplash

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India's COVID-19 Lockdown Is Pushing Girls Into Child Marriage More Than Ever

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Officials say many parents are using the pandemic restrictions as an opportunity to force their daughters into child marriage. Photo for representational purpose only, courtesy of Unsplash

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well, that was fun

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Le Pire Stagiaire : L'installateur d'alarme (version longue)

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Par exemple, le son «mh» dont nous avons fait mention –et que l'on décrit techniquement comme une consonne nasale non relâchée– n'a pas été jusqu'à présent considéré par les phonologues comme faisant partie des consonnes du français. Cela est vrai aussi de ces sons bien particuliers que l'on appelle des clics, et que nous émettons souvent dans nos conversations en français, bien qu'on ne les fasse pas figurer dans notre système consonantique. Des travaux récents ont mis en évidence le rôle central de ces sons «à la marge du langage» dans nos interactions conversationnelles.

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ABSTRACT

ABSTRACT
What do people do with sniffs, lip-smacks, grunts, moans, sighs, whistles, and clicks, where these are not part of their language's phonetic inventory? They use them, we shall show, as irreplaceable elements in performing all kinds of actions-from managing the structural flow of interaction to indexing states of mind and much more besides. In this introductory essay we outline the phonetic and embodied interactional underpinnings of language and argue that greater attention should be paid to its nonlexical elements. Data are in English and Estonian.

Sounds in interaction

In spoken and embodied interaction, participants may produce sounds that are not words in the traditional sense but that nonetheless are treated by participants as meaningful. Examples from English in regular orthography include ugh, mmm, argh!, pfft!, brrr (used in English to mark "cold"), and phew. There are many others that cannot be written orthographically, such as clicks, sniffs, or sighs, or items that are made up ad hoc-singular items (Enfield, 2009) whose meaning has to be deduced from the occasion of use. Although items like these are embedded within a linguistic context, linguists do not normally think of them as linguistic objects: They do not belong to a major syntactic category, they may not conform to the phonological requirements of the language, and the relationship between their form and meaning might not be arbitrary, which to a large extent has been considered the sine qua non of linguistic forms (see, however, Dingemanse, 2018). These sounds are therefore at the boundary of language and paralanguage, or nonlanguage.

An early sociological account for the use of sounds beyond the lexicon in English was authored by Goffman ( 1981), who called a group of them response cries and provided impressionistic accounts for their use. Interaction researchers (most notably Gardner, 2002; Goodwin, Goodwin, & Olsher, 2002; Wiggins, 2013) have over the years treated a variety of single examples of sounds with great precision in their embodied context. These results are scattered, not always precise in their phonetic/prosodic detail, and mostly deal with English. Building on the pioneering work on the phonetics of talk-in-interaction (e.g., Couper-Kuhlen & Selting, 1996; Local & Kelly, 1986) as well as the well-documented embodied turn in interaction research (Nevile, 2015), authors of this special issue take a closer look at a variety of human sounds in natural interaction, aiming to reveal their social organization from a participant perspective.

In the spirit of the foundations of the method used here, conversation analysis (Sacks, 1992), we should not disregard any features of behavior in advance, which is why the articles focus on sounds that at first sight often appear totally lacking lexical meaning. When studying human action from the perspective of the interacting participants, however, we may find that some sounds that are treated as relevant and communicative would not be considered as words, i.e., more or less arbitrary form-function packages, by linguists. Choosing to be agnostic about the linguistic status of the sounds produced in the human vocal tract, we hereby launch a scrutiny of their potential role in intersubjective sense-making. This analysis necessitates a serious consideration of not only the articulatory details and precise temporalities of the sound production but also careful study of the participants' treatment of these sounds within the ongoing embodied ecologies of action.

The special issue thus contributes to knowledge of how vocal tract sounds function in interaction on the one hand and to the relevance of phonetic features for social action on the other. The analytical focus of the original articles is on close qualitative and emic analysis of particular sounds, and only in the discussion will it be placed within the framework of human vocal practices in general, including language as a system of signs (Dingemanse 2020/this issue). In consolidating the work being carried out in the field of vocalizations, we ended up with a collection of sounds that are perhaps most remote from a commonsensical idea of language, such as sighs, moans, and sniffs, or clicks in languages where clicks are not part of the lexical phonological inventory. The languages include English, Finnish, French, and Mandarin.

An illustrative example: Clicks in a depiction

We begin with an English example of the kind of phenomenon we are focusing on. In Excerpt 1, Rachel and Laura are sitting in the sun and worrying about the possibility of getting sunburnt on their arms and shoulders. They are having trouble formulating what the resulting uneven tan will look like.

Excerpt 1: RCE Lake 17.26-17.48 hair line

01 L: Yeah, that was grim.

02 CLICK I hOpe I get a tanned bAck,

03 but I don't want a HAIRline?

04 R: I hope I get a TAN:;

05 but like I fEEl like the sUn's,

06 like HOTter (on/than) thIs one,

07 L: I fEEl like I'm going to get a HAIR mark

08 and [↑thEse are really] -

09 R: [(little) curly BIT]s just marked into your BACK.

10 L: → CLICK CLICK

11 R: hehe

12 L: bOOm-

13 r sniff+look away

14 L: what was I saying

15 yeah my brother

Laura and Rachel are both concerned that they might end up with an uneven tan: Laura because of her hair, Rachel because the sun is more on one side than the other. In this extract, they collaborate to find a description of the effects of the sun. Laura and Rachel recycle one another's words: "hope ... tan" (lines 2 and 4, "I feel like ... " (lines 5 and 7), and "mark" (lines 7 and 9). There is also talk where they try to formulate verbally the pattern Laura is going to have on her back: "hair line," line 3 (which normally refers to the scalp) and "hair mark," line 7 (which sounds like a mark made by the hair, not the sun); "curly bits," line 9, which describes the shape of the pattern; and the pronoun "these" (line 8), which is accompanied by looking and touching the bits that will be affected.

At line 10, Laura produces two clicks, accompanied by a tracing outline with the index finger of her right hand, which starts and ends with her gaze directed at Rachel ( Figure 1, panels A and D), but in between her gaze is on the tracing outline (panels B and C). The clicks coincide with the two peaks in the tracing outline (panels B and C), and the second of the clicks (panel C) has an eyebrow flash. The clicks and tracing gesture depict visibly and audibly what Laura and Rachel have so far failed to capture in words. That they are followed by a sniff with gaze away and a change in topic (line 14) (Hoey, 2020/this issue) underscores the success of the nonverbal construction in demonstrating something that was not easily explained with words.

Line 10 is an example of a vocalization: Clicks are sound objects (Reber, 2012) made in the vocal tract, and the clicks here contribute to the speaker's turn but do not form a recognizable conventional lexical item. This precise combination of sound and gesture is a product of an interactional contingency, but it poses no obvious problems for the participants' understanding-indeed, it solves a problem and results in a shared understanding. This is the kind of practice that is frequent in face-to-face interaction but that linguists have commonly passed over. However, recent literature on ideophones (Akita & Dingemanse, 2019; Dingemanse, 2017) and depictions (Clark, 2016) addresses very similar issues: What do linguistically marginal contributions like these tell us about language and its connection to the physical world we live in and the bodies we inhabit?

In subsequent sections, we untangle some of the phonetic issues around several vocal tract sounds, their physical and somatic grounding, as well as adaptability to local interactional trajectories. We will thus target sense-making with inherently nonconventional (or-as we will see-semiconventional) practices.

Phonetic aspects

What do we mean by "vocalization"?

The particular sounds we are interested in in this special issue are made in the vocal tract, i.e., the part of the body used for making speech. The vocal tract consists of the larynx, pharynx (throat), the oral tract (mouth), and nasal tract (nasal passages). Sounds that are made in the vocal tract are known as vocalizations; vowels and consonants are basic vocalizations of speech.

The verbal/nonverbal distinction is a continuum (Wharton, 2003). For example, most English speakers can mimic the sound a duck makes. This vocalization might include nonnative sounds, like a pharyngealized open vowel (i.e., an [a]-type vowel with constriction in the throat). It can be stylized too, with the onomatopoetic form quack or quack quack (as in: "What does the duck say?"); and in turn, this stylized form can be a verb or noun in English and inflected correspondingly ("the duck quacked loudly"). Examples like this (and others like [pr̥ːː] vs. "to purr" or [!] vs. 'tsk!" vs. 'to tut') are evidence for a continuum between mere vocalizations and lexical items. "Words" are integrated within the morphosyntax of a language. Vocalizations might make use of sounds that are not ordinarily found in a language, or they might not conform to the phonotactic conventions of the language, such as [pr̥ːː] to represent a cat purring, which contains a nonnative voiceless trill and has no vowel. In between there is a range of vocalizations, including response tokens, that are at least partly conventionalized in some dimension: They might draw on the sound inventory of the language or make use of some aspect of its meaning-making system such as certain prosodic features.

Linguistics has concentrated on the "word" end of this continuum; but more recent work on iconicity, multimodality, and-within conversation analysis-on pragmatic particles (Heritage, 1984; Sorjonen, 2001), has led many linguists to question this distinction. Articles in this special issue show examples of phenomena along this continuum, from the more somatic sniffs analyzed by Hoey to the more word-like Finnish interjection huh-huh (Pehkonen, 2020/this issue).

Affordances of vocalizations

Vocalizations offer different affordances from lexical items and are extremely variable in their form. This is important because it allows vocalizations to be adjusted to their local environment while still being recognizable, and it means they can be interpreted flexibly in their precise sequential and action environment. Understanding the phonetic affordances of vocalizations can serve as a way in to understanding how elements of language function more generally.

Some vocalizations are a blend of resources of different forms and types: They can be modified in ways that are conventional for the speaker's language. Intonation, pitch register, pitch span, and voice quality are all aspects of production that are laminated on (typically) vocalic articulations and that generally carry meanings that co-occur with linguistic material. Heinemann and Koivisto ( 2016, p. 83) point out that oh in English has been shown to have "a general semantics" that can be laminated with prosodic features, or changes to vowel quality, to mark, e.g., surprise or disappointment or something about the speed or intensity of a cognitive change. Thus, the situated meaning of oh, and other response tokens, is compositional.

At the more word-like end, in Pehkonen's article ( 2020/this issue), the Finnish huh huh is shown to be a stylized version of "being out of breath." He notes that these tokens are often produced with a stylized intonation contour; perhaps this is a way of displaying "being out of breath" as something to talk about, rather than a problem to be remedied. Whatever the function of this stylization, the vocalization is a blend of consonantal, vocalic, and intonational forms that fit Finnish phonotactics (i.e., allowable combinations of sounds in the language) and are available to be interpreted compositionally.

Phonetic underspecification of vocalizations

A collection of vocalizations often includes a lot of phonetic variability. Nonetheless, commonalities can be stated in general terms. We call these vocalizations "phonetically underspecified" (Keating, 1988): For the vocalization to be recognizable as a token of a particular type of vocalization, speakers have to produce some phonetic events, with freedom to vary some elements. A good example of this is moans (Hofstetter, 2020/this issue). These are vocalic articulations, produced with an open vocal tract, and in the open half of the vowel space, i.e., open vowels like [a ɑ ɔ] but not close vowels like [i e ʉ]. In talking about individual tokens of moans, it is possible to describe their vowel quality with some phonetic precision, but whether this precision matters from the perspective of identifying the action of the moan is debatable: It is not trivial to show that a moan with the front open vowel [a] is substantially different from one with the back open vowel [ɑ]. Compare this with word pairs like hat [hat] versus heart [hɑːt], where this front-back contrast is lexically contrastive. Probably the important element in moans is that a "moan" is constituted by an open vowel, regardless of frontness, backness, or rounding-and we happen to have no general phonetic symbol to cover vowels in such a big vowel space.

Another example of a phonetically underspecified vocalization is the kinds of sounds often made when lifting and straining, one of which we will see in Excerpt 2. These vocalizations often start with an abrupt release (such as a glottal stop), followed by a voiced, open vocalic articulation, with some friction that ranges from uvular through pharyngeal or epiglottal or laryngeal or a combination of these-i.e., the lower part of the oral tract and the pharynx-and that fade away more slowly than they start. This constitutes a phonetically underspecified depiction of current strain in the speaker's body, and it also serves as a kind of template by which the strain can be recognized.

A more provocative example of underspecification is provided by whistles (Reber & Couper-Kuhlen, 2020/this issue), where the source of the sound is not at the vocal folds but at the lips. The pitch of a labial whistle is changed by moving the tongue, so it is possible to produce contours that are close to those of speech, such as a rise-fall contour or a stylized "calling contour" (Ladd, 1978; Ogden, Hakulinen, & Tainio, 2004). Whistles make it possible for a speaker to produce an intonation contour without any accompanying speech sound. The "tone-bearing unit" that is normally required by intonation contours-in English, a vowel-is replaced by something that is not part of speech. One affordance of a whistle is precisely that it contains no vocalic articulation, so it makes it possible to produce an intonation contour without having to select a syllabic such as oh, ah, aw, etc., which may have its own meaning. A speaker can realize an intonation contour without choosing any particular response particle. Thus, the underspecification of vocalizations is an essential asset for participants in social interaction.

The multimodal nature of vocalizations

As we have seen, phonetics-which forms the basis of phonology and in turn the basis of linguistic units like words, phrases, and sentences-is by definition about the vocal channel. Traditionally, it excludes gesture, bodily actions, and facial expression. This has not been done to deny their importance; it is more a claim that they are independent of phonetics. However, speaking is necessarily multimodal because human speech is situated in a body that is able to do other things than speaking concurrently with speaking. Some of these things are prerequisites for speaking, such as breathing (Wlodarczak, Heldner, & Edlund, 2015) or preparing the articulators for speech, which can result in lip smacks or clicks.

Some vocalizations are clearly rooted in, and contingent upon, physical conduct. For example, the phonetic form of the aforementioned strain grunts is rooted in the physical activity of doing something with effort. Holding and releasing the breath and the physical movement of lifting, bearing weight, and dropping it all impose physical demands on the body that are reflected in the sounds from the vocal tract, which in turn are rooted in the articulations of the body. The vocalizations made during such activities reflect to hearing and perhaps nonseeing participants what is going on and can be interpreted as a recruitment for assistance (Kendrick & Drew, 2016, see Excerpt 2).

One theme of the articles in this special issue is how the combination of physical events and vocal events can be deployed in interaction and for what kinds of social purposes. In our previous example (Excerpt 1), the coincidence of the two peaks in the tracing gesture and the clicks serve to produce a multimodal gestalt that can be oriented to as something that can be treated as funny (lines 11-12), as well as implicative of sequence closure (line 14). Instead of constituting a predetermined form-function package, the meaning of vocalizations emerges in their local action context between current participants in the multimodal process of sense-making.

Vocalizations and the body

The human body is both a complex organism and an intricate tool for interaction, precisely because it possesses a biological ability to move its various parts (limbs, vocal folds, torso, etc.) as well as a capacity to hear, see, smell, taste, and touch. We use all of these aspects to make sense of each other (Mondada, 2018). The accomplishment of social action is intimately tied to people's ability to behave in a comprehensible manner and to competently interpret these very behaviors in entirety, not merely separating out a single stream of information, such as contained in the vocal sound (Goodwin, 2017). Therefore, we also need to analytically pay attention to both the multimodal aspects of action, such as the use of gaze and gesture alongside speech, and the role of multisensoriality, the fact that we can sense and understand others' sensing (Mondada, 2019). Crucially, the producer of a sound will be accountable for what it conveys at this very moment in this particular situation. Depending on the exact quality of the sound and its temporal placement, the bodily practices may be more or less in focus. But even in regular conversation the bodies are not trivial and passive bystanders in the intellectual exchange of abstract ideas.

Speech and vocalizations as bodily processes

Deploying the vocalizing body for social purposes

The somatic needs of the body do not define or delimit its communicative uses. Vocal tract sounds can be produced in such a way as to be audible when the person could be silent: Thus the very fact of inhaling or opening the mouth audibly take on an interactional salience, precisely because they are hearable. Bodies feature a number of physiological needs, among them breathing, which is also necessary for speaking, breathing heavily when doing a physical exercise, and holding your breath to perform a heavy lift. Both breathing and impeding breath feature in this special issue, showing, however, that even these essential assets of a human body can be put into interactional use. Hoey ( 2020/this issue) demonstrates how a rapid nasal inbreath, a sniff, can organize turn taking by making evident that the person is not speaking or will not speak at this point, while Pehkonen discusses displaying affect with a conventionalized Finnish outbreath pattern huh huh. Furthermore, as Mondada shows ( 2020/this issue), in specific activities, such as tasting and smelling sessions, sniffing is organized as an accountable sequential action used for publicly demonstrating access to the source of the smell.

Let us consider another kind of a sound, a strain grunt, that can arguably be an involuntary "flooding out" of a body during physical exertion. Nevertheless, it is accountable for what it is doing in its local ecology, supressable on the one hand and potentially part of action formation on the other. Excerpt 2 is taken from a recording of a clearing of a sheep stable of manure. Siim (circled in Figure 2) is digging slightly further away from the wheelbarrow where they need to place the loads. When he starts moving toward the wheelbarrow with a spadeful of manure, the person in charge of it has already begun to leave. At this very moment Siim displays urgency in trying to catch up with the rolling wheelbarrow, throwing his upper body forward, speeding up his steps and also producing a strain grunt (line 1, Figure 2).This strain grunt is quite long, with air escaping from the lungs high in his pitch register ([↑]), with rising pitch ([/]). The whole sound is represented as [↑/ʔ(V̥)] in the transcript, with (V) used to capture an unspecific open vocal tract configuration and [º] to capture its mostly voiceless articulation: Together, these suggest that the vocal folds are held very tense, and his mouth is open. The wheelbarrow stops, Siim discontinues the sound by breathing out, thus audibly releasing the physical tension at the glottis (i.e., between the vocal folds). He is now able to dump the spadeful of muck into the wheelbarrow, almost falling over in the process ( Figure 3).

Excerpt 2

Siim (circled) takes two steps toward the wheelbarrow with a forkful of manure. The wheelbarrow starts rolling out of the stable.

01 Siim: q#q*h [↑/ʔ(V̥) hh] #Fig #Fig.2 #Fig.3*wheelbarrow stops

The sound here can be perceived to be part of a deliberate display of a physical effort, an action designed to be seen as well as heard, especially by the worker on the wheelbarrow. While the spadeful could not get any heavier when Siim was moving forward, the grunt instead highlights his acceleration through space, underlined by rising pitch, as well as his effort to reach the wheelbarrow before it leaves. Being intimately tied to the bodily exertion, the timing of the strain grunt can hardly be different, if only because producing it requires a considerable abdominal push. However, the sound ends at the moment when the wheelbarrow stops, which is before Siim manages to empty his spade ( Figure 3), evidencing of the communicative function of the sound rather than its physiological necessity. Siim's rather spectacular throw of the manure is accomplished in silence. The strain grunt thus quite straightforwardly stops the coworker from leaving. In addition, the entire display of trying to do one's utmost to throw a last spadeful of manure into the leaving wheelbarrow achieves an overall socially preferable impression of someone really going in for the work task. A vocalization is but one aspect of the body that is collaboratively accomplishing a work assignment, belonging to the embodied social action, being indexical of it, and only vaguely meaningful on its own. By being precisely timed with the simultaneous body action, it not merely depicts it but also provides an immediate visual resource for its interpretation. As participants, we draw on our experiential knowledge of what physical action it takes to produce these sounds; we can literally sense the tension in his body.

Semantic underspecification and local understanding

All lexical items receive their precise meaning locally, in a concrete situation between specific participants, i.e., in a dialogical process (Norén & Linell, 2007). Less conventionalized vocalizations, however, seem to be especially flexible in their adaptations to immediate interactional contingencies. Partly because of the physiological body-voice connections, vocalizations tend to receive their central meaning characteristics from the current embodied trajectories of action. A vocal tract sound regularly conveys immediacy of something that the body is undergoing. An early study by Wiggins ( 2002) showed how a specific type of mmm performs currently experienced pleasure of food. It needs to be placed after visibly having put the food into the mouth. A Finnish huh huh is uttered precisely at transitions from strenuous activities to non-strenuous ones (Pehkonen, 2020/this issue). Similarly, a vocalizing of pain or discomfort needs to be immediate in respect to, e.g., doctor's pressure, in order to be deemed visceral (Weatherall, Keevallik, & Stubbe, 2019).

These kinds of various arguably internal states have been of interest to interaction researchers in regard to how they are organized "as if" externalizations of cognitive, physical or affective states. Most notably, rather than being spontaneous outbursts revealing some kind of an internal experience, emotion displays have been shown to be sequentially organized and thus designedly accomplishing social actions (Peräkylä & Sorjonen, 2012; Wilkinson & Kitzinger, 2006). Affective displays such as "surprise," "appreciation," or "disappointment" have furthermore been shown to feature embodied aspects in children's arguing (Goodwin & Goodwin, 1987). Hofstetter ( 2020/this issue) pursues this line of research by targeting "moans" during board games, the extended sounds made after game moves that are damaging for self or other's opportunities to win. A "moan" would not be interpretable on its own and leads participants to immediately search for what occasioned it, good or bad (Goffman, 1981). This kind of semantic underspecification, vagueness, is clearly an interactional asset, making the vocalizations adaptable to the particularities of different occasions and, in comparison to their verbal counterparts, also less vulnerable to challenge (Hofstetter, 2020/this issue). As the studies show, vocalizations make perfect sense for the participants within ongoing trajectories of actions. If a dad has just lifted up his kids on a high stone in the forest, the huh huh highlights his fatigue after a bodily accomplishment, which is exactly how one of the kids verbally interprets it (Pehkonen, 2020/this issue). The embeddedness of vocalizations in local temporalities of embodied action is crucial in their use for meaning-making.

Making sense of vocalizations

Working on semantically underspecified tokens forces us as analysts to push the methods of conversation analysis to their limit and at the same time exposes their true strength, as the locally relevant meaning can only be revealed in participants' next actions. One of the important findings of research on vocalizations is a better understanding of the contextualized methods and resources participants themselves have for making sense of things they have never seen or heard before, at least not in this particular combination. Across the range of articles in the collection, we see that the methods of meaning-making include attention to not only the position of the item in a turn and sequence but also its iconic or indexical aspects; exact timing in relation to current bodily action; co-occurring linguistic and prosodic features of the turn; as well as material, spatial, and other contextual matters in the local environment. These also constitute tools with which participants can make sense of singularities, i.e., one-off productions such as the click construction in our opening example, that feature vocalizations that are seemingly underspecified but cause no problem in understanding in their immediate ecology, instead featuring precise adaptation to the local communicative task, such as depicting the tan line (Excerpt 1).

Especially in activities that are more centered on the body than conversation, the exact phonetic features of a vocalization may be motivated by what the body is doing rather than the phonetic inventory of a language. Likewise, they need to be interpreted in relation to the simultaneous movements rather than as a "code" abstracted from the acting body. Excerpt 3 is taken from a dance class of Lindy Hop where two teachers in a couple (lead = TeaL and follow = TeaF) are demonstrating a choreography. They are standing side by side (see Figure 4), and the follow teacher launches the performance with a "We're gonna go." The ensuing lines 2-5 show beat numbers in gray above the transcription of the sounds that are rendered in orthographically approximative syllables, where [ʔ] marks a glottal stop, which gives the vowels an abrupt onset or offset.

Excerpt 3

1 TeaF: We('re) gonna go?# (0.3)

Fig #Fig.4

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

2 TeaF: wah pu ʔa ʔa ZA pu

teaL: (back)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

3 TeaF: ʔa: ʔa: ʔa: HEJʔ ʔa

teaF x x x ((snaps))

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

4 TeaF: Bum haʔ haʔ WAP pum

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

5 TeaF: ZAP pum pum pum pa pu ʔa ʔu ʔa

In an activity like this, the vocal production is to be heard as depicting what the bodies are doing, being in themselves partially "natural" expressions of the body and partially illustrations for the students how every current move should feel. Stops accompany sharper moves, such as steps on the floor, while lengthened vowels mark holds. Rises in pitch, such as in line 2 and 5, happen on the flashy moments in the choreography, a glottal fricative h (line 3) marks a kick in the air, and a voiced sibilant (line 5) accompanies a slide on the floor. Nevertheless, there is no fixed relationship between the particular steps and the sounds that accompany them; the same type of a kick can sound as a ʔa (line 2), a HEJʔ (line 3), or a ha ʔ (line 4). When presenting the same step sequence a moment later, the teachers do not use identical syllables (even though there are certainly some favored sounding patterns in the community of practice in this style of dance instruction). In any case, this phonetic variability is not in the least problematic for the participants in the activity setting of learning how to dance. The context, the respective roles of the teachers and the students, the spatial arrangements (students in a circle and the teachers in the middle), the performing bodies-all provide resources for making sense without necessarily having a conventionalized relationship between the sound and the meaning conveyed, which in this case essentially concerns the body. Human beings are apparently able to produce and understand action through a whole range of resources besides the vocal ones, and the vocal behavior may be rather coincidental in relation to what is at stake in a particular situation.

Recognizable practices for action

Decades of conversation analytic research have shown that turns-at-talk accomplish sequential actions (Schegloff, 2007), and all the vocal materials within a turn, including sound stretches and prosody, contribute to action formation (Walker, 2017). In co-present activities in particular, action formation is regularly multimodal. Depending on the activity context, it may involve artifacts, documents, computer screens, spatial positioning, others' bodies, etc. Sequential action, such as complying with a request, can be entirely embodied (Rauniomaa & Keisanen, 2012). However, an action can also be accomplished by a vocalization, such as a "moan" that does not have an entirely conventional format but nevertheless is a recognizable practice for a bemoaning action (Hofstetter, 2020/this issue). A sound accomplishing a distinct social action comes close to being similar to what linguists call interjections and therefore to being part of a language. Yet the phonetic underspecification of the moans suggests that they are on the margins of the more "encoded" parts of language and more indexically tied to the precise sequential and activity environments. Ultimately, conventionalization is a question of degree. An item such as oh can be almost equally variable as a moan. Some of the vocal(-bodily) practices get routinized and become recognizable as clear combinations of form and function for the participants across contexts, the ultimate results of this process being lexical items and grammar. In the special issue we are concerned with degrees of conventionalization of less-acknowledged sounds in respective languages. For example, Reber and Couper-Kuhlen ( 2020/this issue) show how whistling accomplishes a sequential social action in English (and Spanish), and Li ( 2020/this issue) demonstrates how midturn clicks in Mandarin are systematically used for reshaping ongoing verbal action, in close response to recipients' bodily displays.

Various sounds are shown to be able to accomplish recognizable actions in the special issue, thus displaying a degree of conventionalization. They can also be incorporated into the syntagmatic and paradigmatic structures of language. Still, competence in their production and use is not quite on a par with mastering certain more systematic aspects of grammar or the knowledge of lexicon. For example, one does not need to be able to whistle to participate in an English conversation nor perhaps to produce clicks to speak Mandarin. A sniff with a nose in a glass of beer can be done regardless of which language the smell will then be commented on. In other words, these seem to be more or less language-neutral capacities and competencies, which underlines their nonconventional character, also reflected in their design. They rely on a perceptual system that is able to associate sounds with the physical configurations behind them.

Future directions

This collection of articles celebrates the benefits of rigorous local analysis of sense-making with vocal tract sounds, both for understanding the emergent phonetic features of their real-time production but also for demonstrating their importance for coordinated action. We document the intersubjective relevance of "physiological" sounds on the one hand (such as loud inbreaths or strain grunts) and the interactional use of highly complex sounds that do not belong to the phonemic inventory of the language (e.g., whistles or clicks) on the other. Unconventional or only partially conventional vocalizations are furthermore shown to accomplish particular social tasks in the form of moans during board games or as accompaniments to dance instruction. In all the studies, the temporal organization emerges as absolutely crucial in determining the action-import of a sound, either in terms of their positioning in turns-at-talk or in relation to what the body is doing. The joint contribution of this special issue is to demonstrate how a focus on action, rather than language as a code of sounds, provides us with a new and productive angle for dissecting sense-making practices.

We have barely scratched the surface of this exciting field, leaving much work yet to be done on different languages and various sounds. More work along these lines will further our understanding of what is "natural" and what is "conventional" about human vocal behavior. Among other things, it is possible that meaning is also accomplished via certain phonetic features or their change over time, such as closeness versus openness, pitch trajectories, or loudness, as opposed to merely being conveyed through lexicon and grammar. This opens the door to a much deeper understanding of how indexicality and iconicity, as well as immediate physical contexts, contribute to participants' sense-making practices. We are raising serious issues with the boundary drawing between language and nonlanguage, conventional and nonconventional, where language theorists may want to work further from whatever their perspectives are.

References

Akita, K. , & Dingemanse, M. (2019). Ideophones (Mimetics, Expressives). In M. Aronoff (Ed.), Oxford research encyclopedia for linguistics. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.

Dingemanse, M. (2018). Redrawing the margins of language: Lessons from research on ideophones. Glossa: a Journal of General Linguistics, 3(1), 4.

Dingemanse, M. (2020). Between sound and speech: Liminal signs in interaction. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 53(1), 188-196.

Gardner, R. (2002). When listeners talk: Response tokens and recipient stance with special reference to Mm. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Benjamins.

Gil, D. (2013). Para-Linguistic usages of clicks. In M. S. Dryer & M. Haspelmath Eds., The world atlas of language structures online. Retrieved from http://wals.info/chapter/142

Goodwin, C. (2017). Co-operative Action. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Goodwin, M. H. , & Goodwin, C. (1987). Children's arguing. In S. Philips, S. Steele, & C. Tanz (Eds.), Language, gender, and sex in comparative perspective (pp. 200-248). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Heritage, J. (1984). A change-of-state token and aspects of its sequential placement. In J. M. Atkinson & J. Heritage (Eds.), Structures of social action: Studies in conversation analysis (pp. 299-345). Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.

Keevallik, L. (2015). Coordinating the temporalities of talk and dance. In A. Deppermann & S. Günthner (Eds.), Temporality in Interaction (pp. 309-336). Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Benjamins.

McNeill, D. (2005). Gesture and Thought. Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press.

Pehkonen, S. (2020). Response cries inviting an alignment: Finnish Research on Language and Social Interaction, 53(1), huh huh. 19-41.

Reber, E. (2012). Affectivity in interaction: Sound objects in English. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Benjamins.

Reber, E. , & Couper-Kuhlen, E. (2020). On 'whistle' sound objects in English everyday conversation. Research on Language and Social Interaction, 53(1), 164-187.

Wiggins, S. (2019). Moments of pleasure: A preliminary classification of gustatory mmms and the enactment of enjoyment during infant mealtimes. Frontiers in Psychology, 10. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01404

Wlodarczak, M. , Heldner, M. , & Edlund, J. (2015). Breathing in conversation: An unwritten history. In K. Jokinen & M. Vels (Eds.), 107-112). Linköping: Linköping University Press.Proceedings of the 2nd European and the 5th Nordic Symposium on Multimodal Communication (pp.

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Sounds on the Margins of Language at the Heart of Interaction

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ABSTRACT ABSTRACT What do people do with sniffs, lip-smacks, grunts, moans, sighs, whistles, and clicks, where these are not part of their language's phonetic inventory? They use them, we shall show, as irreplaceable elements in performing all kinds of actions-from managing the structural flow of interaction to indexing states of mind and much more besides.

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The world of cheap food and its consequences | Bee Wilson

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The TLS - Book review | The Social Cost of Cheap Food by Sébastien Rioux; Feeding Britain by Tim Lang; Hunger by Martín Caparrós, reviewed by Bee Wilson

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FOURTH OF JULY: How Sufjan Stevens Deciphers Death

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pd / p3 / parodie

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"IL A SURVOLÉ SON CP": L'ANCIENNE INSTITUTRICE DE JEAN CASTEX SE RAPPELLE D'UN "EXCELLENT ÉLÈVE"

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Dès l'année de CP, Paulette Berthe avait repéré les capacités scolaires du nouveau Premier ministre, qui a terminé son enseignement à l'ENA.

De Jean Castex, les Français connaissent pour l'heure très peu de choses. Nommé la semaine passé nouveau Premier ministre en replacement d'Édouard Philippe, celui qui avait été le "monsieur déconfinement" d'Emmanuel Macron durant la crise du coronavirus doit désormais, en l'espace de quelques semaines, imposer sa "patte" alors que les échéances vont se multiplier à court et moyen terme.

"Excellent élève"

Alors pour en savoir plus sur celui qui a également été maire de Prades dans les Pyrénées-Orientales, Mon Quotidien, journal d'actualité destiné aux plus jeunes, est allé à la rencontre d'une des premières institutrices du nouvel homme fort de Matignon. Aujourd'hui âgée de 88 ans, Paulette Berthe a été son enseignante durant une année, celle du CP, à l'école de Vic-Fezensac dans le Gers.

"Lorsque je l'avais comme élève, je ne pouvais pas imaginer qu'il deviendrait un jour Premier ministre", commence-t-elle, tout en décrivant un "excellent élève, toujours travailleur et très gentil."

Une scolarité commencée de manière brillante donc et terminée à l'École nationale d'administration (ENA) en 1991.

"Je l'ai eu durant un an, en classe de cours préparatoire, lorsqu'il avait 6 ans. Il a complètement survolé son CP, si bien qu'il a sauté une classe l'année suivante, et ça ne s'est vraiment pas vu ensuite. Il n'a eu aucune difficulté à poursuivre sa scolarité en primaire", complète Paulette Berthe.

La politique comme héritage?

Dans la suite de son entretien, l'institutrice souligne le lien fort qu'elle avait noué avec le jeune Jean Castex, qui "jouait également de bon cœur avec ses amis."

"Tous mes élèves m'étaient chers, mais c'est vrai que lui l'était encore un petit peu plus, car j'étais amie avec sa mère, elle aussi institutrice. (...) Ses deux grands-mères étaient elles aussi enseignantes. L'une d'elles était même directrice de son école primaire", se rappelle-t-elle.

Ce témoignage permet également de comprendre d'où vient l'engagement politique de Jaen Castex, qui a également endossé par le passé le rôle de Conseiller départemental des Pyrénées-Orientales.

"Ce n'est pas le premier de sa famille à faire de la politique. Son grand-père, Marc Castex, a été maire de Vic-Fezensac et sénateur du Gers", rappelle Paulette Berthe.

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"Il a survolé son CP": l'ancienne institutrice de Jean Castex se rappelle d'un "excellent élève"

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Dès l'année de CP, Paulette Berthe avait repéré les capacités scolaires du nouveau Premier ministre, qui a terminé son enseignement à l'ENA. De Jean Castex, les Français connaissent pour l'heure très peu de choses.

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I twerk when I’m angry-- it usually makes the sad go away. Recently I was at my sister’s nephew’s bridal shower, and I was twerking along the edge of the bridal shower area when a man walked up to me. I told him ‘I’m not like that. I’m quite the opposite. I am quite the opposite.’ He told me that I would make a great mother. So I tried that for a few days. Then I made a Facebook account and tweeted a few things, but nothing I said got through. Then I tried again. And again. Until I finally got a public apology from a very public figure. I’m definitely messy sometimes, but I’ve got my own ways of dealing with it.

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“I twerk when I’m angry-- it usually makes the sad go away. Recently I was at my sister’s nephew’s bridal shower, and I was twerking along the edge of the bridal shower area when a man walked up to...

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la plupart des français placent la Floride sur la côte ouest des e u
non

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battle de plongeons dans la Seine sous fond de reggaeton: large victoire des latinos, les blacks bons joueurs, un sdf saute de joie :)

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Le fabricant néerlandais de vélos électriques Vanmoof a dénoncé mardi 30 juin un avis de l'autorité française de régulation de la publicité lui demandant de modifier un spot jugé anti-voiture. En cause : des plans montrant des "images anxiogènes" de la voiture.

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The Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, has announced live on television he has tested positive for coronavirus.
US is 'still knee deep in first wave' of coronavirus, warns Fauci - live
"It came back positive," a mask-wearing Bolsonaro told a hand-picked group of reporters on Tuesday lunchtime.

Bolsonaro, 65, has repeatedly trivialized the pandemic and flouted social distancing, even as Brazil became the second-worst hit country after the United States, with more than 65,000 deaths and 1.6 million confirmed cases.

In March, as Covid-19 claimed its first victims in Brazil, the far-right populist used an address to the nation to brag that, if infected, he would quickly shake off the illness thanks to his "athlete's background".

Since then, Bolsonaro has continued to attend social events and political rallies, often wearing masks incorrectly, or not wearing them at all.

Bolsonaro's diagnosis comes just three days after he had lunch at the home of the US ambassador to Brazil, Todd Chapman, in the capital, Brasília.

Also present at that Independence Day celebrationwere several top cabinet members, including foreign minister Ernesto Araújo, defence minister Fernando Azevedo, and the president's son, Eduardo, a politician who is Steve Bannon's representative in South America. The men were photographed without face masks.

Reports of Bolsonaro's possible infection first emerged on Monday evening, with local news outlets reporting that he had been tested after developing coronavirus symptoms, including a 38C temperature and a persistent cough.

An MRI of Bolsonaro's lungs was also taken, with the president telling supporters it had shown them to be "clear".

The newspaper O Globo said it understood Brazil's president had started complaining of tiredness on Saturday night, after his lunch with the US ambassador, and continued feeling unwell on Sunday.

Bolsonaro has repeatedly downplayed the risks of Covid-19 and urged Brazil to get back to work to avoid a devastating economic crash but he is now the second member of his family suffering its effects.

The 80-year-old grandmother of Brazil's first lady, Michelle Bolsonaro, was reportedly intubated on Sunday, after being admitted to hospital with coronavirus last Wednesday.

According to the G1 news website, Maria Aparecida Firmo Ferreira, who is reportedly estranged from the presidential clan, was found collapsed in the street by passersby and taken to a hospital in Ceilândia, a satellite city outside Brasília.

Bolsonaro's response to the coronavirus has sparked a domestic and international outcry, with many directly blaming him for the high death toll. Brazil currently lacks a permanent health minister after two were forced from their jobs in less than a month after clashing with Bolsonaro over the pandemic.
Brazil condemned to historic tragedy by Bolsonaro's virus response - top doctor
On Monday night Bolsonaro's son, Carlos, attacked critics of his father who he claimed were willing the president's death.

"The immense number of people rooting for the death of the head of the executive right now should trigger an immediate show of solidarity from other [political] leaders," Carlos Bolsonaro tweeted.

Another prominent politician, the mayor of the biggest city in the Amazon, Manaus, was flown to hospital in São Paulo on Monday after also falling ill with coronavirus last week.

"The doctors are optimistic and so are we," Arthur Virgílio, who had reportedly been receiving non-invasive respiratory support, said in a WhatsApp message to the Guardian.
Topics

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Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro tests positive for coronavirus

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The Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, has announced live on television he has tested positive for coronavirus. US is 'still knee deep in first wave' of coronavirus, warns Fauci - live "It came back positive," a mask-wearing Bolsonaro told a hand-picked group of reporters on Tuesday lunchtime.

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Le chip butty est une spécialité culinaire anglo-saxonne, originaire du nord de l'Angleterre. C'est un sandwich constitué de deux épaisses tranches de pain de mie (ou d'un petit pain blanc), généreusement beurrées, et d'une garniture de frites bien chaudes, assaisonnées à volonté d'une sauce, de préférence de la sauce tomate ou du ketchup, ou bien de la mayonnaise ou une sauce brune ¹.

Ce sandwich est aussi appelé chip sandwich, chip barm ou chip cob en Angleterre, piece-n-chips en Écosse et french fry sandwich en Amérique du Nord.

Il était à l'origine consommé par les ouvriers et servi dans les pubs. Il est plus courant dans le nord de l'Angleterre que dans le sud.

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Domestication is a long and endless process by which animals become adapted to both humans and captive conditions. Three main pathways of domestication have been proposed for land animals:

a commensal pathway,
In the commensal pathway, the animals themselves played the largest role. The animals first move into an anthropogenic habitat, most likely spurred by an attraction to human waste, and later develop a two-way partnership with humans . Several domesticated species have followed this path, among which are dog (Canis familiaris), cat (Felis catus), or chicken (Gallus domesticus)

a prey pathway,
In the prey pathway, humans have initiated domestication, perhaps as a response to depletion of local stocks of prey animals that humans had hunted for thousands of years [31], to enhance the yield or predictability of a resource (meat or hides) [29]. Over time and under certain circumstances, these game management strategies developed into actual herd management and, eventually, the controlled breeding of managed animals [28]. The main species that followed this pathway are sheep (Ovis aries), goat (Capra hircus), or cattle (Bos taurus)

directed pathway
In the direct pathway, humans deliberately set out to domesticate a species. This pathway skips the early phases of habituation and management and starts with the capture of wild animals with the deliberate intention of controlling their reproduction [29]. This pathway occurred more rapidly and was accompanied by a dramatic bottleneck [29]. The main species are horse (Equus caballus), donkey (Equus asinus), and dromedary (Camelus dromedarius) [28].

Species that followed either commensal or prey pathways tend to possess more traits that make them appropriate candidates for domestication. Conversely, species on directed pathways likely possess barriers to domestication that require more knowledge on the part of humans to overcome [28, 31].

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Open access peer-reviewed chapter

By Fabrice Teletchea

DOI: 10.5772/intechopen.86783

Abstract

In the origin of modern humans, hunting of wild animals and gathering of wild plants in nature were the primary subsistence strategies. Yet, about 12,000 years ago, the domestication of plants and animals began. The two main goals of the present chapter are to briefly describe (i) how wild animals were domesticated and (ii) what are the main biological consequences for the major farmed species (cattle, pig, sheep, goat, and horse). During about 98% of their domestication history, domestic animals have been managed in a sustainable way by farmers, followed by a period of strong selection about 200 years ago to produce hundreds of well-defined breeds. A few decades ago, the selection pressures have further increased, leading to a few industrial breeds, which were introduced in numerous countries, most often at the expense of local breeds. Within a few decades, we thus might lose most of the highly valuable farm animal genetic resources that humans have gradually selected over the past millennia. Consequently, priorities should be given to preserve the genetic resources in marginal or rare breeds, and selection programs should aim at restoring the genetic diversity in industrial breeds.

chapter and author info

Author

*Address all correspondence to: fabrice.teletchea@univ-lorraine.fr

DOI: 10.5772/intechopen.86783

From the Edited Volume

Animal Domestication

Edited by Fabrice Teletchea

1. Introduction

Since the origin of modern humans, Homo sapiens, about 200,000 years ago, hunting of wild animals and gathering of wild plants in nature were the primary subsistence strategies [ 1]. Yet, about 12,000 years ago, at the end of the most recent ice age and during the transition to the present interglacial period, domestication of plants and animals began [ 1, 2, 3, 4, 5]. This phenomenon occurred in at most nine areas of the world: the Fertile Crescent, China, Mesoamerica, Andes/Amazonia, Eastern United States, Sahel, tropical West Africa, Ethiopia, and New Guinea [ 4]. From these handful homelands of agriculture, a restricted number of domesticated species were progressively introduced across the globe as farmers migrate to new regions [ 4]. This is because the control of food production conferred to farmers huge demographic, technological, political, and military advantages over neighboring hunter-gatherers, allowing them to impose their lifestyle [ 4]. The history of the past millennia consists of tales of hunter-gatherer societies becoming driven out, infected, conquered, or exterminated by farming societies in all areas across the world suitable for farming [ 3, 4].

The domestication of plants and animals was part of a major transformation in the way of life of an increasing number of human societies, with deep social and spiritual changes, called the Neolithic transition [ 5, 6]. This also enabled a strong increase of the human population from about 1 million during the millennia before the advent of agriculture [ 7] to more than 7 billion today [ 8]. The increase of human population is spectacular during the past decades ( Figure 1), with an additional 4 billion people since 1960 [ 8].

In 2010, the world agricultural production reaches more than 7.6 billion tons [ 7], representing a three-fold increase compared to 1961 ( Figure 2). Globally, less than two-thirds of crop production (on a mass basis) are allocated to human food, versus 35% to animal feed, and 3% for bioenergy or other industrial products [ 9]. It is, however, important to highlight that global food production relied in fine on a tiny fraction of wild species domesticated in the past millennia, representing about 0.08% of known land plant species and 0.0002% of known land animal species [ 10]. Only about 15 plant species and less than 10 animal species supply more than 90% of worldwide agriculture production [ 11]. Four crops (wheat, rice, corn, and potato) account for more food production than all other crops combined [ 11]. Inversely, hunting and gathering have today become secondary (and most often recreational) activities that contribute little to global food security [ 12], one significant exception being the consumption of wild meat in a few regions, notably in Central Africa [ 13]. This implies that even tough humans consumed diverse food products across the globe; they mostly come from the same domesticated plant and animal species. In the past decades, the standardization of food products has also strongly increased with the spread of few multinational food companies, such as McDonald's or Subway.

The other main consequences of domestication are that the bulk of global agriculture is today based on the culture or farming of a few alien domesticated species that had been progressively introduced in all continents. This has contributed to widespread faunal and floral homogenization [ 14]. Nevertheless, because alien species are present for a very long period, they are generally not perceived as exogenous or introduced [ 15], but rather as part of the natural landscape [ 16, 17, 18]. This phenomenon has been described as the shifting baseline syndrome [ 19]. Agriculture is today responsible for the destruction or modification of nearly 40% of the land surface [ 20]. For instance, about 7 to 11 million km ² of forest have been lost in the past 300 years due to land-use activities, primarily for agricultural expansion and timber extraction [ 20]. Besides, intensification of agriculture has also resulted in the degradation of water quality in numerous freshwater and coastal ecosystems due to the global use of fertilizers, pesticides, and antibiotics [ 9, 20]. Modern agriculture is thus generally considered to be the primary destructive force of biodiversity [ 17], which has led to the sixth mass extinction [ 21]. Some scientists even consider that truly wild nature (pristine zones from human impacts) does no longer exist on Earth [ 22]. In 2002, Crutzen [ 23] proposed to assign the term "Anthropocene" to the present geological epoch, supplementing the Holocene, once humans have become an important geochemical force and perhaps the dominant ecological force on the planet. The Anthropocene era could be said to have started in the late eighteenth century [ 23]. In conclusion, domestication corresponds to a pivotal change in the history not only of humanity but also of the biosphere [ 5, 6].

The two main goals of the present chapter are to briefly describe (i) how wild animals were domesticated and (ii) what are the main biological consequences for the major farmed species.

2. How were animals domesticated?

Domestication is a long and endless process by which animals become adapted to both humans and captive conditions ([ 24, 25, 26]; for an overview of definitions of domestication, see [ 27]). Three main pathways of domestication have been proposed for land animals: a commensal pathway, a prey pathway, and a directed pathway [ 6, 28, 29, 30]. In the commensal pathway, the animals themselves played the largest role [ 29]. The animals first move into an anthropogenic habitat, most likely spurred by an attraction to human waste, and later develop a two-way partnership with humans [ 29]. Several domesticated species have followed this path, among which are dog ( Canis familiaris), cat ( Felis catus), or chicken ( Gallus domesticus) [ 29]. In the prey pathway, humans have initiated domestication, perhaps as a response to depletion of local stocks of prey animals that humans had hunted for thousands of years [ 31], to enhance the yield or predictability of a resource (meat or hides) [ 29]. Over time and under certain circumstances, these game management strategies developed into actual herd management and, eventually, the controlled breeding of managed animals [ 28]. The main species that followed this pathway are sheep ( Ovis aries), goat ( Capra hircus), or cattle ( Bos taurus) [ 29]. In the direct pathway, humans deliberately set out to domesticate a species [ 28, 31]. This pathway skips the early phases of habituation and management and starts with the capture of wild animals with the deliberate intention of controlling their reproduction [ 29]. This pathway occurred more rapidly and was accompanied by a dramatic bottleneck [ 29]. The main species are horse ( Equus caballus), donkey ( Equus asinus), and dromedary ( Camelus dromedarius) [ 28].

Species that followed either commensal or prey pathways tend to possess more traits that make them appropriate candidates for domestication. Conversely, species on directed pathways likely possess barriers to domestication that require more knowledge on the part of humans to overcome [ 28, 31].

Whatever the pathway followed, captive animals began to be domesticated at some point. Yet, as for domestication, there is no consensus today about what a domesticated species is (see [ 27] for a review of the main definitions). Nevertheless, most authors considered that a domesticated species is a group of animals reproduced in captivity and modified from their wild congeners [ 27]. Yet, wild and domesticated animals should not be considered as complementaries (such as true/false, dead/alive) but rather as antonyms (such as long/short, fast/slow) because they represent the extremes of a process and not a simple dichotomy [ 32]. In other words, there is not a clear biological separation between wild and domesticated animals [ 33]. In addition, a domesticated animal is neither in a final nor a static status, and thus farmed species are still evolving today, particularly in response to changes in technology and husbandry practices, which themselves are evolving and constantly improving [ 34]. Conversely, domesticated species can sometimes return to nature, a process known as feralization [ 35].

3. How have animals evolved during domestication?

During domestication, five main genetic processes were involved [ 15, 28, 34], including inbreeding and genetic drift (two uncontrolled processes), natural selection in captivity and relaxation of natural selection (two partially controlled processes), and active selection (one controlled process) [ 34, 35]. The two uncontrolled processes are due to the limited size of the population (known as inbreeding) and the random changes in gene frequencies (genetic drift). The two partially controlled processes are natural selection in captivity that accounts for selection imposed on captive populations that cannot be attributed to active (or artificial) selection and relaxation of natural selection expectably accompanying the transition from wild to captive environments [ 35]. At last, the fifth genetic process is controlled, known as active selection, because changes are directional [ 34, 35].

Domesticated animals have been profoundly modified during domestication. Indeed, the variation range of certain traits within a domesticated species occasionally exceeds that in whole families or even orders [ 36, 37]. Modifications resulting from domestication concern morphoanatomy, physiology, behavior, and genetics [ 31, 35, 38, 39, 40]. Behavior is probably the first to have been modified during domestication [ 35]. Nevertheless, behavioral traits neither appeared nor disappeared during domestication but rather are the response thresholds that changed [ 34, 35]. One of the most remarkable behavioral changes shared by all domesticates is their tolerance of proximity to (or complete lack of fear of) people [ 31, 37, 39]. Besides, because humans provide shelter, food, and protection against predators, domesticated animals most often express a lower incidence of antipredator behaviors and show lower motivation for foraging [ 34]. More generally, mood, emotion, agnostic and affiliative behavior, as well as social communication all have been modified in some way by domestication [ 39]. Most domesticated animals are also more precocious than their wild counterparts [ 34]. The activity of their reproductive system became enhanced and relatively uncoupled from the environmental photoperiod, and they all acquired the capacity to reproduce in any season and more often than once a year [ 37]. At last, the most spectacular and obvious changes concern morphology, among which are the animal size (dwarfs and giants), proportions (fewer vertebrae, shorter tails), color, length and texture of coat, wavy or curly hair, rolled tails, and floppy ears or other manifestations of neoteny (the retention of juvenile features into sexual maturity) [ 37, 39]. In most domesticated species, head or brain size has decreased [ 34]. The most illustrative example of such considerable changes is the morphological variations in dogs [ 37]. These morphological changes ("domestication syndrome") may all be linked to strong selection for lowered reactivity to external stimuli [ 31]. At the beginning of the twentieth century, modern breeding programs were initiated, leading to dramatic changes in productivity, e.g., increase laying rate for laying hens or improved feed conservation ratio, meat yield, and growth rate in broiler chickens [ 41].

4. A brief history of the major domesticated animals

Even though the decision to consider farmed or captive animals as domesticated is subjective and arbitrary [ 35, 41], most authors agree that about 40 species around the world that directly or indirectly contribute to agriculture are domesticated; this number varies between 20 and 50 following the definitions used for a domesticated animal [ 36, 42, 43, 44]. Several of those domesticated species have a distinct scientific name than their wild ancestors [ 25].

The 14 most important domesticated mammal species are indicated in Table 1, among which the domestication of the "big five" (cattle, pig, sheep, goat, and horse) [ 3, 4] are further described below. For the five most valuable species, the domestication resulted in the creation of hundreds of breeds, particularly in the past centuries [ 42, 45, 46]. In France, the article D.653.9 of the rural code defines breed for ruminant species as "a group of animals that share sufficient common features to be considered homogeneous by one or several groups of breeders that agree on the broodstock renewal and induced changes, including the international level" [ 47]. Breeds have therefore both a biological sense (common features) and a social acceptance (group of breeders); the relative importance of the latter increased in the past years, for scientists as well as in the application of policies [ 47].

4.1. Cattle

The wild ancestor of cattle is a group of races of the now extinct aurochs Bos primigenius [ 48, 49, 50]. The aurochs, the last specimen of which died in a Polish park in 1627, had a very wide geographic distribution, which extended from East Asia to Europe and North Africa [ 42, 48, 50]. Traditionally, two major types of domestic cattle are considered: zebu ( Bos indicus) which have a prominent thoracic hump and taurine ( Bos taurus), which do not [ 40, 42, 49, 50]. However, these two species fully interbreed, and a meta-analysis of different microsatellite datasets revealed taurine-zebu admixture over Europe, southwest Asia, and Africa [ 40, 45, 49, 50]. Molecular evidence suggest that these two species came from two independent domestication events: zebu cattle were domesticated in the Indus valley region ca. 8000-7500 B.P., whereas taurine cattle were domesticated in Anatolia 10,500-10,000 B.P. [ 40, 42, 50, 51, 52]. However, Larson and Burger [ 29] recently suggested that only the latter was domesticated, while zebu may have resulted from the introgression of wild zebu populations into taurine cattle that were transported eastward. During several millennia, extensive gene flow among different groups of domestic cattle, as well as with aurochs until its extinction, was possible, leading to relatively high effective population sizes and preventing genetic drift at the regional scale [ 40, 48, 50, 51]. This might partly explain the relatively large cattle gene pool despite a likely bottleneck at the time of domestication [ 50]. Besides, it is also possible that other species were crossed with cattle in some areas of the world, including the yak ( Bos grunniens) in Nepal or banteng ( Bos javanicus) in Southeast Asia and Indonesia, which also contribute to maintain or increase genetic variability [ 40]. The large size of cattle and its low growth, as well as the early use for milk or traction, imply relatively low levels of directed selection during millennia [ 51]. However, this situation changed dramatically about 200 years ago with the emergence of breed concept [ 50]. The first cattle herd book was published in Britain in 1822 [ 49]. Since that time, stronger selection pressures have been applied to local populations followed by standardization of the desired conformation and performance, such as high milk yield for dairy cattle breeding programs [ 49]. This led to an isolation of breeds from each other (ca. 800 are now recognized; see Table 2), which could have caused a genetic drift and inbreeding and perhaps a fitness decrease [ 40, 46, 50]. Nevertheless, gene flow between neighboring regions did not completely stop, as deliberate upgrading was realized in order to increase production characteristics by using bulls of other populations from the same or a different country [ 45]. More recently, the number of males involved in reproduction schemes has drastically decreased with the expansion of artificial insemination, leading to another strong reduction of effective population size of breeds and inexorably to a genetic drift and loss of alleles [ 46, 50, 63]. For example, at the worldwide level, the Holstein cattle has an effective population size of about 50 [ 50]. This strong decrease of the effective population size might explain the strong reduction in fertility as well as the genetic diseases observed in this breed [ 50]. An even more extreme result was found in Japan, where the Japanese black cattle had an effective population size of 17.2 in between 1993 and 1997, despite a census size of 0.53 million reproductive cows [ 49]. Another extreme case of low genetic variability is a feral British breed, Chillingham cattle, for which 24 out of 25 microsatellite loci were found homozygous [ 46]. Inversely, numerous cattle breeds still have substantial nucleotide diversity, indicating a large ancestral effective population size [ 46]. In the past decades, a few of the most productive breeds were imported throughout the world at the expense of local, apparently less productive populations [ 45].

4.2. Pig

The wild ancestor of domestic pigs is boar Sus scrofa [ 42, 64]. Wild boars occurred throughout Eurasia and North Africa [ 42]. Multiple independent domestication events, mainly in Asia Minor, Europe, and East Asia, have probably occurred, starting approximately 9000 years ago [ 40, 52, 64, 65, 66]; the earliest remains of domesticated pigs have been excavated at Çayönü in Southeast Anatolia [ 65]. Chinese breeds originated in East Asia, whereas European breeds are believed to have originated in Southwest Asia [ 42, 67]. These domestication events were separated not only by thousands of kilometers but also by thousands of years [ 65]. During millennia, it is likely that out-crossing of domestic pigs with wild boar was common in traditional pig husbandry across Europe [ 52, 67]. By the late middle ages, European and Asian domestic pigs were genetically very different because they were based on wild boar populations that diverged around 1 million years ago, and for thousands of years, they were submitted to selection pressures on very different traits [ 64, 68]. By the late eighteenth to early nineteenth century, strict organized breeding was adopted to improve and develop livestock breeds, particularly in Britain, as a reaction to increasing demand for meat in the wake of the industrial revolution [ 64, 66]. European breeders turned also their attention to Asia and imported Chinese pigs to improve their breeding stock [ 40, 64, 65, 66]. From the eighteenth century, pig breeds were selectively bred for specific production traits such as early maturation, rapid growth, and increased prolificacy. In addition, the coat color phenotype (which includes both skin and hair pigmentation) was another morphological trait often used during the selective breeding process. Substantial changes (body size, color, body shape, skull morphology, ear carriage, behavior, prolificacy, teat number, and other traits) occurred in breeds over a short period of time, resulting in the development of numerous distinct pig breed phenotypes [ 64, 65, 66]. From the twentieth century, with the recognition of the benefits of genetic improvement and changing consumer preferences, certain pig breeds experienced further strong selection for lean meat content, muscularity, and enhanced reproduction [ 64, 66]. To date, there are likely over 730 pig breeds or lines globally of which two thirds are in China and Europe and over 270 are considered as endangered or critical. Currently, 58 pig breeds are recorded as "transboundary" (occurring in more than one country) including 25 regional transboundary breeds and 33 international transboundary breeds [ 65]. The worldwide distribution of pigs is dominated by five international transboundary pig breeds from the United States (USA) or Europe, i.e., Large white (117 countries), Duroc (93 countries), Landrace (91 countries), Hampshire (54 countries), and Pietrain (35 countries) [ 65].

4.3. Sheep

The wild ancestors of the domestic sheep are probably the mouflon ( Ovis musimon) and the urial ( Ovis orientalis) [ 42, 49, 50]. Both archaeological and genetic data spot the domestication center of sheep in eastern Anatolia and North-West Iran [ 50] between 8500 [ 49] and 12,000 years ago [ 40]. The sheep mitochondrial DNA polymorphism diversity and single-nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) diversity seem to support an absence of a genetic bottleneck, and thus domestication occurred from a broad genetic base [ 50, 69]. Sheep were first farmed for access to meat before human-mediated specialization for wool and milk commenced ca. 4000-5000 years ago [ 69]. It has recently been shown that particular regions of the genome contain strong evidence for accelerated change in response to artificial selection, such as the removal of horns, likely to be one of the oldest morphological modifications that accompanied domestication and a trait now common across many modern breeds [ 69]. Furthermore, other genomic regions under selection in sheep contain genes controlling pigmentation, reproduction, and body size [ 69]. In the last few hundred years, the division of animals into breeds, followed by the identification of superior rams and their disproportionate genetic contribution via artificial insemination, has lifted the pace of genetic gain for production traits [ 69]. Extensive haplotype sharing and generally low divergence time between breeds reveal that frequent genetic exchange has occurred during the development of modern breeds [ 69]. Approximately 75% of modern sheep breeds have retained an effective population size in excess of 300 [ 69]. The number of breeds is comprised between 850 and 1409 [ 49]. Yet, many sheep breeds originally selected for good performance in a specific, sometimes isolated, geographical area (e.g., the Shetland, Soay, or Herdwick breeds) are now considered rare. With generalist-type sheep taking over the larger part of intensive sheep production, maintaining genetic diversity by conserving these traditional breeds has become a challenge [ 50, 70].

4.4. Goat

The wild ancestor of goat is the bezoar, Capra aegagrus [ 40, 42, 49]. The first archaeological evidence of goat domestication traces back in the Fertile Crescent about 10,000 years ago [ 42, 49, 71]. A large-scale analysis of current bezoar mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) polymorphism over its whole geographic distribution suggested that the domestication process occurred over a very large area encompassing eastern Anatolia and North-West Iran [ 50]. Additional primary centers of goat domestication, including the Indus Valley, Southern Levant, and China, have not been convincingly demonstrated yet [ 71]. Analysis of the goat mitochondrial DNA polymorphism of the main haplogroup (representing more than 90% of the haplotypes) strongly supports the absence of bottleneck at the domestication time in goats [ 50]. Besides, goat mtDNA polymorphism also suggests high historical gene flow among continents, which already occurred during the Neolithic expansion into Europe [ 49]. The extraordinary adaptability and hardiness of goats favored their rapid spread over the Old World [ 71]. Goats have successfully adapted to desert, mountainous, and tropical areas where other livestock species would not thrive [ 71]. Between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, goats were transported to America and Oceania [ 71]. Over the course of domestication, several morphological traits were modified, such as horn and ear shapes, the presence of wattles, long hair, and coat colors, which were driven probably by intentional selection as well as by genetic drift, isolation, and founder effects [ 71]. Throughout the ages, goats have been raised for milk production and cheese, meat, and skin and fiber commodities such as leather, mohair wool, and cashmere hair [ 71]. Breeds also show strong differences in their physiological capacity of adaptation to extreme conditions of temperature and humidity and differ in feed efficiency, behavior, and resistance to infectious and parasitic diseases [ 71]. Today, Asia and Africa contain 58.2 and 36.2%, respectively, of the 1 billion goats worldwide with much smaller populations in Europe (1.7%), America (3.5%), and Oceania (0.4%) [ 71]. China (187.8 million heads), India (133 million heads), Nigeria (71 million heads), Pakistan (66.6 million heads), and Bangladesh (55.9 million heads) are the top five goat producers [ 71]. In most countries, the sustained growth of the world goat population during the last 50 years (from 368 million heads in 1964 to 1006 million heads in 2014) has not involved a general improvement of the production and reproduction techniques associated with their management. Well-organized selection programs are in contrast restricted to a few highly productive dairy breeds from Europe, North America, and Australia [ 71]. Despite its low caprine census, Europe produces 17.5 and 42.5% of the goat milk and cheese, respectively, consumed around the world, reflecting the benefits of raising highly selected dairy breeds such as the Saanen, Alpine, and Toggenburg under semi-intensive or intensive conditions [ 71]. The main traits under selection are milk production, protein and fat contents, somatic cell count, and udder morphology [ 71]. Globally, it has been proposed that 500-600 goat breeds exist; yet it is difficult to establish a reliable figure because several local populations are not managed via phenotypic standardization, herd book registration, and controlled reproduction [ 71]. Among these breeds, 86 have spread beyond their countries of origin and are considered cosmopolitan or transboundary breeds, whereas 19 have become extinct, and about 90 are critically endangered or just endangered (such as Arapawa, Bagot, Golden Guernsey, San Clemente, and Mallorquina), whereas 157 are not at risk [ 71]. Population decline of local goat breeds is mostly due to their replacement or uncontrolled crossbreeding with more productive foreign varieties, the progressive abandonment of low income rural activities, and the lack of genetic conservation programs [ 50, 71]. Some goat populations have escaped from captivity and became feral [ 71].

4.5. Horse

The wild ancestor of domestic horse is the now extinct, Equus ferus from central Asia [ 52]. The Asian wild horse, Equus przewalskii [ 42], also significantly contributed to the genetic makeup of domestic horses [ 72]. Even though there have been no confirmed sightings of wild Przewalski's horses since 1966, the species has been maintained in captivity for the last 90 years [ 42]. In addition to Przewalski's horse, a third divergent lineage corresponding to a wild population that inhabited the Holarctic region has also contributed to the genome of modern domestic horses [ 72]. Both archaeological and genetic evidence strongly support the onset of domestication of horse in the western Eurasian Steppes of Ukraine dating to 5500 years ago [ 42, 72]. Over the course of domestication, it has been argued that difficulties in maintaining domestic horse herd sizes during pastoral migrations led directly to restocking through the capture of wild females [ 52, 72]. Horses were not only used as a source of meat and milk; their stamina and quickness provide humans with rapid transportation, which has considerably changed the speed and magnitude of the circulation of goods and people, as well as cultural exchange, including the spread of Indo-European languages, religions, science, and art, and diseases [ 72]. With the introduction of the horse collar and horseshoes in agriculture, the horse was increasingly used for tilling soils, incrementing farmland productivity in medieval Europe, and remains today a crucial asset to the agriculture of the least-developed countries [ 72]. With a few notable exceptions, such as the Arabian, Mongolian, and Icelandic horses, breeds ( Table 1) have been created in the last two centuries [ 72]. The earliest horse studbook, that of the Thoroughbred racing horses, was created in 1791 [ 72]. The population structure resulting from selective breeding is characterized by high interbreed and low intrabreed genetic diversity [ 72]. Domestic horses exhibit remarkable variation in coat coloration, including the bay or bay-dun wild-type phenotypes, other basic colors like chestnut and black, as well as dilution (e.g., cream and silver), and spotting patterns (e.g., leopard complex, tobiano, and sabino) [ 72]. Horse locomotion has also been recurrently selected, including their ability to perform alternate gaits, such as four-beat, lateral, or diagonal ambling [ 72]. Although some horse breeds, such as the Thoroughbred racing horses, are still extremely popular, a significant part of this great diversity is currently endangered: 87 horse breeds are already extinct, and among the remaining 905, almost a quarter are categorized as at risk [ 72].

5. Final considerations

Ever since Darwin, the study of domestication has puzzled scientists [ 39]. Hundreds of articles are published each year [ 33, 39], as well as books, among which some are listed in Table 2. Despite this interest, both the words "domestication" and "domestic animal" remain confusing and poorly defined [ 32]. For domestication, this is mainly due to the inherent difficulty in assigning static terms to a process involving long-term and continuous change [ 32]. For "domestic animal," this is because this sort of dichotomous perspective wild/domestic is false and obscures the existence of transitional forms [ 32, 36, 73, 74, 75]. This is why the concept of "domestication level" was proposed for fish to describe more accurately the diversity of production methods as a continuum [ 52], from fishing up to the rearing of genetically improved animals [ 24, 25, 41, 76, 77]. This concept could be applied to other animals [ 26, 27] and may help describing the evolution of farmed species through both space and time in the future [ 36, 73].

Traditionally, the process of domestication was assumed to be initiated by humans, involving strong bottlenecks in the domestic population (corresponding to founder events due to the selection of only a few individuals at the beginning of the process) and reproductive isolation between wild and domestic forms [ 52, 67]. However, a growing body of archaeological, genetic, and ethnohistorical evidence suggests that long-term gene flow between wild and domestic stocks was much more common than previously expected, and selective breeding of females was largely absent during the early phases of animal domestication [ 52, 67]. Therefore, complete separation between wild and domestic populations was relatively late and region-specific [ 52]. These findings challenge assumptions about severe genetic bottlenecks during domestication and interpretations of genetic variability in terms of multiple instances of domestication and raise new questions regarding ways in which behavioral and phenotypic domestication traits were developed and maintained [ 52, 72]. The identity of the wild progenitor (or progenitors) of most domestic mammals remains also unclear because (i) the potential wild progenitors are often able to interbreed and produce fertile offspring with the domesticated congeners and (ii) many domestic animals can produce viable offspring with a host of wild, closely related sister taxa [ 32]. Therefore, the intuitive notion that each modern domestic animal (when discussed as a global population) is descended solely from a single wild species is almost certainly incorrect, and the genetic ancestry of domestics is likely to be relatively complex [ 32, 40].

Domesticated species are the result of a long and endless process that started millennia ago ( Table 1). During about 98% of their domestication history, farm animals have been managed in a sustainable way by farmers, which lead to animals well adapted to local conditions [ 49, 50]. Yet, the situation changed dramatically 200 years ago as animals began to be selected for the same phenotypic characteristics to produce hundreds of well-defined breeds ( Table 1), and reproduction among breeds was seriously reduced, leading to the fragmentation of the initial gene pool [ 49, 50, 70]. A few decades ago, the selection pressures were increased further, particularly with the use of artificial insemination, leading to a few industrial breeds with very high performances [ 49, 50, 70]. In the United States, the average milk production/cow of dairy cows increased by 1287 kg between 1993 and 2002, and 708 kg of this increase, or 55%, was due to genetics [ 78]. Interestingly, until the mid-1980s, most of the increase in milk yield was the result of improved management, in particular better application of nutritional standards and improved quality of rough age [ 78]. Since then, genetics became the major factor as a result of effective use of artificial insemination, intense selection based on progeny testing of bulls, and worldwide distribution of semen from bulls with high genetic merit for production [ 78]. This results in that, despite their total number of individuals, numerous industrial breeds have low effective population sizes [ 49, 50, 70]. This might explain that apart from a highly favorable increase in production, present-day selection for high production efficiency in livestock species in many cases was accompanied by undesirable side effects for several physiological, immunological, and reproduction traits [ 78, 79]. A new breeding goal aimed at improving fitness and tolerance of metabolic stress is necessary to prevent the decrease in the quality of life of farmed species and instead, perhaps, enhance it [ 70, 78, 79, 80]. More generally, an alternative to breeding for specific traits is to target "robustness" and "resilience," with the former focusing on current variation among environments and the latter on future variation [ 81]. Management strategies should be used to address short-term challenges from changing environments, and genetic selection should be used to address long-term problems [ 81]. Another solution might be to crossbreed domesticated animals either with their wild ancestor (if they still exist) or with wild relatives; it is therefore also urgent to properly assess the potential of the wild relatives as genetic resources for agriculture, and because most are endangered, actions should be implemented to preserve them [ 50]. Local breeds (present in only one country) in marginal areas are also seriously endangered [ 49, 50, 80]. For instance, in Europe more than 40% of livestock breeds are currently estimated to be endangered [ 82]. Farmers are often forced to abandon their traditional breeds and to raise more competitive industrial breeds [ 40, 83]. As a consequence, many locally adapted breeds have already disappeared [ 49, 50, 82]. Such a phenomenon can be very fast, and a valuable traditional breed can be lost within a decade [ 50]. Furthermore, even in less-developed countries, the introgression of genes from industrial breeds seriously compromises the long-term persistence of genetic resources in locally well-adapted breeds [ 49, 50, 83]. Adaptive traits may be rapidly lost by poorly designed crossbreeding, leading to dilution of important adaptive loci of traditional breeds. Traits such as resistance to local infectious and parasitic diseases, adaptation to poor forage, homing, and gregarious behavior can be rapidly lost and difficult to rescue [ 50]. According to the FAO, about 300 of 6000 breeds of farm animals have become extinct over the past 15 years, and 1350 currently face extinction in the near future [ 42, 50].

In conclusion, within a few decades, we might lose most of the highly valuable farm animal genetic resources that humans have gradually selected over the past millennia [ 45, 49, 50, 72]. Subsidies should therefore be urgently given to help farmers who contribute to the in situ preservation of genetic resources in marginal or rare breeds [ 80], and selection programs should aim at restoring the genetic diversity in industrial breeds [ 49, 50].

Conflict of interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

Fabrice Teletchea (June 7th 2019). Animal Domestication: A Brief Overview, Animal Domestication, Fabrice Teletchea, IntechOpen, DOI: 10.5772/intechopen.86783. Available from:

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Animal Domestication: A Brief Overview | IntechOpen

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In the origin of modern humans, hunting of wild animals and gathering of wild plants in nature were the primary subsistence strategies. Yet, about 12,000 years ago, the domestication of plants and animals began.

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La Francesinha est un plat portugais, qui n'évoquera pas grand-chose à ceux qui n'ont jamais mis les pieds au nord de la péninsule Ibérique. Décrié par certains, idolâtré par d'autres, ce croque-monsieur typique de Porto est capable de rassasier les estomacs les plus gourmands.

Avec son aspect de croque-monsieur recouvert de sauce et de fromage fondu, la Francesinha n'est pas forcément très inspiratrice si on prête beaucoup d'attention à la présentation d'un plat. Mais ce serait une erreur de se laisser berner par son aspect ! A l'intérieur, diverses charcuteries et viandes n'attendent que de régaler votre palais. C'est le plat numéro 1 à tester si vous passez par Porto.

Des inspirations françaises

Il semble que la Francesinha soit née dans les années 1950 à Porto. On attribue sa création à Daniel David Silva, un cuisinier ayant fait ses classes en France, qui s'est donc librement inspiré du croque-monsieur que nous connaissons bien. Il lui a donné le nom de Francesinha - littéralement "la petite française" - en rapport à cette inspiration.

Une autre version, peut-être plus romancée, raconte que les troupes napoléoniennes établies au Portugal, au milieu du 19ème siècle, avaient pour habitude de dévorer des sandwiches composés de pain, de viandes et de fromage. Les Portugais, en les observant, auraient alors eu l'idée d'y ajouter de la sauce en abondance. L'abondance, c'est sûrement l'adjectif qui définit le mieux la Francesinha !

Un croque très riche et bien garni

A Porto et dans le nord du Portugal en général, ce croque-monsieur lusitanien est partout. Sa taille varie selon les restaurants, et les plus touristiques ont tendance à la proposer en modèle réduit car elle n'est pas faite pour les petits appétits ! Sa composition traditionnelle va vous aider à comprendre pourquoi.

La vraie Francesinha est constituée de deux tranches de pain de mie, d'un steak de porc et / ou d'un steak de veau, de charcuteries diverses (jambon, chorizo, mortadelle...), de linguiça (une saucisse portugaise à l'ail et au paprika) et de saucisses fraîches. Enfin, on place un œuf-au-plat sur le dessus. Ouf ! Mais ce n'est pas fini.

On recouvre ce sandwich déjà bien garni de fromage en grande quantité (on en met également à l'intérieur !), avant de verser une sauce qui donne sa spécificité à ce plat. Il paraît que chaque restaurant à sa propre sauce, et qu'il en garde la recette secrète. En général, le molho comme on l'appelle en portugais, est réalisé à base de bière, d'oignon et de piment, ce qui lui confère une saveur assez piquante. Les plus sensibles n'auront qu'à tremper leurs frites (l'accompagnement officiel) dans cette sauce pour en atténuer le goût.

Des déclinaisons plus modernes

Désormais, la Francesinha se décline en diverses versions. Le Portugal est pris d'assaut par les touristes et les restaurateurs ont donc dû s'adapter aux goûts et aux valeurs des visiteurs. On peut donc déguster des petites françaises plus light, voire totalement différentes.

Dans la version végétarienne, la viande est remplacée par du tofu fumé et la charcuterie par des légumes (courgettes, aubergines...). La sauce et le fromage restent tout de même présents et cette Francesinha est visuellement assez proche du plat original.

Plus surprenant, on trouve maintenant des versions Calzone où le pain est remplacé par de la pâte à pizza, mais aussi des Francesinha au Seitan, des mini-Francesinha à partager entre amis, voire des recettes carrément gastronomiques de ce plat. De quoi varier les plaisirs et vous remplir la panse pour un long moment !
Mis à jour le 03/05/2019
Ça peut aussi vous intéresser...

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La Francesinha, le délicieux sandwich du nord du Portugal

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La Francesinha est un plat portugais, qui n'évoquera pas grand-chose à ceux qui n'ont jamais mis les pieds au nord de la péninsule Ibérique. Décrié par certains, idolâtré par d'autres, ce croque-monsieur typique de Porto est capable de rassasier les estomacs les plus gourmands.

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July 1 in Hong Kong has long been a day of protest. It marks the anniversary of the territory's handover from Britain to China in 1997. This year, 23 years later, Hongkongers protested again - but this time, there was far more at stake than at perhaps any other time since.

That's because July 1, 2020, was the first full day that China's new national security law, which gives Beijing broad powers to crack down on political dissent against the Chinese Communist Party, was in full effect in Hong Kong.

The full details of the legislation weren't known until it went into effect. The law specifically criminalizes "secession, subversion, organization and perpetration of terrorist activities, and collusion with a foreign country or with external elements to endanger national security."

What falls under those categories is vague, according to experts. That's a recipe for broad application of the law, one that also carries steep penalties, including up to life imprisonment for the most serious of offenses.

When Britain handed Hong Kong over to China in 1997, it was with the promise that Beijing would honor Hong Kong's quasi-independence until at least 2047, under the rule known as "one country, two systems." The Chinese government has slowly eroded Hong Kong's autonomy in the years since, while still rhetorically committing to the principle.

The imposition of the national security law rips away that facade completely, directly threatening Hong Kong's civil society, independent press, and, most obviously, the territory's sustained pro-democracy movement.

The law means the "complete and total control of Hong Kong and total destruction of Hong Kong's system," Victoria Tin-bor Hui, a political science professor at Notre Dame University, told me.

Pro-democracy protesters I spoke with expressed similar sentiments.

"I guess we have all seen this coming, but it just feels very surreal to everyone that Hong Kong is truly under 'one country, one system,'" Fung, a 27-year-old protester who asked to be identified by only her surname out of concern for her safety, told me.

Fung said that she and many of her friends awakened, bit by bit, to the totalitarianism of the Communist Party. Yet she held on to a little hope, a kind of dream, that the Chinese Communist Party could become more liberal, more free. Until now.

"Today, with this law passed, me and my friends think that we can never go back to what things were. Now we're just another city, like Guangzhou or Shanghai or Beijing, one of the cities under mainland China's control," Fung said.

But the new threat of being arrested or prosecuted for speaking out didn't stop Fung and thousands of others from protesting on July 1 (nor did the city's ongoing ban on public gatherings due to the coronavirus). According to the Hong Kong Free Press, some protesters scattered joss papers - a custom at Chinese funerals - on the streets to represent the death of "one country, two systems."

"It's really the first time that I had a genuine feeling that I would be arrested just because of speaking aloud a slogan or holding a poster on the street," a 22-year-old protester, who asked to remain anonymous for their safety, said via WhatsApp.

But the protester said that some friends decided not to join the demonstrations, considering it much more dangerous to speak out or take to the streets now because the power of the Chinese Communist Party "is too strong to confront or even revolt against."

And Hong Kong's authorities wasted no time with enforcement. At least 10 people were arrested Wednesday under the national security legislation. That included a man arrested for having a Hong Kong independence flag, a woman arrested for holding a sign calling for Hong Kong's independence (which also featured British and American flags), and a 15-year-old girl arrested for waving a Hong Kong independence flag, according to the Hong Kong Free Press.

An additional 370 people were also detained, according to Hong Kong police, who used tear gas, rubber bullets, and water cannons to try to break up the demonstrations, relying on the same heavy-handed tactics that galvanized Hong Kong's pro-democracy protesters last year. But one 24-year-old protester, who also wished to remain anonymous, said they believe the new law gives police even more "justification" to carry out police brutality.

So while demonstrators have for years taken to the streets on July 1 to protest China's interference, this July 1 felt like a turning point for the territory.

"This time is different," Nathan Law, a pro-democracy activist, told US lawmakers during a House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing on Wednesday. "So much is now lost in the city I love: the freedom to tell the truth."

China has long dreamed of asserting more direct control over Hong Kong

Last spring, Hong Kong's legislature tried to pass an extradition bill that critics feared would allow the Chinese government to arbitrarily detain Hongkongers. That ignited massive protests, leading to months of unrest that sometimes turned violent. The bill was withdrawn in September, but the demonstrations continued as the fight transformed into a larger battle to protect Hong Kong's democratic institutions.

The coronavirus pandemic and social distancing measures put some of that public activism on hold. But Beijing has used the pandemic to further crack down on the pro-democracy movement, including by arresting pro-democracy lawmakers in April.

Then in May, China announced its plan to impose a new national security law intended to curtail foreign interference or activities that undermine the state. The specific details of the law weren't known, but there was little doubt about its purpose.

That's because such a law has long been a dream of the Chinese government. In 2003, the Hong Kong legislature attempted to pass a national security law under Article 23 of Hong Kong's Basic Law (the closest thing Hong Kong has to a constitution). This would have established rules against subverting the state and foreign interference, but the law got shelved after mass protests.

The difference then was that Hong Kong's quasi-democratically elected legislature was taking up the proposed law, giving it the veneer of legitimacy. Now China has decided to just go ahead and impose the law on its own, direct from Beijing, without bothering to even pretend to involve the local institutions.

"The way this was done - not through the local authorities, but rather from Beijing - and with China having asserted authority that it had not previously asserted in that way, suggests that it's very much the mainland basically saying, 'We have the bottom line on things we consider national security, and that includes political security for the [Chinese Communist Party] and the regime," Jacob Stokes, a senior policy analyst on China at the US Institute of Peace, told me.

Even Chief Executive Carrie Lam, the nominal leader of Hong Kong whose close ties with Beijing have led critics to portray her as little more than a puppet of the Chinese government, reportedly didn't know the full details of the new national security law until it was unveiled to the public this week.

And the law is extensive. It contains 66 articles, some of which are very detailed and specific and others that are much more vague - which almost certainly means they'll be subject to interpretation.

What the new law says - and what it purposely doesn't say

The law prohibits four broad activities: secessionism, subversion, terrorism, and colluding with foreign forces. ( Read the full text of the official English translation of the law here.)

Under each of these activities are some specific offenses. For example, damaging government buildings could qualify as "subversion," a serious offense that could result in life imprisonment. On July 1, 2019, Hongkongers stormed and defaced the Hong Kong Legislative Council to protest the extradition bill, making this provision look very much like a response to previous protest tactics.

Another example: Under the "colluding with foreign forces" provision, the law says Hongkongers could be arrested and prosecuted if they lobby or work with foreign entities against the Chinese government, including "enacting laws and policies that cause serious obstruction or serious consequences to Hong Kong or China," according to the Hong Kong Free Press.

This could implicate human rights groups, or even individuals who have called for sanctions or increased pressure on China to stop its intervention in Hong Kong. The Chinese government has blamed outsiders, specifically those in the West, for fomenting opposition against its rule in Hong Kong, and this looks to be a way to silence its critics.

Of course, these expansive definitions are kind of the point.

"If mainland practice to date is any guide - and it is - then the definitions don't matter that much. Anything can be stretched as necessary to cover something done by the person being targeted," Donald Clarke, an expert on Chinese law and professor at the University of Washington School of Law, writes in an analysis of the legislation. "As the old cliché goes, 欲加之罪何患无辞." (That translates roughly to, "If you are determined to convict, you needn't worry about the lack of grounds.")

Another remarkable feature of this law is its reach: Not only does it apply to Hongkongers, it could potentially also apply to foreignerswho speak out for Hong Kong or oppose China's interventions there, regardless of where in the world they do so, should they ever set foot in Hong Kong.

This is beyond even the laws in mainland China, and as Clarke puts it, this asserts "extraterritorial jurisdiction over every person on the planet." This is basically saying that speaking out against China or supporting pro-democracy protests - maybe in a column, or a video, or a tweet - could put that individual at risk in the future, no matter their location at the time of the "offense."

Finally, the law also gives China more power to interfere directly in Hong Kong's legal system, fully undermining its rule of law. As NPR notes, "The law empowers China to set up a 'National Security Committee' to oversee the investigation and prosecution of any violations. This committee is subject neither to judicial review nor Hong Kong law - meaning it operates without any local checks or balances."

The law also allows for Chinese judges in mainland China to try the most serious or complicated national security cases, or an extradition bill by different means.

"It's the end ... a very formal, total end of Hong Kong's system," Notre Dame's Hui told me.

What happens to Hong Kong's pro-democracy movement?

Those massive pro-democracy marches, where millions of Hongkongers demonstrated - those may never happen again, Fung told me. There isn't much space for freedom of speech in the city anymore, and she doesn't feel that will change. The options left to her and her fellow citizens, she said, are limited.

"We can continue to live in the city [and] choose to forget about the freedom and values and demands that we believe in," she said. "Or maybe we will have to just leave the city to continue this kind of spirit somewhere else."

That is the dilemma facing many young Hongkongers I spoke to, who see themselves as democracy's last gasp in the territory. They aren't sure if there's still a place for them there.

As the generation born right around the time of the territory's handover from Britain to China, they've grown up enjoying Hong Kong's freedoms, even as they watched them slowly begin to slip away. This generation fueled Hong Kong's resistance to the extradition bill, demanded democracy, and did it powerfully enough that Beijing fought back.

"In the long term, I anticipate the law would turn HK [Hong Kong] into China - no democracy, no freedom, and, HK people would live under fear," a 24-year-old protester, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said via WhatsApp. "Our next generation might receive brainwashing education stating China [is] the best."

Some Hongkongers are already deleting their old social media posts or changing their names online, just in case. Betty Lau, the editor of InMedia HK, which posts pro-democracy articles, told the New York Times that writers had asked her to delete old posts. The site has since removed more than 100.

A prominent pro-democracy group, Demosisto, also disbanded in the wake of the law. One of its leaders, Joshua Wong, said on Twitter that he was leaving the group. "If my voice will not be heard soon, I hope that the international community will continue to speak up for Hong Kong and step up concrete efforts to defend our last bit of freedom," he wrote.

Soon other prominent leaders of the group, including Nathan Law (who testified before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Wednesday) and Agnes Chow, another prominent pro-democracy activist, said they were stepping down. The group then dissolved. Activists like Wong and Chow have been targeted before by Hong Kong authorities; for example, they were arrested last year for allegedly participating in an "unauthorized" assembly during the summer protests. Given their prominence, they are likely to be at risk under this new law.

The chilling effect is the point.

Dean Cheng, a senior research fellow on China at the Heritage Foundation, told me that China's most useful approach is "to impose a condition of self-censorship, where you learn not what to say." Activists disbanding their groups or taking down their pro-democracy social media posts because they fear repercussions - with good reason - is exactly what Beijing wants.

"The [Chinese Communist Party] is very, very practiced at political control. They have very developed theories of how to do that," Stokes, from the US Institute of Peace, said. "And they believe it works in the mainland." The way China's leaders see it, he added, the problem with Hong Kong is simply that the government there hasn't implemented Beijing's "successful" system.

Protesters did come out into the streets in defiance of the new law on Wednesday. But the ones I spoke to all expressed nervousness, fear, and confusion about whether they will keep doing so if it becomes dangerous. Fung said she thinks she will continue to post online, and maybe support other protesters who do go out in the streets by serving as a driver, offering to help people flee if police crack down. But that is dangerous, too.

The pro-democracy movement goes beyond just protesters and activists, though. The citizenry of Hong Kong has largely been divided in two factions: the "yellow" camp - those who sympathize with the pro-democracy movement - and the "blue" camp, those seen as supporting the police and the Hong Kong government.

Many in the yellow camp, though they supported the protesters' aims, didn't participate in the protests themselves. So while the hardcore protesters may continue to take to the streets and speak out publicly despite the risks, the fear is that many others - young professionals, those with families, people who feel they have a lot to lose - may begin to rethink about whether they will continue to do so publicly.

Peter, a 28-year-old Hongkonger, never considered himself a hardcore protester. He sympathized with the movement and attended some demonstrations, but he wouldn't consider himself part of the front lines. He and others like him are at that crossroads.

"A lot of moderate protesters like myself are going to step back, because a lot of us still have a job here, we have families," he said. "One thing that's really scary," he said, is that "if you're accused under this new law, they have all the authority to send you back to China."

"Be like water" became a slogan and a strategy of the Hong Kong protests, a way to move fluidly and adapt to police tactics and to the government's response. When the Hong Kong government denied a permit for the annual vigil honoring the Tiananmen Square massacre in June, for instance, organizers instructed people to instead light a candle, wherever they were, to show their support.

Hui told me she sees the protests taking on an even more decentralized form and finding new methods for Hongkongers to signal their solidarity. An independence flag may be banned, but officials can't outlaw a candle. Maybe people just take a walk - all together, at the same time. Taking even small acts of resistance, whatever they are, and making them part of daily life.

"One country, two systems" might be dead, but whether that means the end of Hong Kong is a different question, Hui said. "Hong Kong is not dead unless the people let it."

Hongkongers are looking to the rest of the world. But will help come?

"I know the whole world is watching us," Fung told me. "And one of the key objectives today is to let the whole world see that Hong Kong people are still willing to go out and protest even under this kind of threat."

China's national security law has been broadly condemned internationally- including by the United States. The Trump administration had already declared last month that because of the new national security law (which was expected to pass soon), Hong Kong was no longer considered autonomous from China. Shortly after, the US also announced that it would be removing Hong Kong's special trade status, which gives it slightly different treatment from mainland China.

"The United States will not stand idly by while China swallows Hong Kong into its authoritarian maw," Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said in a statement Tuesday.

The US, he said, had taken other steps to pull back Hong Kong's special status, including imposing visa restrictions on Chinese Communist Party officials involved in "undermining Hong Kong's autonomy" and ending defense and some technology exports to the territory. Pompeo added that "per President Trump's instruction," the US would be eliminating most of the "policy exemptions that give Hong Kong different and special treatment, with few exceptions."

How much further the Trump administration will go is an open question. Trump has taken an aggressive stance toward China on a number of issues, particularly on trade, and, more recently, for failing to stop the coronavirus from spreading into a pandemic.

But when it comes to China's human rights abuses, Trump has been far less critical.

The US Congress has backed Hong Kong's pro-democracy movement with strong bipartisan support, though. Last year, Trump signed into law the Hong Kong Freedom and Democracy Act, which, in addition to evaluating Hong Kong's autonomous status, calls on the president to impose sanctions on officials who violate human rights in Hong Kong.

That support remains strong. On Wednesday, the House unanimously passed the Hong Kong Autonomy Act, which would impose mandatory sanctions on entities that violate either the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the treaty between the UK and China that allowed for the handover and laid out the "one country, two systems" principle until 2047; or Hong Kong's Basic Law (its de facto constitution). On Thursday, so did the Senate, sending the bill to Trump's desk. The White House has not said whether he will sign it.

A bipartisan group of senators has also introduced a bill that would grant refugee status to Hong Kong residents who face persecution under the new national security law, including those who might have participated in the pro-democracy and anti-extradition bill protests.

If passed and signed into law, it would be a powerful statement on human rights and democracy from the United States. But it would also show a disconnect in the federal government, as the Trump administration has drastically cut the number of refugees coming from just about everywhere else.

Other countries are taking steps to help Hong Kong as well. The United Kingdom will grant additional rights to Hongkongers who are British Nationals Overseas passport holders. Previously, they could stay in the UK for six months, but the UK government extended that to five years, after which the possibility for residency and later citizenship is available.

Prime Minister Boris Johnson said it would allow the UK to "uphold our profound ties of history and friendship with the people of Hong Kong." It could apply to as many as 3 million people.

Taiwan - which has a particular stake in standing up to China - just on Wednesday unveiled a new office explicitly created to help Hong Kong asylum seekers.

Offering an escape route from Hong Kong will protect many, and leaving is an option that many Hongkongers said they would consider if life in the territory becomes untenable.

At the same time, though, it is still a fraught decision. Hong Kong is home, and leaving feels a bit like a surrender, giving up on preserving Hong Kong's democracy and letting China win.

And some worry that a failure to take action against China to stop or punish it for its power grab in Hong Kong would encourage China to become even more aggressive, both in Hong Kong and elsewhere. Or, as one protester put it: "Today Hong Kong, tomorrow the world."
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Hong Kong's future under China's new security law, explained

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July 1 in Hong Kong has long been a day of protest. It marks the anniversary of the territory's handover from Britain to China in 1997. This year, 23 years later, Hongkongers protested again - but this time, there was far more at stake than at perhaps any other time since.

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100 most influential games pt 1
(podcast, 123min)

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jésus a été élevé au LSD-25 aussi car il marchait sur l'eau en sandalettes d'agneau

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vulnérabilité économique selon les métiers

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banquière part en rando

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le rassasiement est l’arrêt de la faim, provoqué par les signaux émis du système digestif au cerveau. Ces signaux vont indiquer que l’estomac est plein.

la satiété, pour sa part, est la sensation de ‟non-faim” qui suit un repas et va perdurer jusqu'au repas suivant. Elle peut être plus ou moins longue en fonction du contenu de notre repas précédent

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Manger n'est pas qu'affaire de digestion, d'intestin, d'estomac... C'est aussi, souvent, une question de faim, d'écœurement ou de gourmandise. À la différence d'autres fonctions essentielles comme la respiration - qui se déroule en continu et principalement indépendamment de notre volonté -, s'alimenter est une activité régulière mais ponctuelle, que nous avons l'impression de contrôler consciemment et qui est susceptible de nous procurer du plaisir. Bref, décider qu'il est temps de se mettre à table ou de la quitter, avoir envie de tel ou tel plat, est l'affaire du cerveau. Celui-ci joue un rôle majeur dans la gestion de l'appétit en combinant les informations venues de nos sens, de notre mémoire, du système digestif et de tout l'organisme sur ce qui nous manque, ce qui nous fait envie et sur le contenu nutritif de ce qu'on a ingéré.

Notre comportement alimentaire repose ainsi sur l'articulation de plusieurs circuits cérébraux indépendants dont certains agissent plutôt sur l'envie, d'autres sur le besoin de manger. Comprendre leur fonctionnement et leurs dysfonctionnements s'avère dès lors essentiel pour comprendre et traiter certains troubles du comportement alimentaire, et combattre plus efficacement l'épidémie actuelle d'obésité.

Une vague d'information qui navigue de l'intestin vers le cerveau

Normalement, nous n'avons pas toujours faim : on appelle ça la satiété. Cet état peut durer des heures et résulte d'un flux d'informations transmis du système digestif jusqu'au cerveau. " La satiété ne doit pas être confondue avec le rassasiement " explique Gilles Mithieux, directeur de recherche à l'Inserm et directeur du laboratoire Nutrition, diabète et cerveau à l'université Claude Bernard. Il détaille : " le rassasiement est l'arrêt de la faim, provoqué par les signaux émis du système digestif au cerveau. Ces signaux vont indiquer que l'estomac est plein. La satiété, pour sa part, est la sensation de ‟non-faim" qui suit un repas et va perdurer jusqu'au repas suivant. Elle peut être plus ou moins longue en fonction du contenu de notre repas précédent ".

Mais quels sont au juste ces signaux ? En fonction de la présence ou non d'aliments dans l'estomac, le cerveau va libérer des facteurs appelés orexigènes s'ils stimulent l'appétit, ou anorexigènes s'ils inhibent la faim. Système nerveux digestif et cerveau dialoguent ainsi via de nombreux médiateurs chimiques, comme la cholécystokinine. " Ce peptide, qui sert notamment à faire libérer la bile, a aussi pour effet de diminuer la faim en communiquant avec le cerveau ", précise Gilles Mithieux. Toutefois, les effets coupe-faim de la cholécystokinine varient en fonction des individus et de leur âge. Chez le rat par exemple, alors que ce médiateur induit une réduction drastique de la faim chez le jeune mâle, il aura un effet anorexigène plus ténu chez les animaux âgés ou obèses.

Suite à un repas, l'estomac fait remonter un flux d'informations au cerveau via le nerf vague. Cette excitation du nerf vague, son intensité et sa fréquence vont dépendre de la nature des aliments ingérés et jouer un rôle important dans le rassasiement. " Le gras ou le sucre sont des coupe-faim très rapides, mais sans pour autant diminuer la faim à long terme, indique Gilles Mithieux. À l'inverse, les protéines ou les fibres alimentaires, plus pauvres en énergie, vont retarder la faim. " En réalité, l'excitation du nerf vague va être sollicitée suite à l'ingestion de protéines ou de fibre, mais pas de sucre ! De cette manière, le cerveau peut identifier en quelques minutes la qualité du repas ingéré, et moduler son appétit.

De la bouche au cerveau...

" La perception du contenu de notre assiette commence par les sens, et les premiers signaux chimiques sont libérés dès la mastication. Par exemple, les acides gras vont être détectés dès la bouche et envoyer un signal au cerveau ", précise Christophe Magnan, professeur des universités et directeur de l'équipe de recherche Régulation de la glycémie par le système nerveux central au sein du laboratoire Biologie fonctionnelle adaptative 1 (BFA). Sur la langue, les bourgeons du goût détectent ainsi la présence d'acides gras via le récepteur CD36. Le système nerveux central est alors alerté de l'ingestion de gras, en quelques secondes. " La détection rapide du gras chez les mammifères pourrait s'expliquer d'un point de vue évolutif car, à poids égal, les lipides sont deux fois plus énergétiques que les glucides. L'appétence pour le gras est donc vitale ", analyse Christophe Magnan.

Dès que la digestion commence, les variations de la concentration sanguine en acides gras sont détectées par des neurones spécialisés, localisés dans l'hypothalamus. Chez les rongeurs, il a été montré expérimentalement qu'une augmentation d'acides gras tels que l'acide oléique est détectée par des neurones hypothalamiques qui, en retour, provoquent une modification de la prise alimentaire. " De manière expérimentale, lorsque l'on augmente la teneur en acide oléique chez le rat, sa prise alimentaire est baissée ", détaille Christophe Magnan. Inversement, en inhibant l'action de CD36, on perd l'effet coupe-faim des acides gras : " les rats deviennent obèses rapidement ".

Le paradoxe des acides gras

" Ce pouvoir satiétogène va dépendre du type d'acide gras libéré ", note Christophe Magnan, qui a étudié l'action de ces molécules sur le cerveau. Pendant un repas, le gras qu'on ingère est brûlé ou stocké sous forme de triglycérides dans le tissu adipeux. Pendant la nuit, ou le jeûne, ce gras stocké est libéré dans la circulation sanguine sous la forme d'acides gras. Ces acides gras ayant un fort pouvoir satiétogène, comment expliquer que nous avons faim le matin au réveil ? Pendant des années, les spécialistes se sont interrogés sur cet apparent paradoxe nutritionnel. " Cette quantité élevée d'acide gras au réveil devrait juste inhiber l'envie de s'alimenter ! " insiste Christophe Magnan.

En fait, il s'avère que les acides gras provenant de la fonte du tissu adipeux et ceux provenant des triglycérides ne sont pas traités de la même manière par le cerveau. " L'hypothèse, confirmée depuis, est qu'après un repas, les triglycérides circulants sont hydrolysés directement au niveau du cerveau ! " précise Christophe Magnan. Ce métabolisme cérébral est assuré par une enzyme présente dans l'hypothalamus : la lipoprotéine lipase. Après le repas, cette enzyme va transformer en acides gras les triglycérides récemment ingérés. " Seuls ces acides interviennent dans la satiété, pas ceux libérés lors du jeûne ", souligne Christophe Magnan. Des expériences ont ainsi montré que lorsqu'on bloque la production de lipoprotéine lipase chez les souris, on les prive de l'effet coupe-faim du gras ingéré et celles-ci ont tendance à devenir obèses.

On s'est depuis aperçu que cet effet coupe-faim ne reposait pas que sur le gras mais pouvait également être initié par l'ingestion des fibres présentes dans les fruits et légumes ! Ces fibres ne pouvant pas être digérées par les enzymes humaines, ce sont les micro-organismes de notre microbiote intestinal qui s'en chargent. En fait, ces hôtes vont transformer les fibres alimentaires en acides gras à courte chaîne capables d'induire la sensation de satiété. " Les fibres sont extrêmement importantes car elles n'apportent pas d'énergie directement, tout en produisant des acides gras à courte chaîne, qui sont coupe-faim ", souligne Gilles Mithieux.

Le glucose intestinal, un anti-obésité ?

Il y a une dizaine d'années, Gilles Mithieux et de Christophe Magnan ont découvert un autre mécanisme majeur de la régulation du comportement alimentaire : la néoglucogenèse intestinale. " L'intestin ne se contente pas d'absorber le glucose, il est capable d'en produire lui-même ", explique Gilles Mithieux. On a observé que deux types de nutriments déclenchent cette synthèse de glucose intestinale : les protéines et les fibres alimentaires. " Ce glucose intestinal produit à partir de ces aliments agit comme un messager qui informe le cerveau de la présence de fibres ou de protéines dans l'intestin, ce qui enclenche une diminution de la faim et une meilleure régulation de la glycémie ", résume le chercheur.

Ce glucose intestinal protège du diabète et de l'obésité. " Cela a été montré chez des souris, mutées pour surexprimer l'enzyme permettant de produire ce glucose intestinal. Résultat : elles grossissent deux fois moins, même avec une alimentation très grasse ", relate Gilles Mithieux. Dans l'attente de trouver une molécule capable de stimuler cette production de glucose, manger des fibres et des protéines semble donc un bon moyen de prévenir obésité et diabète.

Quand le cerveau change de forme après le repas

Certains groupes de neurones cérébraux sont spécifiquement chargés d'inhiber la prise alimentaire : c'est notamment le cas des neurones POMC. " On sait depuis 2004 que ce groupe de neurones est capable de changer la configuration de ses connexions en fonction du statut nutritionnel. Ceci a été mis en évidence dans le cerveau de souris ", explique Alexandre Benani, chercheur au Centre des sciences du goût et de l'alimentation 2 à Dijon, et responsable de l'équipe Plasticité des circuits neuronaux de la prise alimentaire de l'université de Bourgogne Franche-Comté. Ainsi, un jeûne intense ou une suralimentation prolongée provoquent une reconfiguration cérébrale au niveau des neurones POMC. Cette plasticité neuronale va assurer la modulation du comportement alimentaire et permettre à l'organisme de s'adapter au mieux face à des conditions métaboliques et nutritionnelles changeantes, maintenant autant que possible l'équilibre énergétique.

" Nous avons observé que, lors d'un repas classique, l'activité électrique des neurones POMC est multipliée par trois chez la souris ", raconte Alexandre Benani. L'effet des neurones POMC étant anorexigène, leur excitation à l'issue d'un repas limite la prise alimentaire. Seconde observation : le repas va modifier les interactions entre les neurones POMC et les cellules voisines. " À jeun, ces neurones sont recouverts d'astrocytes, les cellules nourricières de neurones. Mais, après un repas, ces astrocytes vont se rétracter ", relate Alexandre Benani. C'est ce changement de forme des astrocytes qui va relancer l'activité des neurones et stopper la faim.

Cette rétractation est déclenchée par le pic de glycémie qui suit le repas. " Pour montrer cela, nous avons utilisé une drogue antidiabétique qui bloque le pic hyperglycémique postprandial. Résultat : sans élévation du glucose sanguin, pas de rétraction des astrocytes ni d'augmentation de l'activité des neurones POMC. En modifiant des souris pour provoquer artificiellement la rétraction de leurs astrocytes, nous sommes parvenus à modifier le nombre et la taille de leurs repas ", explique le chercheur.

En revanche, suite à un repas de type fast-food, donc plutôt riche en lipides, on n'observe ni activation des POMC ni rétractation astrocytaire. Le gras n'induit donc pas le même type d'effet coupe-faim que le glucose : celui-ci a bien un effet satiétogène mais qui repose sur d'autres circuits neuronaux. " Nous savions que la satiété n'était pas la même selon les nutriments ingérés. Les glucides ont un pouvoir satiétogène clairement supérieur aux lipides. Cette étude vient apporter une explication neurophysiologique de plus aux observations des nutritionnistes ", résume Alexandre Benani.

Les yeux plus importants que le ventre ?

Reste que pour l'être humain, se mettre à table, ou la quitter, n'est pas une simple question de satiété et de régulation métabolique. L'alimentation humaine repose également, et surtout, sur le plaisir. Un contrôle dit " hédonique " qui va lui aussi conditionner le choix et la fréquence de nos repas, ainsi que nos préférences alimentaires. " En fonction de nos sens, la vue, le goût, l'odorat, nous allons plus ou moins arrêter de manger. Si au début nous entamons notre repas par plaisir, cette sensation hédonique n'est pas durable. On pose alors notre fourchette, ou l'on passe de l'entrée au plat principal ", détaille Moustafa Bensafi, directeur de recherche au Centre de recherche en neurosciences 3 de Lyon. Cette balance entre plaisir et déplaisir va cadencer la manière dont nous construisons notre acte alimentaire.

Cette modification de la valeur hédonique d'un aliment s'incarne dans le cerveau. " Lorsque ce que l'on mange est agréable, c'est notre cortex orbitofrontal médian qui est stimulé. Puis son activité baisse au fur et à mesure que notre plaisir décroit, raconte Moustafa Bensafi, ensuite, c'est le cortex orbitofrontal latéral qui prend le relais. Son activité va alors induire des comportements de restriction ". En somme, après le 7 e carré de chocolat, le plaisir sensoriel n'est plus du tout le même, ce qui, normalement, nous pousse à ranger la tablette. Une fonction essentielle, " car elle permet d'avoir l'alimentation la plus variée et équilibrée possible, sinon nous mangerions tout le temps et toujours la même chose ! ", insiste le chercheur.

Une envie dont on a besoin

" On a tendance à opposer le fait de manger par besoin vital et par plaisir ", indique d'emblée Serge Luquet, directeur de recherche et responsable de l'équipe Contrôle central du comportement alimentaire et de la dépense énergétique, au sein du laboratoire BFA. Le premier fait intervenir notre cerveau reptilien, un dialogue actif entre le tronc cérébral et l'hypothalamus. Le " plaisir ", quant à lui, se localise dans le réseau dopaminergique du cerveau : le réseau méso-cortical limbique, " qui se projette du centre du cerveau vers le cortex préfrontal, l'amygdale et le striatum notamme ", détaille Serge Luquet. Ce système, dit " de récompense ", est rythmé par l'action de la dopamine.

Il fait intervenir trois éléments, à commencer par l'apprentissage : " c'est classiquement l'expérience du chien de Pavlov. Vous voyez du chocolat, et avant même de l'avoir goûté, votre cerveau libère de la dopamine car il a appris qu'il aimait cela ", résume Serge Luquet. Viennent ensuite le plaisir, puis le désir, " ainsi on peut aimer le chocolat, c'est-à-dire avoir formé une relation positive avec cet aliment, et ne pas nécessairement désirer du chocolat, lorsque par exemple on vient de manger ". Plaisir et désir peuvent être dissociés. Toute expérience culinaire, qui va entraîner la libération de dopamine associée à ces trois éléments, agira comme un renforçateur positif et conditionnera les futurs repas. C'est le dysfonctionnement de ce processus de renforcement qui sous-tend la plupart des conduites addictives, notamment la prise de drogue.

Des triglycérides qui miment la dopamine

Comment les nutriments vont-ils activer ce circuit de la récompense ? C'est la question à laquelle a en partie répondu l'équipe de Serge Luquet, en s'intéressant à l'action des triglycérides circulant dans notre sang suite à un repas. " Nous avons constaté que les triglycérides étaient capables de communiquer directement avec le circuit de la récompense. Pour le comprendre pourquoi, nous avons injecté des triglycérides directement dans l'artère carotide des souris, afin d'être sûr qu'ils attendraient le cerveau " raconte-t-il. Le comportement alimentaire de la souris était alors modifié : la tendance naturelle du rongeur à préférer une nourriture grasse et sucrée était atténuée. L'animal se portait alors plus volontiers sur une nourriture plus équilibrée. Signe que la récompense, associée à la nourriture grasse et sucrée, était diminuée.

" Les triglycérides sont capables, dans le cerveau, d'agir comme la dopamine, notamment en atteignant les neurones qui répondent à la dopamine et en modulant leur action : les neurones à DRD2. En présence de triglycérides, ces neurones voient leur activité diminuée ", détaille Serge Luquet. En entrant dans le cerveau, ils vont interagir avec les circuits dopaminergiques, modulant ainsi la composante de désir et de plaisir associée à la nourriture. Du moins chez la souris.

Chez des sujets humains exposés à des fragrances appétissantes (cookie ou fraise), on a bien constaté par imagerie IRM une activation du circuit de la récompense. Mais la réponse cérébrale à ces odeurs est bien moindre juste après un repas. " Le taux de triglycérides dans le sang est beaucoup plus élevé après le repas, souligne Serge Luquet, et nous avons pu démontrer une forte corrélation entre l'augmentation postprandiale des triglycérides dans le sang et la manière dont le cerveau répond à un indice alimentaire ; les triglycérides agissent comme un signal dans le cerveau, pour réguler la prise d'aliment "plaisir" ".

Lorsque ce système est déréglé, le signal mal interprété, des troubles alimentaires apparaissent. Ainsi, un taux trop élevé de triglycérides dans le sang pourrait à terme provoquer une désensibilisation des neurones à la dopamine, altérant par la suite, les capacités à générer une récompense cérébrale ; ce qui provoque en retour une prise alimentaire excessive compense dès lors cette perte de plaisir.

Ce phénomène est observé chez certaines personnes obèses : le signal hédonique de la dopamine est perdu, nécessitant une sursimulation par l'alimentation pour le compenser. Une partie non négligeable de la population posséderait des neurones à DRD2 dysfonctionnels. Le taux anormalement élevé de triglycérides dans le sang serait-il une des raisons de cette perturbation ? C'est du moins ce que l'équipe de Serge Luquet compte explorer dans les années qui viennent.

Accros au goût sucré ?

Certains chercheurs vont encore plus loin et pensent que, par leur action sur le circuit de la récompense, certains nutriments peuvent avoir l'effet de drogues à accoutumance. C'est notamment le cas de Serge Ahmed, directeur de recherche et responsable de l'équipe Prise de décision pathologique dans l'addiction, au Neurocampus 4 de Bordeaux, qui étudie depuis une quinzaine d'année le potentiel addictif du sucre. " En 1838 déjà, Balzac pointait les effets néfastes du sucre dans son Traité des excitants modernes, le comparant au tabac ou à l'alcool ", rappelle Serge Ahmed. Les premières études sur les effets neurobiologiques du sucre voient le jour deux siècles plus tard, au début des années 2000, " avec des travaux qui dévoilent qu'une consommation chronique de sucre chez le rat entraîne un état proche de la dépendance, avec des signes cliniques de sevrage à l'arrêt, comme de l'anxiété, des diarrhées ou les dents qui grincent ", raconte Serge Ahmed.

En 2007, son équipe a observé qu'à terme, le rat préférait la consommation de sucre à celle de cocaïne. Depuis, on a démontré qu'une consommation de sucre active le circuit de récompense en induisant la libération de dopamine. Sommes-nous donc tous susceptibles de devenir dépendants au sucre comme on le devient à l'héroïne ou au tabac ? Pas forcément. " Parmi tous ceux qui consomment de la cocaïne, 15 % vont être accros. Pour le sucre cette proportion est entre 5 et 10 % ", avance Serge Ahmed. Les vulnérabilités personnelles sont liées à de multiples facteurs environnementaux, comme les traumatismes passés, le niveau socio-économique, la culture gastronomique de la famille.

Mais d'ailleurs, est-ce le sucre lui-même ou le goût sucré qui nous rend accro ? " Des études ont été faites chez des souris génétiquement modifiées pour perdre les récepteurs gustatifs du sucre. Quand on leur faisait ingérer du sucre, l'activation du réseau dopaminergique persistait. À l'inverse, avec des édulcorants, aucune activation de la dopamine ", explique le chercheur. Pourtant, si on admet que c'est le glucose ingéré qui vient renforcer nos préférences, les édulcorants ne devraient entraîner aucun plaisir, " et personne ne boirait de soda light ! ", sourit Serge Ahmed. " En fait, les édulcorants n'éteignent pas les effets hédoniques du goût sucré simplement parce que, en règle générale, ils vont être consommés au cours d'un repas. Le cerveau va donc quand même recevoir un pic de glycémie provenant de ce repas, plus le goût sucré de l'édulcorant. Et être berné ", analyse le chercheur.

Surconsommation de sucre : le cerveau souffre à long terme

Toujours est-il qu'à terme, une consommation chronique excessive de sucre " peut affecter le fonctionnement du cerveau d'un point de vue neurobiologique, avec un impact sur les processus cognitifs, motivationnels et émotionnels ", confirme Martine Cador, directrice de recherche et responsable de l'équipe AddicTeam à l'Institut de neurosciences cognitives et intégratives d'Aquitaine 5. Notamment lorsque cette consommation a lieu à l'adolescence, période de maturation des neurones. " Les souris qui surconsomment du sucre à l'adolescence, à des teneurs proches de celles contenues dans les sodas, développent une baisse de motivation à l'âge adulte à trouver du sucre, une anhédonie. Comme si la sensation sucrée était devenue moins plaisante ", indique Martine Cador. Cette consommation adolescente augmente par ailleurs les risques de syndrome dépressif et fait baisser la neurogénèse, c'est-à-dire la formation de nouveaux neurones.

Pour Martine Cador, le profil addictogène du sucre demeure néanmoins controversé : " la cocaïne va multiplier par 1 000 ou 2 000 % la libération de dopamine dans le cerveau, contre 50 ou 100 % pour le sucre : les cinétiques d'activation sont tout de même très différentes. Le sucre reste une récompense naturelle ". En effet, la découverte d'arbres fruitiers se faisant rare chez nos ancêtres, le cerveau était programmé pour se gaver de sucre et stocker l'excédent sous forme de graisse. Dans ces conditions, aucune pression évolutive n'a eu le temps d'apprendre au cerveau à limiter notre prise de sucre ! " C'est pourquoi les mécanismes cérébraux consistant à nous freiner sont extrêmement limités, nous ne sommes pas bien équipés neurobiologiquement pour contrôler notre prise de sucre ", conclut Serge Ahmed. Que ce soit pour le sucre ou le gras, notre cerveau ne semble, aujourd'hui, plus totalement adapté à notre environnement alimentaire. ♦

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Manger n'est pas qu'affaire de digestion, d'intestin, d'estomac... C'est aussi, souvent, une question de faim, d'écœurement ou de gourmandise. À la différence d'autres fonctions essentielles comme la respiration - qui se déroule en continu et principalement indépendamment de notre volonté -, s'alimenter est une activité régulière mais ponctuelle, que nous avons l'impression de contrôler consciemment et qui est susceptible de nous procurer du plaisir.

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Accueil > Recettes > salade > Salade de pomme de terre > Salade tiède de pommes de terre au cervelas

Selon nos informations, cette recette est compatible avec les régimes suivants : sans gluten, sans lactose

Ingrédients

Ustensiles

Ingrédients

ustensiles

Préparation

1. Faites cuire les pommes de terre à l'eau bouillante salée pendant 30 minutes.

2. Faites cuire les oeufs durs, 10 minutes à l'eau bouillante. Faites pocher les cervelas 10 minutes à l'eau bouillante également.

3. Hachez l'échalote, les cornichons et le persil. Mélangez la moutarde avec l'huile, le vinaigre, du sel et du poivre.

4. Pelez et coupez les pommes de terre en rondelles. Arrosez-les aussitôt de vin blanc. Ajoutez les oeufs durs coupés en quartiers et le cervelas pelé et coupé en cubes.

5. Parsemez de cornichons, échalote et persil hachés. Versez la vinaigrette et mélangez délicatement.

J'ajoute mon grain de sel

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Salade tiède de pommes de terre au cervelas

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Accueil > Recettes > salade > Salade de pomme de terre > Salade tiède de pommes de terre au cervelas Selon nos informations, cette recette est compatible avec les régimes suivants : sans gluten, sans lactose Faites cuire les pommes de terre à l'eau bouillante salée pendant 30 minutes.

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des expériences menées avec des personnes plongées dans le noir (ou soumises à très peu de lumière) pendant plusieurs jours, sans repère de temps, ont permis de montrer que le cycle imposé par l’horloge interne dure spontanément entre 23 h 30 et 24 h 30, selon les individus. La moyenne chez le sujet sain est estimée à 24 h 10. Autant dire que si l’horloge interne contrôlait seule le rythme biologique, sans être remise à l’heure, l’humain se décalerait tous les jours. Chacun finirait ainsi par dormir à un horaire différent de la journée ou de la nuit, rendant incompatible une vie en société. L’horloge interne est donc resynchronisée en permanence sur un cycle de 24 heures par des agents extérieurs.
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C’est l’exposition à la lumière pendant la journée et l’obscurité pendant la nuit qui permettent de synchroniser l’horloge biologique à la journée de 24 heures. Et l’effet de la lumière dépend de l’heure : une exposition tardive (entre 17 h et 5 h en moyenne) retarde l’horloge, alors qu’une exposition précoce (entre 5 h et 17 h en moyenne) l’avance. L’effet de la lumière dépend aussi de son intensité.

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désychroniseurs :
- lumière bleue
- travail de nuit
- repas à horaires non fixes

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La chronobiologie correspond à l'étude des rythmes biologiques dans l'organisme. Ce domaine a connu un boom au cours de ces dix dernières années : les chercheurs ont découvert de nombreux mécanismes de régulation des horloges internes et évaluent de mieux en mieux l'impact majeur de son dérèglement sur la santé. Concrètement, presque toutes les fonctions de l'organisme sont soumises au rythme circadien, c'est-à-dire à un cycle de 24 heures. Ainsi, les troubles de ce rythme peuvent avoir des conséquences aussi bien sur le sommeil que sur le métabolisme, le fonctionnement du système cardiovasculaire, du système immunitaire... Les avancées en chronobiologie ont valu un prix Nobel à trois généticiens américains en 2017.

Dossier réalisé en collaboration avec Claude Gronfier, Centre de recherche en neurosciences de Lyon (CRNL), équipe Waking, unité Inserm 1028, Université Claude Bernard Lyon I (UCBL) Faculté de médecine Rockefeller

Pour en savoir plus

Comprendre le fonctionnement de notre horloge interne

Des fonctions de l'organisme aussi diverses que le système veille/sommeil, la température corporelle, la pression artérielle, la production d'hormones, la fréquence cardiaque, mais aussi les capacités cognitives, l'humeur ou encore la mémoire sont régulées par le rythme circadien (de circa : " proche de " et diem : " un jour "), un cycle d'une durée de 24 heures.

Plus généralement, les données de la recherche montrent que presque toutes les fonctions biologiques sont soumises à ce rythme. Grâce à l'horloge circadienne, la sécrétion de mélatonine débute en fin de journée, le sommeil est profond durant la nuit, la température corporelle est plus basse le matin très tôt et plus élevée pendant la journée, les contractions intestinales diminuent la nuit, l'éveil est maximal du milieu de matinée jusqu'en fin d'après-midi, la mémoire se consolide pendant le sommeil nocturne...

Ce rythme circadien est endogène, c'est-à-dire qu'il est généré par l'organisme lui-même.

L'horloge interne, métronome de l'organisme

C'est une horloge interne, nichée au cœur du cerveau, qui impose le rythme circadien à l'organisme, tel un chef d'orchestre. Toutes les espèces animales et végétales ont leur propre horloge interne, calée sur leur rythme. Chez l'humain, cette horloge se trouve dans l' hypothalamus. Elle est composée de deux noyaux suprachiasmatiques contenant chacun environ 10 000 neurones qui présentent une activité électrique oscillant sur environ 24 heures. Cette activité électrique est contrôlée par l'expression cyclique d' une quinzaine de gènes " horloge ".

Les noyaux suprachiasmatiques régulent ensuite différentes fonctions de l'organisme grâce à des messages directs ou indirects. Ils innervent directement et indirectement des régions cérébrales spécialisées dans différentes fonctions comme l'appétit, le sommeil ou la température corporelle. Ils entraînent en outre la production cyclique d'hormones agissant à distance, sur d'autres fonctions.

Cette horloge interne possède son propre rythme : des expériences menées avec des personnes plongées dans le noir (ou soumises à très peu de lumière) pendant plusieurs jours, sans repère de temps, ont permis de montrer que le cycle imposé par l'horloge interne dure spontanément entre 23 h 30 et 24 h 30, selon les individus. La moyenne chez le sujet sain est estimée à 24 h 10. Autant dire que si l'horloge interne contrôlait seule le rythme biologique, sans être remise à l'heure, l'humain se décalerait tous les jours. Chacun finirait ainsi par dormir à un horaire différent de la journée ou de la nuit, rendant incompatible une vie en société. L'horloge interne est donc resynchronisée en permanence sur un cycle de 24 heures par des agents extérieurs.

Plusieurs synchroniseurs agissent simultanément. Le plus puissant d'entre eux est la lumière. L'activité physique et la température extérieure jouent aussi un rôle, mais leur effet est bien plus modeste.

La lumière, indispensable à la synchronisation de l'horloge biologique

Transmission de l'information lumineuse vers l'horloge biologique. Coupe de rétine de souris, montrant les cônes de la couche externe, en vert, et une cellule ganglionnaire à mélanopsine de grande taille, en rouge, dans la couche interne. ©Inserm/H. Cooper

La lumière est captée au niveau de la rétine par un groupe de cellules photoréceptrices particulières : les cellules ganglionnaires à mélanopsine, sensibles au bleu. Ces cellules sont reliées aux noyaux suprachiasmatiques par un système nerveux différent de celui impliqué dans la perception visuelle (la voie rétinohypothalamique). Le signal transmis à l'horloge interne provoque la remise à l'heure du cycle pour le synchroniser sur 24h. Ce même signal est aussi transmis à d'autres structures cérébrales dites " non visuelles ", qui sont notamment impliquées dans la régulation de l'humeur, de la mémoire, de la cognition et du sommeil.

Néanmoins, les autres photorécepteurs de la rétine impliqués dans la vision, les cônes et les bâtonnets, semblent également jouer un rôle dans la régulation de l'horloge biologique avec des sensibilités différentes (couleur/spectre) de celles des cellules à mélanopsine. Les mécanismes mis en jeu restent cependant à éclaircir.

C'est donc l'exposition à la lumière pendant la journée et l'obscurité pendant la nuit qui permettent de synchroniser l'horloge biologique à la journée de 24 heures. Et l'effet de la lumière dépend de l'heure : une exposition tardive (entre 17 h et 5 h en moyenne) retarde l'horloge, alors qu'une exposition précoce (entre 5 h et 17 h en moyenne) l'avance. L'effet de la lumière dépend aussi de son intensité. Alors que l'on croyait, il y a une vingtaine d'années, qu'il fallait des niveaux de lumière supérieurs à 1 000 lux pour affecter l'horloge, les études récentes montrent que quelques dizaines de lux suffisent : de simples bougies peuvent bloquer la sécrétion de mélatonine ! L'effet de la lumière sur l'horloge dépend aussi de son spectre (sa couleur) et sera d'autant plus important qu'il sera riche en longueurs d'ondes bleues (~460-500 nm).

Enfin, l'effet de la lumière dépend de la durée de l'exposition lumineuse et du niveau d'exposition dans les heures qui ont précédé (c'est ce qu'on appelle l'historique lumineux). D'après de études récentes, conduites en collaboration avec l'Inserm, des expositions de 10-15 minutes en début de nuit peuvent supprimer la sécrétion de mélatonine et retarder l'horloge. D'autres travaux, y compris des études épidémiologiques, montrent que ces effets de la lumière en fin de journée sont plus faibles si l'exposition a été importante pendant la journée.

Des horloges périphériques optimisent les fonctions locales

L'horloge interne est le chef d'orchestre mais il existe de nombreux musiciens qui adaptent le rythme localement dans l'organisme : ce sont les horloges périphériques. Chaque fonction biologique importante est régie par une horloge à elle, destinée à optimiser l'efficacité de cette structure locale en fonction du contexte environnemental. Ces horloges périphériques sont présentes dans tous les organes et tissus aux fonctions essentielles : cœur, poumon, foie, muscles, reins, rétine, différentes aires du cerveau (cervelet, lobe frontal...). Cela permet d'adapter leur activité au cas par cas, par exemple s'il y a travail de nuit, alimentation très riche ou encore activité physique intense. Une récente étude américaine menée chez le primate, en collaboration avec l'Inserm, indique que dans les 64 organes et tissus analysés deux tiers des gènes codants sont exprimés de façon cyclique au cours des 24 heures, avec de grandes variations d'un tissu à l'autre. Moins de 1% des gènes dont l'expression est rythmique dans un tissu le sont également dans les autres tissus confirmant le rôle majeur des horloges périphériques et leur spécificité.

Ces horloges périphériques sont largement contrôlées par l'horloge centrale : si les noyaux suprachiasmatiques sont lésés, les horloges périphériques se désynchronisent et se mettent à travailler en cacophonie. Ce phénomène de désynchronisation s'observe aussi au cours du vieillissement et dans certaines pathologies. Mais d'autres synchroniseurs agissent sur ces différentes horloges périphériques : l'alimentation, en particulier au niveau du foie, ou encore la température corporelle ou l'exercice physique, notamment pour l'horloge située dans le tissu musculaire. En outre, ces horloges communiquent entre elles par des moyens qui restent à identifier. Ainsi, des signaux extérieurs peuvent perturber la synchronisation de ces horloges périphériques. De récents travaux ont par exemple permis de constater des bouleversements de l'horloge de plusieurs organes en réponse à une alimentation riche en graisse : le métabolisme de différentes molécules se trouve bouleversé au cours de 24 heures, que ce soit dans le sérum, le foie ou le cerveau.

Le fonctionnement des horloges périphériques repose sur des mécanismes moléculaires identiques à ceux de l'horloge centrale, passant par l' expression locale cyclique des gènes " horloges ". Au niveau de la rétine par exemple, ces gènes s'expriment dans des neurones où se situe l'horloge périphérique. Le fait d'altérer localement l'expression de ces gènes perturbe le fonctionnement de la rétine même si les noyaux suprachiasmatiques de l'horloge interne sont totalement fonctionnels.

Le rythme des divisions cellulaires est couplé à celui de l'horloge biologique interne. Pour parvenir à cette démonstration, une équipe niçoise (unité Inserm 1091) a travaillé in vitro sur des fibroblastes " uniques ", c'est-à-dire séparés les uns des autres. Grâce à des molécules fluorescentes, ils y ont suivi l'expression d'un gène de l'horloge biologique et de deux marqueurs de phases du cycle cellulaire. Cette technique leur a permis de visualiser conjointement l'activité oscillante de l'horloge biologique et l'avancée des divisions cellulaires. Photographie issue d'une vidéomicroscopie en fluorescence de fibroblastes de souris en prolifération, transformés avec un système rapporteur d'horloge (en vert) et du cycle cellulaire (en rouge et bleu). © Inserm/iBV/C. Feillet

Comprendre les troubles du rythme circadien

Les troubles circadiens sont souvent décelés par une position du sommeil anormale au cours des 24 heures. Mais ils sont associés à bien d'autres perturbations : métaboliques, cardiovasculaires, immunitaires, cognitives et cellulaires. Il semble de plus en plus évident que pas une seule fonction biologique n'échappe au contrôle circadien.

La classification internationale des troubles du sommeil distingue différents types de troubles des rythmes circadiens du sommeil, dont les plus fréquents sont :

L'avance de phase : les individus s'endorment très tôt, par exemple vers 20 h, et se réveillent très tôt, par exemple vers 4 h du matin. Ce phénomène s'observe davantage chez les personnes âgées, mais il peut aussi s'observer à tous les âges.

Le retard de phase : les individus s'endorment très tard, au milieu de la nuit et s'éveillent spontanément en fin de matinée, s'ils en ont la possibilité. Ce syndrome émerge souvent au cours de la puberté et il est relativement fréquent chez les adolescents et les jeunes adultes.

Le libre court est un phénomène fréquent chez les personnes aveugles, mais mal diagnostiqué et traité. En absence d'un œil fonctionnel, l'horloge centrale n'est pas synchronisée par la lumière, les rythmes biologiques exprimés sont alors ceux de l'horloge interne non synchronisée (entre 23 h 30 et 24 h 30 selon les individus). La personne décale tous les jours son sommeil, par exemple en se couchant une demi-heure plus tard pour un individu ayant une horloge de 24 h 30. Dans ce cas précis, le sommeil n'est nocturne et de bonne qualité que pendant quelques jours tous les 48 jours !

Dans les cas d'avance ou de retard de phase, les personnes sont incapables de s'endormir et de se réveiller aux heures voulues. S'ils s'obligent à respecter des horaires normaux, des troubles quantitatifs et qualitatifs du sommeil, une fatigue chronique, des troubles cardiovasculaires, métaboliques, ou encore des troubles du comportement (irritabilité ou apathie) risquent d'apparaître.

Il est vraisemblable que les troubles circadiens du sommeil ont différentes origines selon les individus. Les avances ou retards de phase ont une base génétique. Il existe en effet des familles dont plusieurs membres présentent l'un de ces syndromes. Les études montrent que des mutations ou des polymorphismes de certains gènes " horloges " peuvent en être responsables.

D'autres facteurs, notamment des maladies (dépression, anxiété, cancer) pourraient également favoriser une désynchronisation de l'horloge interne. Les comportements individuels (mauvaise hygiène de sommeil et de lumière) peuvent aussi être responsables ou accentuer des désynchronisations circadiennes. Enfin, des sensibilités différentes à la lumière ou aux autres synchroniseurs pourraient expliquer ce phénomène.

Le travail de nuit : une plaie pour la santé

L'étude des conséquences des troubles circadiens a principalement été menée chez les travailleurs postés (organisation du travail en rotation en 3 x 8 heures sur 24 heures). Le travail de nuit induit une désynchronisation de l'horloge biologique en raison des changements d'exposition à la lumière et d'une dette de sommeil. De nombreuses études sont parues sur les liens entre ce rythme de travail et les risques pour la santé et notamment la survenue de cancers, à l'image d'une récente étude Inserm basée entre autres sur la cohorte CECILE. Elle montre que les femmes non ménopausées qui travaillent au moins 3 heures entre minuit et 5 h du matin ont un risque de cancer du sein augmenté de 26% et ce risque croît avec la fréquence des nuits travaillées et la durée de l'emploi. Le Centre international de recherche sur le cancer (Circ), sous l'égide de l'OMS, a d'ailleurs inscrit le travail posté à la liste des agents " probablement cancérogènes " en 2007. Une récente expertise collective de l'Anses (2016) confirme l'augmentation du risque du cancer du sein chez les femmes exposées et va plus loin encore en concluant que le travail de nuit est un facteur de risque probable de cancer en général.

L'expertise Anses met en avant de très nombreux autres troubles induits de manière avérée ou probable par le travail de nuit : la somnolence, les troubles du sommeil, une altération des performances cognitives, une augmentation du risque d' obésité, de diabète de type 2, de maladies coronariennes, de dyslipidémies, d' hypertension artérielle et d' accidents vasculaires cérébraux ischémiques.

Pour ces raisons, l'Anses a émis plusieurs recommandations afin de limiter le travail de nuit à des situations nécessitant d'assurer les services d'utilité sociale ou la continuité de l'activité économique (hôpitaux, services d'utilité publique...) et avec une organisation permettant d'en minimiser l'impact pour la santé des salariés. L'expertise a aussi recommandé de mettre en place des protocoles de recherche dans ce domaine, fondamentaux et cliniques, afin de mieux comprendre les mécanismes impliqués dans les troubles observés. L'objectif est de pouvoir proposer des solutions aux employés, aux employeurs et aux médecins du travail, qui sont souvent démunis dans cette situation. En 2012, 3,5 millions de personnes, soit 15,4% des salariés (21,5% des hommes et 9,3% des femmes salariés), travaillaient régulièrement ou occasionnellement de nuit.

La lumière, bleue en particulier, puissant désynchronisateur

Pour une même intensité lumineuse perçue, la lumière bleue LED active 70 fois plus les récepteurs photosensibles non visuels de la rétine que la lumière blanche d'une lampe fluorescente de même intensité. Elle génère donc le message d'une exposition massive à la lumière, directement transmis aux noyaux suprachiasmatiques.

Cette lumière bleue est émise en particulier par les écrans LED des ordinateurs, des téléviseurs ou encore des téléphones mobiles. S'exposer en excès à ce type d'écran, notamment le soir, provoque une baisse de somnolence, un regain de vigilance et retarde l'endormissement avec une dette de sommeil si l'heure de lever ne peut être retardée.

Des études attestent de l'impact négatif de l'utilisation importante de ces écrans le soir sur le sommeil des enfants et des adolescents : une utilisation intensive est en moyenne associée à une heure trente de sommeil en moins par rapport aux faibles utilisateurs, et avec un risque accru de troubles de l'humeur et d'échec scolaire. Il existe également une augmentation du risque de troubles métaboliques (risque accru de surpoids, d'obésité et de diabète) corrélés avec la durée passée sur les écrans. Ce risque est en effet associé aux perturbations du rythme circadien et non pas uniquement à la sédentarité. Pour le limiter, il faut veiller à réduire la durée d'exposition aux écrans, les sortir de la chambre à coucher et interrompre leur l'utilisation au moins 1 h avant le sommeil. Il est aujourd'hui possible d'acheter des filtres à la lumière bleue ou de télécharger des applications permettant de réduire l'émission de ces lumières à partir des écrans. Mais ces dispositifs n'ont pas été évalués scientifiquement et leur intérêt reste à vérifier.

La lumière bleue est également extrêmement présente en ville, notamment via les éclairages urbains, de plus en plus fréquemment à base de LEDs, allumés en permanence, ou a minima tard dans la nuit. Plusieurs études épidémiologiques montrent une association qui reste à confirmer entre le niveau d'exposition aux éclairages nocturnes et certains troubles dont des troubles du sommeil, des problèmes métaboliques et les cancers, notamment du sein. En outre, de récents travaux en laboratoire montrent qu'une faible intensité de lumière (quelques lux) ou même des durées d'exposition très courtes tels que des flashs lumineux de quelques millisecondes sont suffisants pour affecter l'horloge biologique. Cela interpelle sur l'impact de toutes sortes de pollution lumineuse sur la qualité du sommeil et la santé : utilisation d'écrans pendant la nuit, absence d'obscurité durant le sommeil... même pendant de courtes durées et même à faible intensité. Cela permet aussi d'envisager de belles applications en perspectives (certaines sont en cours d'étude) pour le traitement de certains troubles du sommeil.

Un groupe de travail de l'Anses planche actuellement (2018) sur les effets sanitaires des LEDs, afin d'émettre des recommandations.

Lumière et rythmes - interview - 3 min 51 - vidéo extraite de la série POM Bio à croquer (2013)

L'importance de la régularité et de l'horaire des repas

Le rythme des prises alimentaires a un impact direct sur la santé et peut contribuer à synchroniser les horloges biologiques ou au contraire les perturber. Une alimentation très distribuée sur 24 heures désynchronise par exemple les horloges périphériques permettant de réguler le métabolisme, en particulier au cours de la nuit. Les animaux nourris de cette façon (ad libitum) ont davantage de troubles métaboliques que ceux qui mangent en même quantité mais à l'occasion de repas réguliers ou restreints à une partie de la journée seulement. Chez la souris, imposer cette discipline protège de l'obésité. Chez l'humain, de récents suivis de cohorte ont permis d'établir une association entre l'heure des repas et le risque de cancer du sein ou encore de la prostate. Dans ces études, les individus qui mangent dans l'heure précédent le coucher ont un risque accru de cancer par rapport à ceux dont le dernier repas se termine plusieurs heures avant.

Le thème de la nutrition en chronobiologie est en train d'émerger et consiste à étudier le rythme optimal des prises alimentaires pour la santé. De nombreux régimes dits chronorégimes ou reposant sur la chrononutrition sont déjà proposés dans le commerce et dans des ouvrages, mais leur efficacité et leur supériorité par rapport à d'autres approches n'ont pas été démontrées par des études scientifiques.

Troubles du rythme et affections psychiatriques et neurologiques

Les troubles du rythme circadien pourraient également favoriser le déclin cognitif et les troubles associés comme la dépression, l'anxiété et les troubles de l'humeur. Un travail a montré que le fait d'augmenter l'exposition à la lumière de personnes âgées institutionnalisées au cours de la journée améliorait le sommeil nocturne, la vigilance diurne, et ralentissait le déclin cognitif et réduisait les symptômes dépressifs. Traiter leurs troubles du rythme par photothérapie est une piste de recherche actuelle intéressante, qui doit se développer.

Les personnes atteintes de la maladie de Parkinson présentent également des troubles du sommeil et de l'humeur. Un protocole de photothérapie réduit ces troubles mais aussi, contre toute attente, les tremblements et troubles moteurs typiques de la maladie. Cette nouvelle piste doit également être davantage explorée.

La photothérapie, traitement de référence

De plus en plus de troubles sont désormais liés à des perturbations de l'horloge biologique, suggérant le potentiel important des traitements par des approches chronobiologiques. La photothérapie (anciennement appelée luminothérapie) est actuellement le traitement de référence de certaines pathologies.

Des protocoles cliniques existent pour traiter les troubles des rythmes circadiens du sommeil mais aussi des troubles de l'humeur (y compris chez le malade parkinsonien et chez le sujet âgé) ainsi que des dépressions saisonnières et non saisonnières. Il ne fait pas de doute que la liste des indications s'allongera dans les années à venir, tant l'horloge biologique est au cœur du fonctionnement optimal de l'organisme. Ces traitements doivent être prescrits par des spécialistes du sommeil ou des médecins formés à la chronobiologie, après évaluation des potentielles contre-indications, car un diagnostic précis doit être posé, et un traitement adapté à chaque individu doit être prescrit.

Cette thérapie repose sur une exposition à une lumière de forte intensité et de durée précise (entre 30 minutes à 1 heure en général), à un horaire particulier qui dépend des individus et du trouble. Par exemple, un adolescent ou un adulte en retard de phase devra s'exposer pendant 30 à 60 min à une lumière blanche de 5 000-10 000 lux à l'heure de réveil souhaitée, quotidiennement. Il devra aussi diminuer son exposition à la lumière le soir, et supprimer tout appareil électronique avec écran de sa chambre à coucher au moins une heure avant l'heure de coucher souhaitée. Dans certains cas, un comprimé de mélatonine à prendre le soir peut être additionnellement prescrit.

Une hygiène de lumière particulière, avec des horaires précis d'exposition, est également conseillée aux travailleurs postés. Les études montrent que le fait d'augmenter l'intensité lumineuse pendant le travail de nuit, puis de diminuer l'exposition un peu avant le coucher à domicile et de dormir dans des conditions d'obscurité totale sont favorables à la synchronisation de l'horloge biologique. Cela permet une meilleure vigilance pendant les heures de travail puis un sommeil de meilleure qualité.

Des règles élémentaires d' hygiène de sommeil sont également nécessaires pour favoriser la resynchronisation : éviter le sport et les écrans avant de dormir, se coucher à une heure raisonnable (correspondant aux besoins de sommeil), dans le noir et au calme, ou encore se relever en cas d'impossibilité de s'endormir, sans s'exposer à des lumières riches en bleu (LEDs, ampoules fluorescentes froides) ou de forte intensité. Pour en savoir plus, consulter notre dossier Sommeil

L'utilisation de la mélatonine pourrait également se développer. Elle est actuellement recommandée dans le traitement du retard de phase, le libre-cours de l'aveugle, le décalage horaire, et dans certaines situations de travail de nuit. Elle est aussi recommandée dans les troubles du spectre autistique et dans le trouble du déficit de l'attention. Là encore, ce traitement doit être prescrit par des médecins formés à la chronobiologie. La bonne efficacité de la mélatonine est reconnue, mais des études sont encore nécessaires pour optimiser la dose et l'horaire de traitements qui peut dépendre du patient (selon son chronotype).

Enfin, des médicaments qui agissent sur l'horloge biologique pourraient voir le jour dans le futur, afin de la retarder ou de l'avancer. Des travaux sont actuellement conduits dans ce sens, avec par exemple des molécules destinées à bloquer le signal des cellules ganglionnaires à mélanopsine. Les patients pourraient toujours voir (grâce à leurs cônes et leurs bâtonnets), mais l'horloge centrale ne percevrait pas ou peu la lumière externe. Reste à savoir si ces molécules présenteront un avantage par rapport à des lunettes de soleil, faciles d'utilisation. D'autres molécules en cours de développement ciblent directement la mécanique de l'horloge biologique. Elles pourraient avoir un intérêt dans les troubles circadiens décrits plus haut.

Pour aller plus loin

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Chronobiologie · Inserm, La science pour la santé

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La chronobiologie correspond à l'étude des rythmes biologiques dans l'organisme. Ce domaine a connu un boom au cours de ces dix dernières années : les chercheurs ont découvert de nombreux mécanismes de régulation des horloges internes et évaluent de mieux en mieux l'impact majeur de son dérèglement sur la santé.

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très long format / néo nazi US 60s

Ring that bell, shout for joy / White man’s day is here / Gather all those equals up / Herd them on the pier / America for whites / Africa for blacks / Send those apes back to the trees / Ship those niggers back / Twenty million ugly coons are ready on their pier / America for whites / Africa for blacks / Ring that bell, shout for joy / The white man’s day is here / Hand that chimp his ugly stick / Hand that buck his spear

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(Alex Haley Interviews George Lincoln Rockwell was originally published in the April 1966 issue of Playboy Magazine. In addition, it was also published within Alex Haley: The Playboy Interviews by Ballantine Books in July 1993.)

George Lincoln Rockwell (March 9, 1918 – August 25, 1967) was a Navy Reserve Commander (Naval Aviator) and founder of the American Nazi Party. He was a major figure in the Neo-Nazi movement in post-war United States, and his beliefs and writings have continued to be influential among white nationalists and neo-Nazis.

"It was Alex's most bizarre experience as an interviewer: his April 1966 encounter with American Nazi Führer George Lincoln Rockwell. By assigning Alex to the job, I had hoped to provoke the malicious Rockwell into a personal confrontation that would expose his lunatic racism for what it was. It exceeded even my wildest expectations. Alex called to request the interview, and was asked pointedly if he was Jewish. Alex said no-'but I didn't tell them I was black.' When he stepped out of his cab at Nazi headquarters in Arlington, Virginia, Rockwell's 'storm troopers' were stunned and outraged, but ushered him past Doberman watchdogs and swastika flags into the inner sanctum where Rockwell stood waiting dramatically beneath a portrait of Adolf Hitler.

"Greeting him without a smile or handshake, the 'Commander' ushered him into a seat, placed a pearl-handled revolver pointedly on the armrest of his chair and began with the all-time classic opening to a Playboy Interview. Nothing personal, he said, but 'I don't mix with your kind, and we call your race niggers.' Said Alex amiably, without missing a beat, 'I've been called nigger many times, Commander, but this is the first time I'm being paid for it. So you go right ahead.' It was the beginning of a beautiful relationship." ~ Murray Fisher-former editor of Playboy.

A Candid Conversation With The Fanatical Führer of The American Nazi Party

"Genocidal maniac!" "Barnum of the bigots!" These are among the more temperate epithets hurled regularly-along with eggs, paint, pop bottles, rocks and rotten vegetables-at George Lincoln Rockwell, self-appointed Führer of the American Nazi Party and self-styled messiah of white supremacy and intransigent anti-Semitism. Reveling in his carefully cultivated role as a racist bogeyman, he has earned-and openly enjoys-the dubious distinction of being perhaps the most universally detested public figure in America today; even the Ku Klux Klan, which shares his Jew-hating, segregationist convictions, has officially disowned and denounced him.

Until his rise to notoriety, however, like that of the pathological Austrian paper hanger whose nightmare dream of Aryan world conquest he still nurtures, Rockwell would have been first on anyone's list of those least likely to succeed as a racist demagog-or even to become one. The older of two sons born to "Doc" Rockwell, an old-time vaudeville comic, he spent his childhood years being shuttled back and forth between his divorced parents' homes-his mother's place in rural Illinois and his father's summer cottage on the coast of Maine, where he was dandled and indulged by Doc's ever-present house guests (including such showbiz cronies as Fred Allen, Benny Goodman, Groucho Marx and Walter Winchell).

Rockwell entered Brown University in 1938 and quickly became known among the faculty as a practical-joking, insubordinate student of doubtful promise. Though he spent less time studying than drawing cartoons for the campus humor interviews, he managed somehow to get passing grades; and he began to court the coed who was to become his first wife. Dropping out of school at the end of his sophomore year to enlist in the Navy, Rockwell finally got married, in late 1941, after completing his training as a fighter pilot-just in time to get shipped overseas when the war broke out. Stationed in the South Pacific, he was commanding a Navy attack squadron at Pearl Harbor when the war ended. He mustered out in late 1945, returned to Maine and took up belated residence with his wife, eking by as a part-time sign painter and freelance photographer while he cast about for a permanent profession. Tightening the family's belt still another notch, he finally decided to quit work for study toward a career in commercial art. He moved his family to New York and signed up at Brooklyn's Pratt Institute, where his considerable graphic gifts were officially recognized in 1948, when a poster he'd drawn for the American Cancer Society was awarded the annual $1,000 prize of the National Society of Illustrators. Then, quixotically turning his back on art, Rockwell returned to Maine a year later to join three friends in opening an ad agency; when it went bankrupt a few months later, he again found himself scuffling for pin money from one odd job to another.

Still an officer in the Navy Reserve, Rockwell was recalled to active duty in 1950 and served throughout the Korean War at the naval base in San Diego, where he befriended a married couple who shared his passionate conviction that General MacArthur ought to run for President in 1952. In the course of their conversations, the woman gave him what turned out to be a fateful handful of right-wing political pamphlets-for among them was a particularly gamy piece of anti-Semitic hate literature, the first he'd ever seen. Though he dismissed it at first as racist trash, he found it morbidly fascinating and read it from cover to cover-and then again; it was beginning to make sense to him. The seed was planted. Nurtured by more of the same-cheerfully supplied by his newfound friends-it began to germinate; and when Rockwell picked up a copy of Mein Kampf in a secondhand bookstore and began to read, it took root. "I was hypnotized, transfixed," he said later. "Within a year, I was an all-out Nazi, worshiping the greatest mind in 2000 years: Adolf Hitler."

Leaving his wife and three daughters behind in San Diego when he was transferred to Iceland in 1952 as a bomber-squad commander, Rockwell was divorced and remarried-to an Icelander-within a year. When his tour of duty was completed in 1954, he moved to Washington, D.C., and made still another ill-fated effort to become a breadwinner-this time as the publisher of U.S. Lady, a special-market women's interviews aimed at what he felt was an untapped readership of military wives; because of financial pressures, he was forced to sell out after the first few issues. In desperation, after a futile campaign to persuade well-heeled right-wing businessmen to underwrite his burgeoning but undefined political ambitions, he packed his wife and their few belongings into a car-drawn trailer and hit the road as a traveling salesman. No great shakes at this kind of work, either, he left more than one town empty-handed and dead broke; but his wife managed somehow to keep food on the table.

Rockwell began to sit up nights mapping grandiose plans for the resurrection of National Socialism, with himself as the reincarnated Führer; and during the day, between house calls, he roamed the country seeking fellow malcontents and proselytizing for fearless, dedicated cohorts to join him in his crusade to purify the land of "Reds and blacks." By the summer of 1958 he had collected enough cash (via mailed donations from secret admirers, mostly in the South) and mustered enough fellow fanatics (11 or 12) to give the group a name-the American Nazi Party-and to begin agitating for attention. They got it: Their first official act was to picket the White House carrying such signs as Save Ike From The Kikes. Brandishing Lugers, clicking their heels and "heiling" each other in brown shirts, boots and swastika arm bands, they swaggered about their new "National Headquarters"-a tumble-down shack in Arlington, Virginia, just across the Potomac from Washington.

When an Atlanta synagogue was seriously damaged in a mysterious bombing late that summer, the public unleashed a storm of outrage against the Nazis (though none was ever indicted), and their little shack became a target for bricks and Molotov cocktails, police raids, snipers, abusive mail and telephoned death threats. Seeing the handwriting on the wall-not to mention a widening pattern of bullet holes-Rockwell's long-suffering wife quietly packed her bags and left for Iceland.

Her decision, as even Rockwell later admitted, could hardly have been a wiser one, for that first siege proved to be merely the opening skirmish in a continuing campaign of psychological and guerrilla warfare-punctuated periodically by ugly, often violent confrontations-between Rockwell and the public, the press, the law, the courts, the government, the church, the civil rights movement, the John Birch Society, the Anti-Defamation League, the A.D.A., the KKK, the FBI, and just about every known racial, religious and political minority group from Berkeley to Baltimore. In almost every contretemps, Rockwell has come out on the short end-winding up usually either in jail for inciting a riot or in the hospital for sticking around to see how it came out.

Often bloodied (once by an outraged viewer in the middle of a television speech), but still unbowed (even by his most recent and humiliating defeat-for the governorship of Virginia), the indomitable Nazi chieftain announced recently that he plans to stage a "back-to-Africa" hate rally this summer at the corner of Lenox Avenue and 125th Street in the heart of New York's Harlem. Few think he's crazy enough to go through with it, but even fewer would be willing to swear that he isn't. In the hope of finding out for sure, and of learning how he got that way, we decided to ask the neo-Nazi for an interview. Unlike controversial past interviewees Klan Wizard Robert Shelton and atheist Madalyn Murray, Rockwell could not be called a spokesman for any socially or politically significant minority; indeed, his fanatical following is both motley and minuscule (estimates of Nazi Party membership range from 25 to 100). But we felt that the very virulence of Rockwell's messianic master-racism could transform a really searching conversation with the 48-year-old Führer into a revealing portrait of both rampant racism and the pathology of fascism. The results-obtained for us by interviewer Alex Haley-explosively exceeded our expectations. Of the experience, Haley writes:

"I called Rockwell at his Arlington, Virginia, headquarters and relayed Playboy's request for an exclusive interview. After assuring himself that I wasn't Jewish, he guardedly agreed. I didn't tell him I was a Negro. Five days later, as my taxi pulled up in front of Rockwell's 'International Headquarters,' a nine-room white frame house in Arlington (since padlocked by the Internal Revenue Service, which is currently investigating the labyrinth of Nazi financial backing), I noticed a billboard-sized sign on the roof reading: White Man Fight-Smash the Black Revolution! I couldn't help wondering what kind of welcome I'd receive when they got a look at my non-Aryan complexion. I didn't have long to wait; the khaki-clad duty guard at the door stiffened as I stepped out of the cab and up the front stairs. When I identified myself, he ushered me uncertainly inside and told me to wait nearby in what he called 'the shrine room,' a small, black-walled chamber dimly lit by flickering red candles and adorned with American and Nazi flags, adjoining portraits of Adolf Hitler and George Washington, and a slightly larger, rather idealized painting of Rockwell himself-a self-portrait. On the table beside my chair sat a crudely bound and printed copy of Rockwell's self-published autobiography, This Time the World; I was leafing through it when a pair of uniformed 'storm troopers' loomed suddenly in the doorway, gave the Nazi salute and informed me coolly that Commander Rockwell had ordered them to take me in one of the Party staff cars to his nearby personal headquarters.

"Fifteen minutes later, with me and my tape recorder in the back and my two chaperones in the front, the car turned into a narrow, tree-lined road, slowed down as it passed a No Trespassing sign (stamped with a skull and crossbones) and a leashed Doberman watchdog, and finally pulled up in front of a white, 16-room farmhouse emblazoned at floor- and second-story levels with four-foot-high red swastikas. About a dozen Nazis stared icily as the guards walked me past them and up the stairs to Rockwell's door, where a side-armed storm trooper frisked me expertly from head to toe. Within arm's reach, I noticed, was a wooden rack holding short combat lengths of sawed-off iron pipe. Finding me 'clean,' the guard ceremoniously opened the door, stepped inside, saluted, said, 'Sieg heil!'-echoed brusquely from within-then stood aside and nodded permission for me to come ahead. I did.

"As if for dramatic effect, Rockwell was standing across the room, corncob pipe in hand, beneath a portrait of Adolf Hitler. Warned about my Negritude, he registered no surprise nor did he smile, speak or offer to shake hands. Instead, after surveying me up and down for a long moment, he motioned me peremptorily to a seat, then sat down himself in a nearby easy chair and watched silently while I set up my tape machine. Rockwell already had one of his own, I noticed, spinning on a nearby table. Then, with the burly guard standing at attention about halfway between us, he took out a pearl-handled revolver, placed it pointedly on the arm of his chair, sat back and spoke for the first time: 'I'm ready if you are.' Without any further pleasantries, I turned on my machine."

Haley: Before we begin, Commander, I wonder if you'd mind telling me why you're keeping that pistol there at your elbow, and this armed bodyguard between us.

Rockwell: Just a precaution. You may not be aware of the fact that I have received literally thousands of threats against my life. Most of them are from cranks, but some of them haven't been; there are bullet holes all over the outside of this building. Just last week, two gallon jugs of flaming gasoline were flung against the house right under my window. I keep this gun within reach and a guard beside me during interviews because I've been attacked too many times to take any chances. I haven't yet been jumped by an impostor, but it wasn't long ago that 17 guys claiming to be from a university came here to "interview" me; nothing untoward happened, but we later found out they were armed and planned to tear down the flag, burn the joint and beat me up. Only the fact that we were ready for that kind of rough stuff kept it from happening. We've never yet had to hurt anybody, but only because I think they all know we're ready to fight anytime. If you're who you claim to be, you have nothing to fear.

Haley: I don't.

Rockwell: Good. Just so we both know where we stand, I'd like to make something else crystal clear before we begin. I'm going to be honest and direct with you. You're here in your professional capacity; I'm here in my professional capacity. While here, you'll be treated well-but I see you're a black interviewer. It's nothing personal, but I want you to understand that I don't mix with your kind, and we call your race "niggers."

Haley: I've been called "nigger" many times, Commander, but this is the first time I'm being paid for it. So you go right ahead. What have you got against us "niggers"?

Rockwell: I've got nothing against you. I just think you people would be happier back in Africa where you came from. When the pilgrims got pushed around in Europe, they didn't have any sit-ins or crawl-ins; they got out and went to a wilderness and built a great civilization.

Haley: It was built with the help of Negroes.

Rockwell: Help or no, the white people in America simply aren't going to allow you to mix totally with them, whether you like it or not.

Haley: The purpose of the civil rights movement is equality of rights and opportunity, Commander-not miscegenation, as you seem to be implying.

Rockwell: Equality may be the stated purpose, but race mixing is what it boils down to in practice; and the harder you people push for that, the madder white people are going to get.

Haley: Do you think you're entitled to speak for white people?

Rockwell: Malcolm X said the same thing I'm saying.

Haley: He certainly was in no position to speak for white people.

Rockwell: Well, I think I am speaking for the majority of whites when I say that race mixing just isn't going to work. I think, therefore, that we should take the billions of dollars now being wasted on foreign aid to Communist countries which hate us and give that money to our own niggers to build their own civilized nation in Africa.

Haley: Apart from the fact that Africa is already spoken for territorially by sovereign nations, all but a few of the 20 million Negroes in this country are native-born Americans who have just as much right to remain here as you do, Commander.

Rockwell: That's not my point. When two people prove incompatible in marriage and they can't live together, they separate; and the mass of average niggers simply don't "fit" in modern American society. A leopard doesn't change his spots just because you bring him in from the jungle and try to housebreak him and turn him into a pet. He may learn to sheathe his claws in order to beg a few scraps off the dinner table, and you may teach him to be a beast of burden, but it doesn't pay to forget that he'll always be what he was born: a wild animal.

Haley: We're talking about human beings, not animals.

Rockwell: We're talking about niggers-and there's no doubt in my mind that they're basically animalistic.

Haley: In what way?

Rockwell: Spiritually. Our white kids are being perverted, like Pavlov's dogs, by conditioned-reflex training. For instance, every time a white kid is getting a piece of ass, the car radio is blaring nigger bebop. Under such powerful stimuli, it's not long before a kid begins unconsciously to connect these savage sounds with intense pleasure and thus transfers his natural pleasurable reactions in sex to an unnatural love of the chaotic and animalistic nigger music, which destroys a love of order and real beauty among our kids. This is how you niggers corrupt our white kids-without even laying a dirty hand on them. Not that you wouldn't like to.

Haley: It's sometimes the other way around, Commander.

Rockwell: Well, I'll have to admit one great failing of my own people: The white man is getting too soft. The niggers are forced to do hard manual labor, and as a result, most nigger bucks are healthy animals-rugged and tough, the way nature intended a male to be. When you take a look at how the average, bourgeois white man spends his time, though-hunched over a desk, going to the ballet, riding around on his electric lawn mower or squatting on his fur-lined toilet seat-you can't help but observe how soft and squishy a lot of white men allow themselves to become; especially some of the skinny, pasty-faced white peace creeps with their long hair, their fairy-looking clothes and the big yellow stripe up their spineless back. What normal woman would want one of these cruds? Unfortunately, some of our white women, especially in the crazy leftist environment on our college campuses, get carried away by Jewish propaganda into betraying their own instincts by choosing a healthy black buck instead of one of these skinny, pansified white peace creeps who swarm on our college campuses.

Haley: Are you implying that the Negro male is sexually superior to the white man?

Rockwell: Certainly not. The average white workingman, the vast majority of white men, are just as tough and ballsy as any nigger who ever lived. It's the white intellectuals who have allowed themselves to be degenerate physically, mentally and especially spiritually, until I am forced to admit that a healthy nigger garbage man is certainly superior physically and sexually to a pasty-faced skinny white peace creep.

Haley: Do you consider Negroes superior to white men in any other way?

Rockwell: On the contrary-I consider them inferior to the white man in every other way.

Haley: That's a fairly sweeping generalization. Can you document it?

Rockwell: When I speak at colleges, they often ask me the same question. I always answer with a question of my own: How do colleges determine the superior and inferior students? By performance, that's how! Look at history; investigate the different races. The Chinese perform; they've created a great civilization. And the white races certainly perform. But the nigger race, until very recently, has done absolutely nothing.

Haley: How recently?

Rockwell: The past 20 or 30 years.

Haley: What about the contribution of those millions of African Negroes and their descendants-along with that of migrants of every color from all over the world-who helped found and build this country?

Rockwell: I don't dismiss it, but the fact is that any contribution of the niggers has been almost entirely manual and menial. Horses could have done most of it, or well-trained monkeys from the same trees they were flushed out of back in Africa. They've picked up a few more tricks since then-but only what they've learned from the white man.

Haley: Recent archaeological findings have documented the existence of advanced black African civilizations centuries before the dawn of comparable cultures in Europe.

Rockwell: If they were so far ahead of us then, why are they still shooting blow darts at each other while we're launching rockets to the moon?

Haley: The American space program isn't a segregated project, Commander. There are many Negroes working for NASA and in the space industry.

Rockwell: This only proves my point. A few niggers, like trained chimpanzees, have been pushed and jammed into such things as the space program by our race-mixing Presidents and the federal government; but niggers didn't originate any of the ideas or develop the fantastic organizations capable of putting men into space. The niggers in NASA are like chimpanzees who have learned to ride bicycles. A few trained monkeys riding bicycles doesn't prove that chimpanzees could invent or build or even think about a bicycle. The fact is that the average nigger is not as intelligent as the average white man.

Haley: There's no genetic or anthropological evidence to substantiate that.

Rockwell: I know you're going to say you can show me thousands of intelligent niggers and stupid white men. I'm well aware that there are exceptions on both sides. All I'm saying is that the average of your people is below the average of my people; and the pure-black ones are even further below us. I have living evidence of this sitting right in front of me.

Haley: If you mean me, I'm far from pure black-as you can see.

Rockwell: That's just it: You're an intelligent person; I enjoy talking to you. But, you're not pure black like your ancestors in the Congo. Now, this may insult you, but we're not here to throw pansies at each other: There had to be some white people in your background somewhere, or you wouldn't be brown instead of black. Right?

Haley: Right.

Rockwell: Well, I'm saying that your intelligence comes from the blood of my people. Whenever they trot out some smart nigger and say, "See? Look how brilliant niggers are," what they usually show you is a part-white man with some nigger blood in him. This doesn't prove that niggers are great. On the contrary; it proves that white blood can make a part-nigger more intelligent.

Haley: That's not proof, Commander. Can you offer any authoritative documentation to support your view?

Rockwell: A psychologist named G.O. Ferguson made a definitive study of the connection between the amount of white blood and intelligence in niggers. He tested all the nigger schoolchildren in Virginia and proved that the pure-black niggers did only about 70 percent as well as the white children. Niggers with one white grandparent did about 75 percent as well as the white children. Niggers with two white grandparents did still better, and niggers with three white grandparents did almost as well as the white kids. Since all of these nigger children shared exactly the same environment as niggers, it's impossible to claim that environment produced these tremendous changes in performance. [Ferguson's study, conducted in 1916, we later learned, has since been discredited by every major authority on genetics and anthropology; they call it a pseudoscientific rationale for racism, based on an inadequate and unrepresentative sampling, predicated on erroneous assumptions, and statistically loaded to prove its point.-Ed.]

Haley: In his book A Profile of the Negro American, the world-famed sociologist T.F. Pettigrew states flatly that the degree of white ancestry does not relate in any way to Negro I.Q. scores. According to Pettigrew, the brightest Negro yet reported-with a tested I.Q. of 200-had no traceable Caucasian heritage whatever.

Rockwell: The fact that you can show me one very black individual who is superior to me doesn't convince me that the average nigger is superior. The startling fact I see is that the lighter they are, the smarter they are, and the blacker they are, the dumber they are.

Haley: That's an opinion, Commander, not a fact. Can you back it up with any concrete evidence?

Rockwell: The evidence of lifelong experience. I've never met a black nigger-I mean a real black one, so black he looks purple-that can talk, and think as, say, you can. When I do, then maybe I'll change my opinion. All the really black niggers are either what you call Uncle Toms, or they're revolutionists, or they just want to loaf, loot and rape.

Haley: Most sociologists would agree that the vast majority of Negroes-dark-skinned or otherwise-don't fit into any of those categories.

Rockwell: Like I said, there are always exceptions-but everybody knows that they prove the rule. Evolution shows that in the long run, if the superior mixes with the inferior, the product is halfway between, and inferior to what you started with in the original superior group-in other words, mongrelized.

Haley: The words superior and inferior have no meaning to geneticists, Commander-and neither does mongrelization. Every authority in the field has attested that the world's racial groups are genetically indistinguishable from one another. All men, in other words-including hybrids-are created equal.

Rockwell: You're bringing tears to my eyes. Don't you know that all this equality garbage was started by a Jew anthropologist named Franz Boas from Columbia University? Boas was followed by another Jew from Columbia named Gene Weltfish. And our present Jew expert preaching equality is another Jew named Ashley Montagu. Any anthropologist who dares to preach the facts known by any farmer in the barnyard-that breeds differ in quality-is simply not allowed to survive in the universities or in publishing, because he can't earn a living. You never hear from that side. But Carleton Putnam has written a wonderful book called Race and Reason, showing that there is plenty of scholarly evidence to back up my contention that the nigger race is inherently inferior to the white race intellectually. [Putnam, a former president of Delta Airlines, has no academic credentials in sociology, anthropology or genetics. Explaining its "Not Recommended" classification for his book-fully titled Race and Reason: A Yankee View-Book Review Digest writes: "At no time does the author show himself qualified to speak as a scientist."-Ed.] This equality garbage is straight Soviet, Lysenkian biology-direct from the Communist Lysenko, who preached that by changing the environment you could grow one plant from another plant's seeds. This is the doctrine that's destroying our society-because it's not true. You can't grow wheat from corn by changing the environment.

Haley: You can't grow wheat from corn by changing anything. In any case, we're discussing human beings, not foodstuffs.

Rockwell: I don't feel like quibbling. What I'm saying is that I believe the Jews have consciously perverted the study of anthropology and biology and human genetics in order to reach this phony conclusion-and thus destroy the great white race.

Haley: What phony conclusion?

Rockwell: The totally erroneous notion that heredity has nothing to do with why, for example, the niggers have lower scholastic averages and higher illegitimacy rates than whites.

Haley: According to geneticists, it doesn't. In any case, how would acceptance of this notion lead to the destruction of the white race?

Rockwell: By deluding people into believing that the nigger is only "underprivileged" rather than inherently inferior; into believing, therefore, that he can be cleaned up and smartened up by letting him eat in our restaurants, study in our schools, move into our neighborhoods. The next inevitable step is to take him into our beds-and this would lead to the mongrelization, and hence the destruction, of the white race.

Haley: You said that the Jews are behind this plot. Since they're whites themselves, how would they benefit from their own destruction?

Rockwell: They won't be mingling like the rest of us. They believe they're too pure to mix; they think they're "the chosen people"-chosen to rule the world. But the only world they could rule would be a world of inferior beings. And as long as the white man is pure, they cannot succeed. But when the white man permits himself to be mixed with black men, then the Jews can master him.

Haley: How?

Rockwell: They already run the niggers. Except for the Black Muslims, the Jews run practically all the big civil rights organizations.

Haley: You're misinformed, Commander. The key posts in all but one of the major civil rights groups-the NAACP-are held entirely by Negroes.

Rockwell: They're just the front men. The Jews operate behind the scenes, pulling the strings and holding the moneybags.

Haley: The Jews who belong and contribute to these groups serve strictly in an advisory capacity.

Rockwell: You're misinformed. As I started to say, Jews want to run the white people just the way they run the niggers. Once they get the white people mixed with the black people, the white people will be just as easy to run as the niggers.

Haley: Why?

Rockwell: Because when you mix superior and inferior, like I told you, the product is inferior-halfway between the two. The Jews would be able to outwit and outmaneuver and thus manipulate the mongrelized white man just the way he already does the niggers. That's what the whole so-called civil rights movement is all about; and they're just liable to get away with it if the good white Christians of this country don't wake up and get together before it's too late to restore the natural order of things.

Haley: And what's that?

Rockwell: Separation. In nature, all things of a similar being tend to group together. Chimpanzees do not run with baboons; they run with chimpanzees. This is the natural order of people, too. Even in thoroughly integrated colleges, when I visit them, I notice that niggers usually sit and eat at tables with other niggers-even though they don't have to. And the white people sit with other white people. I think this is the natural tendency, and to attempt to pervert this is to fight nature.

Haley: You fail to make an important moral and constitutional distinction between choosing to associate with one's own race and being forced to do so. Left to themselves, some people will mingle and some won't; and most Americans think this is just the way it ought to be.

Rockwell: That's all very noble-sounding; it brings a lump to my throat. But what does it boil down to in practice? Every time your people move into my neighborhood, the white people move out; and often there's violence-by peaceful, decent white men who never before committed any, but are outraged at the black invasion.

Haley: That's an exaggeration, Commander. The record shows that fewer and fewer white people are moving out when Negroes move into white neighborhoods; and the fact is that violence very seldom occurs because of Negro "block-busting." In most instances, after an initial period of strain, the newcomers are being quietly accepted.

Rockwell: I don't know what neighborhoods you've been hanging around in, but my own experience has been that violence and animosity are the rule rather than the exception. And that goes double when one of my guys moves into a place like Watts. Your people don't just riot; they try to kill him. This is natural. Their instincts are coming out, and they always will. And any effort to override these instincts, or deny they exist, will inevitably be unsuccessful. Nature will prevail.

Haley: Negro hostility toward Nazis could hardly be offered as proof that integration is unnatural. Nor is anti-Nazi violence confined to Negroes.

Rockwell: You're right-the Jews are even better at it.

Haley: You've been quoted as saying that the Watts, Harlem and Rochester riots, among others, were actually instigated by Jews. Do you have any evidence to substantiate that charge?

Rockwell: I didn't say they started them; I said they engineered them. First of all, they tell the niggers, "You people don't have to obey the laws you don't like"-just like Martin Luther Coon preaches. If a cop arrests a nigger, it's "police brutality." And he's told he should fight back. Whenever a policeman tries to do his duty, the Jew-oriented niggers have been told to try and take the prisoner away from this brutal cop. The Jews turn him into a psychological bomb-so that when a cop comes along and does his duty it's just like touching a match to a fuse. Boom-up it goes! Like it did in Watts. Like they do in Harlem.

Haley: In both the Watts and Harlem riots, the bulk of the property damage was suffered by Jewish-owned stores and businesses. Why would the Jews foment violence that's bound to result in the destruction of their own property?

Rockwell: It just happens that most of the businessmen making money off the niggers in the ghettos are Jews. The big Jews in charge are willing to sacrifice the little Jews just as a general sacrifices some troops to win a war.

Haley: But what could any Jews possibly win by engineering riots?

Rockwell: They're just natural-born agitators. They just can't help coming in and getting everybody all stirred up-and they're always the ones to suffer for it. Every time! But they just can't quit. It's irrational as hell. With all their liberalism and their preaching about equal rights for niggers, they've promoted disorder and chaos that's eventually going to bury them. The liquor dealers are getting it now. Last summer, all those kike store owners in Watts kept screaming, "Oy! Stop! Listen! We're your friends!"-while the coons beat their brains out. And that's just the beginning, just a sample of things to come. This summer I predict that racial violence even more terrible than Watts will erupt-all because of these two troublemaking inferior races.

Haley: In judging Negroes "inferior" to whites, you said a while ago that you made this appraisal on the basis of "performance." Do you find Jews inferior for the same reason?

Rockwell: I've never accused the Jews of being incapable of performing. As a matter of fact, I think there's a good chance they're superior to everybody else in terms of actual mental capabilities. I think the average Jew is probably sharper intellectually than the average gentile, because for years and years he's had to live by his wits. Consequently, there has evolved a race of Jews who are more agile mentally than the rest of us.

Haley: In what way do you consider Jews inferior, then?

Rockwell: Spiritually. I believe that a human being, in order to be a successful person, in addition to performing-inventing a rocket or something-has got to have something he believes in, something more than his own survival, something that's a little bigger than himself. The Jews don't. They've even got a rabbi now who admits he's an atheist-Rabbi Sherwin Wine of Birmingham, Michigan.

Haley: Perhaps you didn't know that the current Church movement toward disbelief in God originated among the Protestant clergy. In any case, Rabbi Wine's convictions are a minority voice and could not in any way be said to represent those of the Jewish faith in general. Most Jews continue to believe in God, as set down in the Torah.

Rockwell: Jews talk a lot about God. But actually their god, just like Marx said, is money. Cash! This is where the Jews fail-in their lack of idealism. Most of them are strictly materialists at heart. Wherever the Jews have gone, they've moved into a friendly, unsuspecting country and promptly started to glut on its people and resources. They think they're engaging in business, but actually what they're doing is eating the country up alive. And when people begin to resent their viciousness and greed, and either kick the Jews out or kill them, they always scream "Persecution!" That's not persecution. It's self-defense.

Haley: Are you implying that Hitler was justified in exterminating 6 million European Jews?

Rockwell: I don't believe for one minute that any 6 million Jews were exterminated by Hitler. It never happened. You want me to prove it to you?

Haley: Go ahead.

Rockwell: We have the figures for the number of Jews in the world in 1939, before World War II: 15,688,259; and the figures for the number living after World War II: 18 million. Now, if you take the number of Jews for after World War II-and add the 6 million you say were gassed, you get a total of 24 million-which means that there would have to have been a 50-percent increase in the Jewish population during a period of about five years. Even people as good at sex as the Jews couldn't possibly reproduce that fast. So you see, the Jews' own figures convict them as liars!

Haley: What's your source for these statistics?

Rockwell: The prewar figures came from the 1947 World Almanac, page 219; and the postwar figures from The New York Times, February 22, 1948, in an article by Hanson Baldwin.

[Subsequent investigation revealed that the World Almanac figure of 15,688,259 is correct as claimed. The postwar figures cited by Hanson Baldwin in The New York Times were in the following context: "In these countries (Palestine and Egypt), the Jews are tied by bonds of religion to the rest of the 15 to 18 million Jews of the world." According to every official source, however, Baldwin's estimates are in error. The figures compiled by the Population Reference Bureau in Washington, D.C., show that the world's Jewish population declined from 16.6 million to 11.4 million between 1939 and 1945-while European Jewry decreased 6 million during that same period, from 9.7 million to 3.7 million.-Ed.]

Haley: Population figures aside, do you deny the validity of documentary photographic evidence showing the gas chambers themselves, and the thousands of bodies piled up in concentration-camp trenches?

Rockwell: I emphatically deny that there is any valid proof that innocent Jews were systematically murdered by the Nazis. The photographs you've seen that have been passed off as pictures of dead Jews have been identified as pictures of the corpses of German civilians-mostly women and children and refugees-who were killed in the one-night Allied bombing of Dresden, which slaughtered 350,000 innocent people.

Haley: By whom have these pictures been so identified?

Rockwell: By Matt Koehl, my research chief, who says that you can recognize the buildings in the background of these so-called Nazi atrocity photographs as buildings in Dresden.

Haley: We don't accept the findings of your research chief as authoritative.

Rockwell: I have conclusive evidence to prove that some of these "documentary" photographs are frauds, pure and simple. In a interviews published by the Jews and sold all over America, they show a bottle supposedly containing soap made by the Germans out of the poor, dead, gassed Jews.

Haley: What evidence do you have for claiming that it's fraudulent?

Rockwell: Common sense. That soap could have been made out of anything; it could have been melted down from a dozen bars of Lifebuoy. But here's my ultimate proof of just how utterly ridiculous all the anti-Nazi literature you've read really is: an article in Sir interviews, March 1958, on how the Nazis gassed and burned and murdered everybody. It's by "a former corporal of the SS" as told to an American Army master sergeant who signs himself "Lew Cor." Well, "Lew Cor" is simply Rockwell spelled backward. I wrote it myself-as a test. I wrote the vilest lies I could think of! And here they all are in print in this interviews. Look at the photographs! These are supposed to be actual shots of Nazi victims mentioned in the article-victims that I invented!

Haley: Your own willingness to lie about Nazi atrocities doesn't prove that the Jews have done the same thing, Commander. Do you also dismiss the testimony of hundreds of prison-camp survivors who have given eyewitness testimony about Nazi atrocities?

Rockwell: I have an affidavit from a Jewish doctor, a prisoner at Auschwitz, who says there were no gas chambers.

Haley: Do you have that affidavit?

Rockwell: I'll send you a photostat. [It has not arrived.-Ed.] I believe the gas chambers in these concentration camps were built after the war-by Jewish Army officers. We know this for sure: It was mostly Jewish Army officers who went in there to liberate these camps. And it was mostly Jewish Army CIC officers who were in charge of the Nuremberg trials. It was they who tortured innocent Nazis, using any kind of vile method they could to cook up phony evidence.

Haley: Can you prove these charges?

Rockwell: I know of several cases where American personnel resigned in disgust at the methods used.

Haley: That doesn't prove that torture was used to extract false testimony. In any case, you still haven't said whether you dismiss eyewitness testimony of Nazi atrocities.

Rockwell: Certainly I do. I've lost count of the times I've been in court, after being assaulted and beaten by gangs of Jews, and seen these same Jews get up on the witness stand, with tears pouring down their faces, and tell how I attacked them! The Jews are the world's master liars! They are geniuses at it. Why, when a kike is up on a witness stand, he doesn't even need onions to start the tears pouring.

Haley: It's said that you keep a model gas chamber here at your headquarters. Is that true?

Rockwell: No, but we have an electric chair at Sing Sing that's already done a great deed for America in frying the Rosenbergs; and there are hundreds of thousands more Rosenbergs running around America who need frying-or gassing.

Haley: By "more Rosenbergs," do you mean more Jews or more Communist spies?

Rockwell: More Communist Jews. They're practically the same thing.

Haley: Are you saying that many Jews are Communists, or that many Communists are Jewish?

Rockwell: I use the term "Communist Jews" in exactly the same sense that I would say "Italian gangsters." Most Italians are not gangsters, but everybody knows that the Mafia is mostly Italians. Well, my experience is that communism is as Jewish as the Mafia is Italian. It's a fact that almost all of the convicted spies for communism have been atheist Jews like the Rosenbergs. And international communism was invented by the Jew Karl Marx and has since been led mostly by Jews-like Trotsky.

Haley: Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Kosygin and Mao Tse-tung, among many others, certainly aren't Jews.

Rockwell: The Jews operate nowadays mostly as spies and agitators for the Reds. Mind you, I'm not saying that there aren't vast numbers of Jews who despise communism.

Haley: Yet you say there are hundreds of thousands of Jewish Communists in America?

Rockwell: Perhaps more.

Haley: What evidence do you have to back up that figure?

Rockwell: Plain statistics. Fourteen of the 16 Americans convicted in U.S. courts of treason as Communist spies have been racial Jews and one of them was a nigger. Of the 21 Communist leaders convicted in Judge Medina's court, 19 were racial Jews. Of the so-called "second-string Politburo" Communist leaders rounded up, more than 90 percent were racial Jews.

Haley: The total number of convicted spies who you say are Jewish comes to 33. That's far from hundreds of thousands.

Rockwell: There's also evidence in black and white. Even in their own publications, the Jews do not hide from the Jewishness of communism. It's there for anybody to see. For instance, the largest-circulation Communist newspaper in America is not The Worker, but a paper published in Yiddish called The Morning Freiheit. Any American can get a copy of this Jewish Communist newspaper and read, in the English portions, the open Communist treason they're preaching.

Haley: The views of The Morning Freiheit certainly can't be said to reflect those of most American Jews, Commander. Can you give a specific example of a pro-Marxist statement by any recognized spokesman for American Jewry?

Rockwell: Just one? That's easy. Let's take a statement made by Rabbi Stephen Wise; he's one of the leading spokesmen for American Jewry.

Haley: He died in 1949.

Rockwell: Well, before he died, he wrote, "Some call it communism; I call it Judaism." That's a direct quote. I'd say that's putting it pretty unequivocally, wouldn't you?

Haley: Can you produce proof of that statement?

Rockwell: Certainly. I'll send it to you. [The proof has not arrived, nor was Commander Rockwell able to tell us the name of the publication in which the alleged statement appeared. An official at Manhattan's Hebrew Union College, where Rabbi Wise's entire works are kept in archive, later said that no such statement appears anywhere in the late rabbi's writings. Rabbi Edward Kline, Wise's successor at New York's Free Synagogue, told us further that no such quote appears in any of Wise's speeches; nor could he, as a lifelong foe of communism, said Kline, have been capable of making such a remark. Confronted with this evidence, Rockwell later retracted the allegation.-Ed.]

Haley: Do you have any tangible evidence to substantiate your charges?

Rockwell: Would you accept evidence based on a statistical sampling?

Haley: Let's hear it.

Rockwell: Out of the number of Jews that I have known personally, a tremendous proportion-at least 50 percent, maybe as high as 85 or 90 percent-have been pro-Red; either card-carrying Communists or accessories before or after the fact, either openly and knowingly aiding and abetting communism and promoting the Communist overthrow of this government, or assisting the Communist enemies who are killing Americans, or consciously suppressing legal evidence which would tend to convict such traitors.

Haley: Your own conjectures about the political sympathies of Jews you've known personally, Commander, could hardly be accepted as evidence to support your allegations about them, let alone the "hundreds of thousands" you say are pro-Red. In any case, you say they "need frying-or gassing." On what grounds?

Rockwell: Treason. Everybody-not just Jews-with suspicious records of pro-communism, or treasonable Zionism, or any subversive attack on this country or its people, should be investigated and arrested and the evidence placed before a grand jury. If they're indicted, they should be tried for treason, and if they're convicted, they should be killed.

Haley: How?

Rockwell: Well, there are going to be hundreds of thousands of Jewish traitors to execute, don't forget. I don't see how you can strap that many people in electric chairs and get the job done before they all die of old age; so it seems to me that mass gas chambers are going to be the only solution for the Communist traitor problem in America.

Haley: Your suggestion of gas chambers as a "solution for the Communist traitor problem" is reminiscent of the "final solution for the Jewish problem" instituted by the Nazis in Germany. Are you planning to lead another anti-Semitic crusade along the lines laid down by Hitler?

Rockwell: The crusade I plan to lead will be much broader in scope than that. In Germany, Hitler produced a local "lab experiment"; he provided me with an ideology in the same way that Marx provided one for Lenin. My task is to turn this ideology into a world movement. And I'll never be able to accomplish that by preaching pure Aryanism as Hitler did-by glorifying the Nordic-Germanic people as a "master race." There is an easily identifiable master race, however: the white race. You can find it all over the world. This is what I'm fighting for-not Aryanism, but white Christian solidarity. In the long run, I intend to win over the people of Greece, of Germany, of Italy, of England, of Canada, of France, of Spain, of Latin America, of Rhodesia, of South Africa-the people of every white Christian country in the world. All the white Christian countries of the earth I would try to mold into one racial, religious, political and military entity. I want them eventually to have hegemony.

Haley: Over the nonwhite, non-Christian nations?

Rockwell: Over the Afro-Asian bloc, which is to me the ultimate danger the earth faces. Worse than the bomb! These people have something both communism and democracy have lost. They're fanatics! They're full of this wild-eyed belief and vitality that the white man has gradually been losing. If they ever unite, there will be almost a billion of them against the white man-a ratio of seven to one. They're breeding so fast that the odds could easily be 10 or 15 to one before too long. When these billions of primitive colored people are able to control an atom or an H-bomb, as Red China may soon be able to do, we could wipe out a hundred million of them, and there would still be plenty more who kept coming. The white race couldn't take that kind of a bloodletting for long. We'd be wiped out! The huge masses of semi-animal colored people would simply sweep over us, and there'd be nothing we could do about it. It would be the ultimate victory of quantity over quality-unless the white people unite first. We're in real trouble if they get together first. But make no mistake: There's going to be a battle of Armageddon, and it's going to be not between communism and democracy, but between the colored millions of the world and the small but elite corps of white men; ideological, economic and philosophical issues will play little or no part in it. When the time comes-and it's later than we think-I plan to be ready not only to defend myself, but to lead the millions of whites all over the world who today are foolishly pretending they don't know what's going on.

Haley: Estimates of your nationwide membership range from 25 to 100. Do you propose to lead the white Christian nations with this handful of followers?

Rockwell: In the first place, we're a world movement, just as communism is a world movement rather than a local or a national organization. We've launched a world union of National Socialists, of which I am the international commander. In the second place, you've got those figures wrong. In this country alone, we've got about 500 storm troopers-that's men ready for street action-plus about 1500 Party members. Also about 15,000 correspondents-people sympathetic to our cause who write in and donate. And our membership abroad numbers in the thousands.

Haley: Where abroad?

Rockwell: Let me name you countries. Argentina: Horst Eichmann, Adolf Eichmann's son, is our leader there; he's either in jail or disappeared, but our movement is growing there. In Australia, our movement is temporarily busted up, but my leader-an American-is running around under cover, trying to get his group back together again. In Spain, we've got a pretty good undercover movement, but Franco doesn't appreciate it, so we have to stay under cover. In England, Colin Jordan is operating wide open-and doing very well. In France, we've got a damned good group; they were all arrested just a while back. In Belgium, I've got an ex-SS paratrooper in charge, and he's doing very well. In Sweden, we've got a tremendous group; they were all just arrested. In Austria-our guy is in jail, so things are pretty well broken up there. In Canada, John Beattie is leading a tremendous and successful movement. Our leader in Chile is in jail. In Germany, we've gone under cover; our leader is going to jail shortly. In Holland, we're doing fine. In Ireland, they're coming along fast. In Italy, we've got a real tremendous movement. In Japan, one of our guys stabbed the Socialist deputy. Remember? New Zealand is coming along fine. But Norway isn't doing too good. We've a fine group in South Africa now, though, and we've got a group in Rhodesia now, too.

So you see, we've got groups all over the world. They're still little. But after all, it's only been 20 years since Hitler died. Twenty years after Christ was crucified, there were almost no Christians. Right now, the followers of the swastika are in the catacombs, like the original followers of the cross were then. I can't say we're a Christian movement in the ordinary sense; in fact, I personally am an agnostic. But I deeply believe that there is a power greater than ours that's helping us in our fight to keep the world natural and racially pure-as opposed to perverted and mongrelized. We've got an ideology, a dedication, a belief, a vitality to match the zealotry of the fanatical Asian-African bloc. That's why we're going to grow; that's why-eventually-we're going to prevail.

Haley: Can you tell us just how you plan to go about fulfilling this destiny-with or without divine intervention?

Rockwell: I have a four-phase plan. The first phase is to reach the masses; you can do nothing until you've reached the masses. In order to reach them-without money, without status, without a public platform-you have to become a dramatic figure. Now in order to achieve that, I've had to take a lot of garbage: being called a nut and a monster and everything else. But by hanging up the swastika, I reach the masses. The second phase is to disabuse them of the false picture they have gotten of me, to educate them about what my real program is. The third phase will be to organize the people I've educated into a political entity. And the fourth phase will be to use that political entity as a machine to win political power.

That's the plan. They all overlap, of course. Right now we're about 50 percent involved in phase two; we're actually beginning to educate people-in interviews like this one, in speaking engagements at colleges and the like. The other 50 percent is still phase one-just raising hell to keep people aware that there's such a thing as the American Nazi Party, not caring what they call us, as long as they call us something.

Haley: What kind of hell-raising?

Rockwell: Well, I haven't done it yet, but one of my ambitions is to rent me a plane and skywrite a big smoke swastika over New York City-on Hitler's birthday. That sort of thing. Or I might get one plane to do the Star of David, and I'll come in another plane and squat and do brown smoke all over it-on Ben-Gurion's birthday. I've checked federal regulations, and they couldn't do a thing about it. All I need is the money to do it. But that's in the future. One of the biggest things we've already done to propagandize ourselves is our "Coon-ard Lines Boat Tickets to Africa." It's our most popular mail-order item; white high school students order them by the thousands. Would you like me to read you what a ticket entitles one nigger to?

Haley: Go ahead.

Rockwell: Six things. One: a free trip to Africa on a Cadillac-shaped luxury liner. Two: choice cuts of all the bananas and missionaries desired en route, and a free jar of meat tenderizer. NAACP members may sit up front and twist to Martin Luther Coon's jazz band. Three: a barrel of hair-grease axle grease delicately scented with nigger sweat. Four: a framed picture of Eleanor Roosevelt and Harry Golden. Five: an unguarded chicken coop and watermelon patch on deck, plus fish and chips for breakfast. And six: plenty of wine, marijuana, heroin and other refreshments. And six: On the reverse side, we offer white liberal peace creeps a year's supply of "Instant Nigger." It's described as "Easy-mixing powder! Just sprinkle this dingy black dust on any sidewalk! Just make water on it, and presto! Hundreds of niggers spring up-little niggers, big niggers, fat niggers, skinny niggers, light niggers, midnight-black niggers, red niggers, even Jew niggers." It reads here, "Why wait? With this Instant Nigger Powder, any nigger-loving beatnik peace creep can have all the niggers he can stand!" Want one? Compliments of the house.

Haley: Is mail-order hate literature your main source of income?

Rockwell: That, plus initiation fees from new members; plus small donations from those who believe in what we're trying to do; plus the proceeds from special events like one of our "hate-nannies."

Haley: What are they?

Rockwell: Big musical jamborees. We hold them on patriotic holidays.

Haley: Would you give an example of a hate-nanny lyric?

Rockwell: Sure. Remember, you asked for it: "Ring that bell, shout for joy / White man's day is here / Gather all those equals up / Herd them on the pier / America for whites / Africa for blacks / Send those apes back to the trees / Ship those niggers back / Twenty million ugly coons are ready on their pier / America for whites / Africa for blacks / Ring that bell, shout for joy / The white man's day is here / Hand that chimp his ugly stick / Hand that buck his spear ..." That's just the first part of that song. Do you want to hear more of it?

Haley: No, we get the general idea.

Rockwell: Well, I believe a man ought to hoist up his flag and tell you what he is. And that's just what we do here.

Haley: Are there any anti-Jewish ballads in your hate-nanny song bag?

Rockwell: Oh, yes! One of our favorites is The Jews Are Through in '72. It goes to the tune of Mademoiselle From Armentières. Want to hear it?

Haley: We'll listen.

Rockwell: "The Jews are through in '72, parlez-vous / The Jews are through in '72, parlez-vous / We'll feed them bacon till they yell / And send them all to kosher hell / Hinky dinky, parlez-vous ..." The chorus repeats, and then comes the next verse: "We'll steal the rabbi's knife and sheath / And make him do it with his teeth / Hinky dinky, parlez-vous." The rest of it I don't remember.

Haley: The song says the Jews will be "through in '72." Is that date significant in some way?

Rockwell: 1972 is the year I'm going to be elected President on the National Socialist ticket. Five years of the Johnson administration will leave the country so torn with racial tensions that some Republican will be a cinch to win in 1968. Then, in 1969, a great economic catastrophe is going to hit this country.

Haley: The nation's economy has never been healthier than it is today, and most economists predict that the end of the boom is not in sight.

Rockwell: Nevertheless, there will be an economic catastrophe, though of what nature I'm not sure. It could be an inflation. I say so because all this build-up is based on sand. America's so-called prosperity is based on debt, war and inflationary money which has no backing and is bound to collapse. Along about 1969, it's all going to come tumbling down like a house of cards, and the President is going to be blamed for it. In the ensuing economic chaos, plus all the racial warfare, the people will welcome a man who stands unequivocally for the white Christian majority.

Haley: What makes you think so?

Rockwell: As I travel, I find that people everywhere, from the smallest towns to the biggest cities, are looking for what I offer. Most of them won't agree with me openly, but if you take them aside, ask them privately, they'd probably tell you, "Rockwell has the right idea: White Christian people should dominate." By 1972, with the economy coming apart at the seams, with the niggers pushing, with the Communists agitating, with all of this spiritual emptiness, with all this cowardice and betrayal by our government, the masses of common, ordinary white people will have had it up to here. They'll want a real leader in the White House-no more spineless jellyfish, no more oily, two-faced demagogs, no more queers in the White House like Walter Jenkins and his friends. They'll be looking for a white leader with the guts of a Malcolm X, with the guts to stand up and say, "I'm going to completely separate the black and white races and preserve white Christian domination in this country, and I'm going to have the Jew Communists and any other traitors gassed for treason. And if you don't like it, you know what you can do about it."

Haley: Do you seriously think you can be elected on that platform?

Rockwell: I know so. Things are going to be so desperate by then that it won't matter whether I've got two horns and a tail; I'll be swept into office.

Haley: If you are elected, who from among contemporary public figures would you appoint to your Cabinet?

Rockwell: If he were still alive, I'd have General Douglas MacArthur as Secretary of State. For Secretary of Defense, Retired General of the Marine Corps "Chesty" Puller. For Attorney General, J. Edgar Hoover. For Secretary of the Interior, Governor George Wallace of Alabama. Let me think, now, others: Senators William Jenner and Harry Byrd, Charles Lindbergh-and William Buckley; he won't appreciate that, but I think his brilliance could certainly be valuable. You'll have to agree that this is a Cabinet to give nightmares to any Jew alive. They'd start swimming for Israel even before I was sworn in. But I don't think there's a man in that Cabinet who is known as anti-Semitic.

Haley: How about anti-Negro?

Rockwell: Well, I'd prefer to call them pro-white.

Haley: If you had carte-blanche power to do so as the Chief Executive, would you create a dictatorship along the lines of Hitler's?

Rockwell: No, I'd reinstitute the American Constitutional Republic the way it was set up by our authoritarian forefathers-who were, in essence, nothing more than National Socialists just like me.

Haley: In no way did the founding fathers attempt to abridge the democratic right to "liberty and justice for all." How can you call them Nazis?

Rockwell: In the first place, I don't believe in democracy. In the second place, neither did our white forefathers. I believe, as they did, in a republic-an authoritarian republic with a limited electorate-just like the one the writers of our Constitution meant this country to be. When these white Christian patriots sat down to write the Declaration of Independence, there were no black citizens for them to worry about. In those days, all the niggers were slaves; but today, thanks to several misguided amendments, our Constitution provides even the blackest of savages with the same rights as his former white masters.

Haley: Then you advocate the disenfranchisement of Negroes?

Rockwell: And the revocation of their citizenship.

Haley: And the restoration of slavery?

Rockwell: No, we have machines to do their work now. I would simply revoke their citizenship and then offer them the alternatives of either returning to Africa with our generous help and assistance in establishing a modern industrial nation, or being relocated on reservations like the Indians were when they became a problem to the survival of the white people. This will apply to you, too, by the way. Nothing personal, you understand; I like you, personally; but I can't make any exceptions.

Haley: Of course not. What would you do with America's 6 million Jews?

Rockwell: I think the Jews can be dealt with individually rather than as a group-like the niggers must be because of their race. As I said earlier, I think all Jews-in fact, all those connected in any way with treason, whether Jews or not-should be investigated and their cases put before grand juries; if they're indicted, they should then be tried, and if convicted, they should be killed.

Haley: Having disposed of Jews and Negroes, would that complete your list of those slotted for removal?

Rockwell: Not quite. I'd also purge the queers. I despise them worst of all. They're one of the ugliest problems of our society, and they must be removed-I don't know if with gas, or what, just so they don't poison society. If they insist on being queers, put them on some island, maybe-but certainly not around the rest of society. They're the ultimate symbol of a decaying civilization.

Haley: Since you're concerned about the problem, Commander, would you like to reply to a frequent charge by psychiatrists that the womanless atmosphere of military asceticism and institutionalized hostility that characterize your "hate monastery," as you've called your headquarters here, make it an ideal sanctuary for those with repressed homosexual tendencies?

Rockwell: My reply is that this is the standard Jewish charge. The biggest charger that we are a bunch of homosexuals is Walter Winchell, whose real name is Isadore Israel Lipshitz, or something like that. [Winchell's real name is Walter Winchel.-Ed.] He's always calling me "George Lincoln Ratwell, Queen of the Nazis," saying I'm a fairy, and so forth. Universally, I have found that the Jews themselves, as Hitler said, are the greatest people in the world for accusing others of their own crimes.

Haley: You haven't answered the charge that your Party is a haven for homosexuals.

Rockwell: Well, I do think there is a tendency for queers to come here, because to a queer, this place is as tempting as a girls' school would be to me. Whenever I catch any of them in here, I throw them out; and I have caught quite a few of them in here. We had one case where we had reason to believe that the police would catch two guys in the act. The two of them left here hand in hand. I tried to get them prosecuted. We won't tolerate that sort of thing.

Haley: How about heterosexual relations? Are they verboten, too?

Rockwell: Absolutely not. Any man who didn't vigorously enjoy normal sex could never be a National Socialist. One of the best American Nazis I've ever known used to use a vulgar expression, "Those who won't fuck won't fight." I wouldn't put it so crudely myself, but I heartily subscribe to that doctrine. I never knew a good fighting man who didn't enjoy a lusty sex life.

Haley: Are any of your men married?

Rockwell: A few, but most are either single or divorced, like myself. I believe very strongly in the importance of basic morals to protect civilization, but it's almost impossible for a guy in this kind of work to have a normal marriage and family; so most of us have no choice but to make other arrangements. And I might add, to paraphrase a French bon mot, vive les arrangements. But I must admit that it's damn difficult-especially for me-to have any sort of normal contacts with women, since I'm so often approached in this regard for political blackmail.

Haley: Is it true that you require your Party members to swear an oath against drinking, smoking and cursing?

Rockwell: All my officers take an oath against drinking, including myself. Most have also taken an oath against smoking. I, myself, would not smoke except that the corncob pipe I've smoked for so long has become sort of a trademark. As for cursing, it's hard to stop cursing in the rough situations in which we live, just like in the Armed Services; but I do all I can to discourage it.

Haley: You've used swearwords in this interview. Is this setting a good example for your men?

Rockwell: Well, I exempt myself from that oath for professional appearances such as this. In talking to you, I've used words like "nigger" and "kike" because this is a big interview in a national interviews, and I want to attract attention-to shock people into listening to what I have to say. If I were discussing, say, the favorite word of niggers-"motherfucker"-I'd say it strictly as a factual observation and to make a point. But in private conversation, neither I nor any of my members ever use that word-or any other foul language.

Haley: Do you also forbid the use of drugs?

Rockwell: Certainly. I've had a few guys in here who I think were marijuana smokers, but I've thrown them out and turned them in. Addiction to any drug is degenerative mentally as well as physically, and we're dead serious about our dedication to the healthy-body-healthy-mind philosophy.

Haley: Is karate or judo instruction part of your training program?

Rockwell: Not so much of that. I've found that unless you're a real expert at karate or judo, it doesn't help you much. Unless you use it instinctively, it's no use at all. So we concentrate on physical education, boxing and weapons training.

Haley: What sort of weapons?

Rockwell: Rifles and pistols.

Haley: For what purpose?

Rockwell: Self-defense. I believe the white people of America should learn methods of surviving in the event of racial anarchy and general bedlam in this country, which I think is likely.

Haley: Do you share the belief of the Minutemen in the importance of being prepared for an armed Communist invasion of the U.S. mainland?

Rockwell: The Minutemen are kidding themselves. If there is a total Communist takeover, they haven't got a prayer in the world of surviving it, let alone stopping it-running around in the weeds with a few guns like little boys playing cops and robbers. All they're doing is giving themselves an emotional catharsis. They're wasting millions of dollars, and in the process they're getting a lot of good kids sent to jail for illegal possession of weapons. I think it's like the Klan. Their aim, insofar as being ready is concerned, I'm for. I'm for the Klan's principles, ideas and so forth-except the anti-Catholicism-but from my point of view, their methods stink!

Haley: What methods?

Rockwell: Their partial terrorism. I feel that terrorism is a valid weapon in guerrilla warfare, or any kind of warfare; and under the circumstances in which our country finds itself, I would favor terrorism if it could be complete-if it would work. A hundred years ago, I'd have been a Klansman with a rope and a gun and the whole business. I'd have really gone all out during the Reconstruction to save the white South. And make no mistake about the terrorism: It did the job. But today, it plays directly into the hands of Martin Luther Coon; it manufactures martyrs for the Northern press, for the liberals, and it doesn't scare the niggers out of hell-raising anymore.

Haley: But apart from your belief that racial violence against Negroes has become self-defeating, you have no moral objection to it?

Rockwell: None at all. What I object to is wars among white men. This is what we've been doing for centuries-fighting among ourselves and wiping each other out. The North versus the South is a perfect example: the biggest bloodletting we've had, the cream of the white population wiped out, all because of the niggers. It solved nothing; it really changed nothing-except that a lot of good white kids got killed. I'm agin that! If we have any more wars, I want to fight the Red Chinese or the Jews, or go over to Africa and fight the niggers. This I can see some point to. As far as violence on an individual basis is concerned, well, when I come to power I plan to have dueling for officers in the Armed Forces. I'll have two purposes in that: first, to maintain a corps of officers unafraid to face death-not just in case of war; and second, to restore the concept of personal honor. I don't think going to court and suing somebody is really a deterrent to libelouse, vicious talk. But people don't flap their mouths quite so freely when they're liable to have to back it up with a gun. Right now dueling isn't legal, but the moment it is, I would be eager to face Billy James Hargis and Robert "Rabbit" Welch on a field of honor for going around calling me a Communist.

Haley: Have you considered the possibility that you might be killed in such a confrontation?

Rockwell: I've not only considered it; I expect it. And I'm ready for it. Being prepared to die is one of the great secrets of living. I know I'm going to go-probably in some violent manner; the only question is when and how. But I don't think that's going to happen to me until I complete my mission. I know this is irrational, but I believe that I was placed here for a purpose and I think God has something to do with it: Our country needs a leader. So I think I'll be spared. As Rommel said, "Stand next to me; I'm bulletproof."

Haley: Do you think you're bulletproof, too?

Rockwell: Not literally, of course, but I firmly believe that the more arrogant and defiant you are of danger, the safer you are from harm. I think that's the reason I've survived so many times when people have shot at me. If you're fearless enough, it implants a certain psychology in the guy that's trying to shoot at you. It's almost as if he could smell your fearlessness, the way an animal smells fear. But the effect is the opposite: Instead of being emboldened to attack, he's so unsettled that his hand shakes when he goes to pull the trigger; and this makes it almost impossible for him to hit you. Either that, or he'll back down entirely. When I go out in the street and toughs come up threatening to whip me, I look them straight in the eye and say, "Go ahead. Start." Maybe they could whip me, but so far nobody's tried.

Haley: What's the closest you've come to getting killed?

Rockwell: The closest, I guess-though I didn't get hurt-was the time we had scheduled a picket by 14 of us of the movie Exodus in Boston. The other men were in a truck, and I had registered in a nearby hotel as Nathan Ginsburg, where I waited until the scheduled picket time of two p.m. The newspapers and radio estimated that 10,000 or more Jews were packing the streets waiting for us, and my truck full of boys couldn't get through the crowd. Well, our picket had been the subject of headlines for days, so I couldn't possibly chicken out at that point. I had to get through the crowd somehow to picket in front of the theater; so I put on an overcoat, went through the crowd quietly, and when I got in front of the theater, I took off the overcoat in the middle of all those Jews and stood there in full-dress uniform. They were shocked into silence for a moment; their jaws dropped. Then somebody hollered, "It's Rockwell Get him!" And the whole huge mob marched in on me with their clubs and baling hooks. If I hadn't been rescued by a flying wedge of tough Irish cops, I would certainly have been killed. I was taken into protective custody and put in a cell. I'll tell you, I was glad I was out of that; it could have ended horribly. But I had to show my men that I wouldn't ask them to do anything I wouldn't do myself. Another reason I did it is the effect the Nazi uniform has on Jews: It turns them into insane hatemongers-easy to beat, outmaneuver and outthink. The most dangerous man on the face of the earth is a rational, carefully planning Jew, but a raging, hate-filled Jew will act foolishly; you can whip him.

Haley: How many times have you been jailed for this kind of agitation, Commander?

Rockwell: Up to now, 15 times. But never for very long; two weeks was the longest-that was in New Orleans. We'd gone down there with our "Hate Bus" to make fun of nigger agitators who were calling their bus the "Love Bus." Without so much as a warrant or any real cause, the Jew-dominated officials of New Orleans had us all thrown in jail on phony charges that were later dropped. We finally got out by staging a hunger strike; 11 of us went eight days without a bite. On the fourth day, one of our men began to crack and said he was going to eat, so we had to let him know that if he did, it would be his last meal. He changed his mind. Another time in Virginia, they put me in jail, and I was facing ten years' possible imprisonment for "starting a war against the niggers." You've never seen a man act as guilty as the sheriff who arrested me.

Haley: Guilty about what?

Rockwell: He felt he was doing the wrong thing. Here was a fellow white man fighting for the same things he believed in, and he was throwing me in jail. But this town is in the clutches of this Jew who owns two huge department stores and grocery stores there; so the sheriff was acting under leftist political pressure. But that leftist hotbed is a sanctuary of segregationist archconservatism compared with Philadelphia. Believe it or not, my men and I were jailed there for picketing a hotel where Gus Hall, the head of the American Communist Party, was speaking. As far as I'm concerned, Philadelphia is the enemy capital. They've practically got Jewish flags flying from the flagpoles. In most cities, though, I've found that they're only bluffing when they threaten me with jail. I tell them, "You'd better start arresting, 'cause I'm going to start speaking." Nine times out of 10 they chicken out. They're used to nonviolent niggers being willing to go to jail-not white supremacists. Well, here's one white supremacist who ain't afraid to go to jail. And neither are my men. As a matter of fact, we've got at least two or three Party members in jail somewhere in the United States almost 365 days a year. Every Sunday night we honor them in ceremonies that we hold on the parade grounds in front of this building. We also award special decorations for conspicuous achievement on behalf of the Party and for acts of heroism above and beyond the call of duty. Our top award is the Order of Adolf Hitler, then the Gold, the Silver and the Bronze awards. The highest award I've given yet was the Silver; that was to a man who couldn't contain himself in Birmingham and belted Martin Luther Coon on the head for calling that nigger Jew Sammy Davis, Jr. "an example of the finest type of American."

Haley: You know, of course, that Dr. King is widely respected and admired by the majority of the American public, black and white-while you, a champion of white supremacy, are regarded by most people as a "nut" and a "hatemonger," abominated by almost everyone-including the John Birch Society.

Rockwell: Martin Luther Coon may go on pulling the wool over the public's eyes for a while longer, but sooner or later they're going to find him out for what he is-an 18-karat fake, a fraud on the Negro people. When the black revolution comes, I wouldn't be surprised to see him get it first-from his own people. As for my being a nut, that name has been applied to some of the greatest men the world has ever known, from Christ to the Wright Brothers. I say it's therefore one of the highest accolades I could be given. My father once told me that his Jewish friends ask him, "How could you spawn such a viper?" Well, I'm proud that Communist Jews think me a viper. As for the threats and the beatings and the investigations and the assassination attempts and all that, when I hung up the Nazi flag, I counted on being jailed and hated and hounded. If I hadn't been, I'd figure I was a flop. Harassment is par for the course in the embryonic stages of any new movement that's opposed by the established powers-especially one as revolutionary as mine. I wouldn't be surprised if the Anti-Defamation League already has a cross built for me, with the nails ready. But I don't consider myself persecuted. Maturity is to accept the consequences of your own acts. I think it's a symptom of paranoia to feel that it's anyone's fault but your own if you fail to accomplish what you set out to.

Haley: We read a newspaper interview a few years ago in which you claimed you were being "gagged and slandered by the Jewish press," sabotaged by a nationwide journalistic conspiracy in your fight to put your case before the nation. When "the Jewish press" wasn't pretending that you didn't exist, you said, it was either deliberately misquoting you or doctoring your public statements to remove the sense and retain the shock value-in order to make you sound simple-minded or to portray you as a racist monster. Only this conspiracy of silence and misrepresentation, you claimed, was preventing you from getting your revolutionary message across to the white, gentile masses and rallying them to your flag. To some people, Commander, these might sound like the remarks of a man who's trying to blame his failures on someone else.

Rockwell: You think I'm being paranoid is that it?

Haley: Some people might.

Rockwell: In the Columbia Journalism Review about three months ago, Ben Bagdikian, a frequent writer for the Anti-defamation League, wrote an article called. "The Gentle Suppression" which asked the question, "Is the news quarantine of Rockwell a good thing?" Bagdikian openly reveals that the press maintains as much silence as possible about our activities. So you see, the Jew blackout on us is as real as a hand over my mouth. They know we're too poor to buy air time or advertising space, so they ban our publications from all channels of distribution, and they refuse to report our activities in the daily press. I could run naked across the White House lawn and they wouldn't report it. I'm being facetious. But I'm dead serious when I say that the only kind of free speech left in this country is that speech that doesn't criticize the Jews. If you criticize the Jews, you're either smeared or silenced. They have that same kind of "free speech" in Cuba, Red China and Russia and every other Communist country: You can say anything you like as long as it doesn't criticize the dictator. The Jews are never going to let me reach the people with my message in the American press; they can't afford to.

Haley: How do you reconcile that statement with the fact that you're being interviewed at this moment for a national interviews?

Rockwell: I've been interviewed, taped and photographed thousands of times for just such presentations as these, but they never appear. The fact that you come here and get this interview doesn't prove that you'll print it, or that if you do, you'll print it straight. After the editors read over the transcript, they'll decide it's too hot to handle, and they'll chicken out rather than risk getting bombed by the Jews and the niggers when it comes out.

Haley: We'll take our chances, Commander-if you will.

Rockwell: I'll take any chances to get my message read. But it's never going to happen. We've been kept out of the news too many times before. I'll bet you a hundred dollars this whole thing has been nothing but a waste of my time because it's never going to reach the people who read your interviews.

(The above interview by Alex Haley is presented under the Creative Commons License. It first appeared in the April 1966 issue of Playboy. © 1966 Playboy Enterprises International, Inc. © 1993 by Ballantine Books. All Rights Reserved.)

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Alex Haley Interviews George Lincoln Rockwell - Alex Haley

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(Alex Haley Interviews George Lincoln Rockwell was originally published in the April 1966 issue of Playboy Magazine. In addition, it was also published within Alex Haley: The Playboy Interviews by Ballantine Books in July 1993.)

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Gouvernements, entreprises, ménages : endettez-vous, c'est le moment ! Les taux d'intérêt n'ont jamais été aussi bas et ils ne sont pas prêts de remonter. Le monde est entré dans la pandémie alors que les taux étaient historiquement bas depuis la crise de 2008. Pour permettre aux Etats de se financer pendant cette crise, les banques centrales sont allées encore plus loin, s'enfonçant un peu plus dans cette nouvelle ère monétaire où l'argent est quasi gratuit. " Les taux vont rester très bas très longtemps, on est tous d'accord ", explique Mikaël Pacot, d'Axa Investment Managers. " On ne va pas sortir de la politique monétaire expansionniste de sitôt ", confirme Christopher Dembik, de Saxo Bank.

Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi Les banques centrales, ultime rempart de l'économie mondiale

Pour l'économie mondiale, les conséquences sont majeures. L'action des banques centrales, qui permet de garder les taux à zéro, est le principal phénomène qui va influencer tous les autres. C'est vrai pour les ménages qui achètent un logement et qui vont pouvoir emprunter toujours moins cher. C'est vrai aussi pour les ménages les plus riches, détenteurs d'actifs, qui vont s'enrichir, accentuant les inégalités entre les classes sociales mais aussi entre les générations. Inversement, l'épargne bancaire ne rapporte plus rien et le Livret A est, aujourd'hui, presque sans intérêt. Mais c'est surtout vrai pour les Etats, qui vont pouvoir emprunter comme jamais.

Trois décennies de baisse des taux

Avec la pandémie, toutes les grandes banques centrales sont venues au secours de l'économie, en lançant des plans d'achat de dette d'une ampleur inédite. L'enveloppe dépasse, par exemple, 1 500 milliards d'euros pour la Banque centrale européenne (BCE), ce qui permet aux Etats de la zone euro de se financer facilement.

LE MONDE

Officiellement, les banques centrales l'assurent : leur action est temporaire. Bientôt viendra la " normalisation " et le retour à des taux d'intérêt plus élevés. " Elles avaient dit la même chose en 2008-2009, réplique Brian Coulton, chef économiste à Fitch Ratings. La leçon de ces dix dernières années est que les banques centrales ne sont pas allées loin dans la normalisation. " Le cabinet d'analyse Oxford Economics estime que les taux vont rester bas au moins " pendant les cinq prochaines années ".

La tendance à la baisse des taux d'intérêt remonte à la fin des années 1980. La Réserve fédérale américaine (Fed, banque centrale) a été une des premières à le faire. En 1987, le " lundi noir " fait plonger la Bourse. Alan Greenspan est alors depuis deux mois à la tête de la banque centrale américaine, promettant de ne pas agir en cas d'éclatement des bulles financières, persuadé de la force autorégulatrice des marchés. Il fait pourtant exactement l'inverse et annonce immédiatement " être prêt à servir de source de liquidité ".
Il vous reste 73.17% de cet article à lire. La suite est réservée aux abonnés.

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Avec la crise sanitaire, le monde est entré dans l'ère de l'argent gratuit

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Gouvernements, entreprises, ménages : endettez-vous, c'est le moment ! Les taux d'intérêt n'ont jamais été aussi bas et ils ne sont pas prêts de remonter. Le monde est entré dans la pandémie alors que les taux étaient historiquement bas depuis la crise de 2008.

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je revenais visiter mon école primaire, et sur le sol y'avait tout plein de chiffres marqués à la craie genre

1 2 0 0 1 2 1 0 6 0 0 3 3 1 0 1 6 2 2 3 6 0 1 2 3 0 0 2 2 3

je suis rentré dans une classe au hasard, y'avait interro.
la prof m'a dit que c'était la grande épreuve de début d'année, ça durait un mois et ça permettait de classer les élèves (1 top, 2 bon, 3 ok, 0 nul et 6 "spécial"). aujourd'hui, ils devaient apprendre par coeur le plan de tous ces chiffres, parce qu'ils devraient ensuite se mettre en rang selon ce plan là.

elle m'a dit que ce test valait seulement 843 points, sur un total de 88 000 points.

je suis rentré dans une autre classe, c'était ma soeur qui faisait cours. dictée pour 120 points. le premier mot à écrire était "mnémonite". quand je suis passé voir les copies au premier rang, un élève avait écrit "réindustrialiser" et l'autre "relocaliser".
au dernier rang, je suis tombé sur mon filleul, qui jouait à fortnite sur sa switch. sur sa copie, il avait marqué "amnésique"

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“Our nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values and indoctrinate our children,” Mr. Trump said, addressing a packed crowd of sign-waving supporters, few of whom wore masks. “Angry mobs are trying to tear down statues of our founders, deface our most sacred memorials and unleash a wave of violent crime in our cities.”

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récap des arguments de tupac vivant à cuba

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On Me Against the World, the 1995 album from Tupac Shakur, the prodigious rapper foretells his death. "I'm having visions of leaving here in a hearse/ God can ya feel me?/ Take me away from all the pressure/ and all the pain/ show me some happiness again," he raps on "So Many Tears." Eighteen months later, while riding in the passenger seat under the iridescent glow of the Las Vegas strip with Marion "Suge" Knight at the wheel, Tupac was gunned down and mortally wounded. Or was he?

Here's how his death supposedly went down. Just past 11 p.m. on September 7, 1996, at the intersection of Flamingo Road and Koval Lane (then just a few steps from the Maxim Hotel), Tupac and Knight were idle at a red light when a white Cadillac rolled up to the passenger side and opened fire. Tupac, whose career had been on a steep ascent since getting out of prison the year before, was hit four times; one bullet critically punctured his lung. Knight, for the most part, was unharmed.

A week later, on September 13, while on life-support in the critical care unit at the University Medical Center of Southern Nevada, the 25-year-old rap phenom died from internal bleeding.

The drive-by shooting was reported to be gang-related, spurred by a physical altercation involving Tupac, Knight, and Orlando "Baby Lane" Anderson, a Crip gang affiliate from Compton, the night of September 7. (A 2011 investigation by the FBI showed several threats were also made on the rapper's life by the Jewish Defense League).

Dr. Ed Brown, the Clark County coroner investigator, determined Tupac's death a homicide. " I found no apparent life signs," he detailed in his report, "and trauma was observed to the right hand, right hip and right chest under the right arm, apparently caused from gunshots.'' Tupac was pronounced dead at 4:03 p.m. on Friday, September 13, 1996.

But if the old saying is true, legends never truly die-perhaps quite literally in Tupac's case.

The Most Common Questions Surrounding Tupac's Death

The picture above, said to be the last photo taken before the shooting, raises two interesting questions: If Tupac was shot on 9/7/96, why does the photo indicate it was taken on 9/8/96?

Why are there no keys in the car's ignition?

14 shots were fired, four of which hit Tupac. Knight, who is a considerably large man (around 6'4, 260 pounds) was not hit once. He was said to have sustained minimal injures from bullet fragments, but no serious wounds were recorded. Did Knight mastermind the shooting? (Believe what you will, but nobody's luck is that good.)

Since being shot at Quad Recording Studios on November 30, 1994, Pac wore a bullet-proof vest almost everywhere. It seems odd, on such a high profile night, that he'd forego protection.

The BMW from the photo does not match the BMW from the police investigation video.

The shooters were never found. As one former Outlawz member noted in a 2014 National Geographic documentary that explored Tupac's still unsolved murder, "This is America. We found Bin Laden." So why has it been so difficult to find the men who shot Tupac? What are the police not telling us?

The streets of Las Vegas are typically jam-packed-with an assortment of cars, people, and entertainers trying to earn a living. Tupac was shot two hours after the Mike Tyson/Bruce Seldon fight, and the streets, the strip especially, were likely congested with traffic that night. And yet, nobody spotted the white Cadillac?

The official coroner's report lists Tupac as 72 inches tall (6 feet) and 215 pounds. But the rapper's driver's license identifies him as 5'10 and 168 pounds.

Afeni Shakur (Tupac's mother) and medical staff are the only people who saw the rapper once he was admitted into the hospital. Years later, in a video interview, Afeni says, "In the end, he chose to leave quietly." What did she mean by "leave quietly"? Was she implying Tupac had a hand in his removal from the spotlight?

Tupac was reportedly cremated, and the man who cremated him retired after doing so. He has not been seen since, which, at the very least, is a little suspicious.

Since Tupac's death, seven albums have been released under his name, more than when he was alive. (All the tracks were said to be recorded before his death, but that seems questionable at best.)

So, Is Tupac Really Dead?

If we are to follow the reasoning provided by the above Yahoo message board user (we are!), then certain developments within the last few months add up perfectly.

Here are some facts:

In December 2014, President Obama restored "full diplomatic relations with Cuba," easing "restrictions on remittances, travel and banking" between the US and Cuba.

Tupac's aunt is Assata Shakur, the political activist and former Black Liberation Army member who escaped prison and fled to Cuba after she was convicted for the 1977 murder of a New Jersey State Trooper. She has been living in Cuba since 1984, where she was granted political asylum.

Kendrick Lamar's new album To Pimp a Butterfly, released March 16 (1 + 6 = 7!) of this year, features a conversation between the two rappers on the final track, "Mortal Man."

Powerade's new "Rose From Concrete" campaign uses Tupac's vocals.

You're thinking, what does all of this have in common? Tupac's continued existence on this earth.

Proof Tupac Is Alive (and Most Likely Living in Cuba)

Tupac was the consummate rap artist: overflowing with steely bravado, wildly intelligent, beloved by those who knew him best, and lyrically assertive and self-aware on tape. A platinum-selling political provocateur, he was a true rap iconoclast. His legend, even before the night of September 7, was already written into the history books. He was, as Vibe editor Alan Light said in November 1996, the only rapper who "had come to embody all contradictions and confusion that have grown up around hip-hop."

Pac was a public enigma-a man you could never grasp completely, even as he stood right in front of you. "[H]is life was about juggling plums while bullets nipped at his ankles," Danyel Smith wrote in the introduction to the 1997 book, Tupac Shakur. "It was about defiance, women, paranoia, ego, and anger-and going out in a blaze of what he imagined to be glory." No musical artist-not Jay Z, Eminem, or Kanye West-has captured the attention of the public quite like Tupac, who played both villain and hero with a certain tattooed aplomb. Even now, he is your favorite rapper's favorite rapper (see: Kendrick Lamar). So it is understandable, maybe even expected, that fans believe Tupac, arguably the biggest cultural and artistic force of the last 25 years, is still alive. Not even bullets could stop this larger-than-life man.

So, my theory: Overwhelmed by fame and seeking "happiness again" (as he yearned for on "So Many Tears"), Tupac faked his death and fled to Cuba to stay with his aunt, Assata. Free from the reach of American media and 90's rap beef, Tupac knew he'd be safe and go mostly undetected in the one place the US government wanted nothing to do with. As the rapper began to re-emerge last year-anticipating Obama's move to open diplomatic channels to Cuba before the end of his presidency-Tupac put monetary safeguards in place. After 18 years away, the rapper's funds were nearly depleted, so he sold audio rights to Interscope (the label that released Lamar's album) and Coca-Cola (the company that owns Powerade) to ensure his financial survival. It all makes perfect sense, really.

As more details have emerged in the last decade, fans and conspiracy theorists have scrutinized September 7, 1996 and the series of events surrounding the shooting with greater resolve. Maybe celebrity really was too much to bear, many have speculated, and Tupac faked his death (In a 2012 radio interview, Knight suggested that Tupac was still alive. "Nobody seen Tupac dead," he said). Maybe the police are covering up some bigger truth none of us can handle. Or maybe it was Knight who masterminded the attack, hoping to profit from the rapper's passing. Whatever the answer, one certainty persists: the night's events did not happen as we've long been told.
Illuminati Month on Black Bag, in which Gawker locks itself in the woodshed and breaks out the red yarn to explore its favorite conspiracy theories. Image by Jim Cooke, source photo via Getty.

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Tupac Is Alive (and Probably Living in Cuba): A Conspiracy, Explained

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On Me Against the World, the 1995 album from Tupac Shakur, the prodigious rapper foretells his death. "I'm having visions of leaving here in a hearse/ God can ya feel me?/ Take me away from all the pressure/ and all the pain/ show me some happiness again," he raps on "So Many Tears."

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hits summer 2020

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Bandcamp Week – Kedr Livanskiy by Crack Magazine

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Even in her more upbeat moments, Kedr Livanskiy’s music evokes a kind of hazy stasis. 

It’s no surprise then that her mix for Bandcamp Week seems to hover, shimmering in the half-light, finding pockets of tenderness even in the often-frantic works of artists like Fugazi and Sporting Life.

See the full tracklist on https://crackaud.io 

To Keep going, we need your help. Become a Crack Magazine Supporter: crackm.ag/support

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rewind

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Le Petit Débat - Episode 5 - La Présidentielle

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Les oscillations circadiennes du fonctionnement de l’organisme et de chaque organe rendent l’organisme plus ou moins sensible à certains médicaments au cours du cycle de 24 heures. Pour plusieurs molécules, des études ont permis d’identifier des schémas horaires d’administration optimaux pour une tolérance maximale et une toxicité minimale.

L'anticancéreux fluorouracile, par exemple, s’avère plus efficace et 5 fois moins toxique lorsqu'il est perfusé la nuit autour de 4 h du matin, plutôt qu'à 4 h de l'après-midi.

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Chronothérapie : se soigner à la bonne heure augmente vos chances de guérir du cancer

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Hall d'un immeuble du 13e arrondissement, à Paris, en mai 2007. ALEXANDRE TABASTE

Ils sont souvent jugés moches, parfois détestés. Mais les immeubles des années 1960-1970 sont dotés de grandes qualités que le confinement a permis de redécouvrir. Leurs logements sont spacieux et confortables, deux atouts précieux pendant les deux mois d'enfermement.

Deux atouts que les promoteurs actuels ont oubliés : " Nos appartements d'aujourd'hui ne sont pas faits pour accueillir les activités multiples concomitantes de toute la famille, à commencer par le télétravail, constate Catherine Sabbah, déléguée générale de l'Institut des hautes études pour l'action dans le logement (Idheal). Ce qui manque le plus, ce sont des mètres carrés intérieurs, par exemple pour aménager un bureau dans une chambre, et des espaces extérieurs collectifs et privatifs. "

L'enquête d'Idheal auprès de 8 000 personnes (par questionnaires écrits, du 25 mars au 5 mai 2020) sur le ressenti durant le confinement révèle que ceux qui ont mal vécu cette période vivent à 86 % en appartement, dont 66 % sans espace extérieur.

" Les Français, avec une surface moyenne d'appartement (en excluant les maisons individuelles) de 71 m², sont bons derniers en Europe, derrière l'Allemagne, à 81,5 m², et la Belgique, à 83,4 m², détaille François Leclercq, architecte. Depuis les années 1970, lorsque j'ai commencé à travailler, les surfaces des appartements neufs n'ont cessé de diminuer. Il faut arrêter cette régression et exiger des normes de surface : pas de pièce de moins de 13 m² et au moins 75 m² pour un trois-pièces, alors que la production actuelle plafonne à 60 m², plaide-t-il. " Les grands ensembles des années 1960, si mal-aimés, offraient pourtant des logements de grande qualité ", écrivait-il d'ailleurs dans une tribune signée avec deux confrères, Jacques Lucan et Odile Seyler (Le Monde du 24 avril).

Des tours appréciées de leurs habitants

" Mais oui, ces logements sont sublimes, juge Monique Eleb, sociologue de l'habitat qui a étudié, à trente ans d'écart, entre 1976 et 2004, deux tours d'habitation, à Bagnolet (Seine-Saint-Denis). Les appartements sont vastes, lumineux grâce à des baies vitrées tout en hauteur - aujourd'hui interdites par les normes thermiques -, traversants, ce qui permet des courants d'air utiles en temps de canicule, avec une vraie entrée, beaucoup de rangements, de placards, de cagibis, souvent une loggia, un large balcon ou une terrasse... Autant de confort que nous avons perdu. Ces tours sont peut-être mal aimées du public, mais leurs habitants, eux, les apprécient et leurs enfants reviennent y vivre. "
Il vous reste 74.03% de cet article à lire. La suite est réservée aux abonnés.

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Les immeubles des années 1970, et leurs avantages, sont revenus en grâce pendant le confinement

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Ils sont souvent jugés moches, parfois détestés. Mais les immeubles des années 1960-1970 sont dotés de grandes qualités que le confinement a permis de redécouvrir. Leurs logements sont spacieux et confortables, deux atouts précieux pendant les deux mois d'enfermement.

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En cuisine, on parle de cabillaud pour désigner un poisson frais et on utilise morue pour une préparation de poisson séché et salé. Dans le domaine de la pêche, le terme cabillaud désigne les morues d’âge mûr tandis que le mot morue s’utilise pour désigner les poissons plus jeunes.

//

L’aiglefin aussi écrit églefin et le haddock sont également les mêmes poissons mais préparés différemment. Il s’agit du même principe que pour le cabillaud et la morue: l’aiglefin désigne le poisson frais, pêché dans l’Atlantique Nord tandis que le haddock est le nom donné à l’églefin fumé et salé.

//

Le bar et le loup sont le même poisson. Le nom ne diffère pas en fonction de la préparation mais bien du lieu de pêche. ( bar Atlantique > loup méditerranée)

//

La lotte est la queue de baudroie mais aussi la lote

//

La daurade est le terme utilisé pour parler de la daurade royale.
La dorade quant à elle désigne d’autres types de dorades comme la dorade rose ou la dorade grise

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JeRetiens - Comprendre, apprendre, réviser

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Nombreux sont les poissons à porter deux noms différents ou plus !
Parfois ils changent de nom en fonction de l'endroit où ils sont pêchés, parfois il s'agit de la manière de les cuisiner qui les fait prendre une autre appellation, parfois encore il s'agit d'une technique commerciale pour favoriser la vente ou... les rendre plus appétissants auprès des âmes sensibles et des enfants !
Dans des cas plus rares, les poissons sont mêmes homophones.... comme la daurade et la dorade !

Dans cet article, découvrez les poissons qui changent de nom (et d'aspect !) et comprenez...

Pourquoi les poissons changent-ils de nom ?

Les plus connus sont le cabillaud et la morue; le bar et le loup; ou encore l' aiglefin et le haddock. Mais... nous allons en découvrir bien plus !

Commençons par les plus connus d'entre eux.

Le cabillaud c'est de la morue (et la morue, c'est du cabillaud !)

Le cabillaud est le nom commun donné aux poissons des eaux froides de la famille des morues. Cette appellation n'est pas utilisée partout dans le monde (par exemple, au Québec on parle de morue et le terme cabillaud est inconnu).

Les termes cabillaud et morue désignent deux types de poissons différents en fonction du domaine concerné.
En cuisine, on parle de cabillaud pour désigner un poisson frais et on utilise morue pour une préparation de poisson séché et salé.
Dans le domaine de la pêche, le terme cabillaud désigne les morues d' âge mûr tandis que le mot morue s'utilise pour désigner les poissons plus jeunes.

Les cabillauds et les morues désignent donc le même type de poisson ! La différence entre le cabillaud et la morue est à faire dans la préparation, le séchage, la qualité de fraîcheur, et l'âge du poisson.

L'aiglefin et le haddock sont les mêmes poissons !

L' aiglefin aussi écrit églefin et le haddock sont également les mêmes poissons mais préparés différemment.
Il s'agit du même principe que pour le cabillaud et la morue: l' aiglefin désigne le poisson frais, pêché dans l'Atlantique Nord tandis que le haddock est le nom donné à l' églefin fumé et salé.

Le haddock est donc une préparation d'aiglefin fumé et teint au roucou (qui est le même colorant utilisé pour la mimolette en France) qui lui confère cette couleur orange.

L'aiglefin est le poisson utilisé en Angleterre du Nord et en Écosse pour la réalisation du célèbre fish and chips (poisson frit, servi avec des frites et emballé dans du papier journal).

Le bar est un loup !

Le bar et le loup sont le même poisson. Le nom ne diffère pas en fonction de la préparation mais bien du l ieu de pêche.

Le bar est le nom usuellement donné au bar commun et au bar tacheté. Ce poisson vit à deux endroits, dans l' Océan Atlantique et dans la Méditerranée, et c'est cette distinction géographique qui lui confère une appellation différente.
Pêché dans l' Atlantique, il se nommera bar tandis que pêché dans la mer Méditerranée, il se nommera loup.

Il est surnommé loup à cause de son côté vorace: durant sa croissance, le bar ouvre sa bouche et mange de tout: bébés crabes, sardines, anchois, crevettes, etc.

Attention cependant, le loup désigne aussi des poissons qui eux sont appelés uniquement loups ou " poissons-loups ".

La lotte est la queue de baudroie mais aussi la lote !

Alors pour la lotte, c'est bien plus complexe !
Commercialement parlant, la lotte désigne plusieurs choses et des poissons différents.
Elle désigne tout d'abord la lotte de rivière qui vit comme son nom l'indique en eau douce mais elle désigne également la queue de la baudroie.

La baudroie quant à elle est un poisson de mer qui vit dans l'Est de l'Atlantique, en Méditerranée, dans la mer Noire, en Amérique du Nord, et au large de l'Afrique.

Enfin, la lotte peut être écrite lote ou lote des rivières pour la différencier de la baudroie, dans le monde de la cuisine ou du commerce.

La dorade ou la daurade ?

L'utilisation du nom dorade ou daurade désigne les poissons de la famille des sparidés ( sparidae).
La manière de distinguer les deux orthographes est facile et contient un moyen mnémotechnique intégré (pratique !).
La daurade est le terme utilisé pour parler de la daurade royale dont le nom scientifique est sparus aurata ( aurata désignant les reflets dorés des joues des daurades royales). L'astuce est: d aurade - aurata ( or, royale).

La dorade quant à elle désigne d'autres types de dorades comme la dorade rose ou la dorade grise. Là aussi, il suffit de retenir d orade r o se et de faire la correspondance entre les voyelles/sonorités.

Le merlu, le lieu noir et le colin: un poisson dans tous ses états !

En ce qui concerne le merlu et le colin, il y a deux niveaux de compréhension et d'appellation. Le nom générique des poissons de cette famille sont les merlucciidés ( merlucciidae), autrement dit les merlus.

Le merlu est appelé colin mais peut conserver son appellation merlu lorsqu'il est frais.
Là où cela se complique un peu c'est lorsque le lieu noir est frais ou congelé, il prend le nom de colin.

Le colin désigne donc le merlu et le lieu noir, et également le colin d'Alaska et le colin noir.
Il s'agit d'un nom générique donné à une grande variété de poissons blancs.

La roussette et la saumonette: faire passer du requin pour du saumon ?

Les petites roussettes sont l'une des 400 espèces de requins connues pour être une des plus petites.
La roussette vit dans l'Océan Atlantique, en Méditerranée et dans la Mer du Nord. La petite roussette change de nom dès qu'elle a été transformée. Vidée, écorchée et sans tête, elle prend le nom de saumonette.

La saumonette est donc une dénomination commerciale faisant une référence au saumon, qui est considéré comme un poisson beaucoup plus noble que le requin.

La petite roussette n'est pas le seul requin a recevoir une appellation commerciale plus vendeuse, le requin-taupe change également de nom lorsqu'il est destiné à la consommation, on parle alors de veau de mer.

Pour aller plus loin...

Cet article ne peut hélas pas être exhaustif. Nous avons dressé la liste des poissons les plus communs et ceux que vous avez le plus de chances de retrouver dans votre assiette !
Cependant, si vous souhaitez allez plus loin, le site du Ministère de l'Économie dresse l'inventaire des poissons et de leur appellation commerciale, attention la liste est très longue ! https://www.economie.gouv.fr/dgccrf/Poissons

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Nombreux sont les poissons à porter deux noms différents ou plus ! Parfois ils changent de nom en fonction de l'endroit où ils sont pêchés, parfois il s'agit de la manière de les cuisiner qui les fait prendre une autre appellation, parfois encore il s'agit d'une technique commerciale pour favoriser la vente ou...

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0:00 / 4:48•Watch full video

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16€ + x co2/100 =
20 brochettes, 4 riz, 4 soupes miso, 4 salades de chou, 12 pots de sauces, 8 pots de wasabi, une dizaine de serviettes, 4 paires de baguettes. 2 sacs en papier, 6 sacs en plastiques et 16 boîtes en plastique.

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L'Espagne a été un des pays d'Europe les plus touchés par la pandémie de coronavirus. Avec le confinement, l'opérateur mobile historique du pays Telefónica s'est retrouvé submergé par les appels de clients et avait bien du mal à répondre à leurs demandes. L'entreprise a lors pris la décision de prioriser ses utilisateurs seniors mais là encore un problème s'est posé : comment distinguer les personnes âgées parmi les appelants ?

La compagnie a alors fait appel à Nuance, une grand nom de la Tech américaine, qui vient de mettre au point un système de reconnaissance vocale capable de détecter l'âge d'une personne grâce au son de sa voix. On ne connaît pas le taux exact de réussite, mais le dispositif obtiendrait de meilleurs résultats qu'un téléopérateur humain. Notre oreille est bien sûr en capacité d'estimer l'âge d'une personne en entendant sa voix mais l'IA se distingue en détectant 1000 micro-caractéristiques qu'un être humain ne peut pas percevoir.

Des risques de discrimination ?

Cette technologie est désormais fin prête à l'emploi et outre Téléfonica, Nuance espère la commercialiser à des banques, compagnies d'assurances ou à des services publics. Être en capacité de déterminer l'âge d'un appelant peut en effet se révéler un allié précieux contre les tentatives de fraudes.

Reste la question éthique qui entour ce genre de dispositifs. Ne risque-t-il pas à terme d'être utilisé à des fins discriminatoires ? Au lieux de prioriser les seniors, on peut imaginer qu'une organisation souhaite exclure des tranches d'âge de l'accès à un service. Comme le précise Fast Company, Nuance dispose aussi d'outils qui distinguent les langues et les genres. Interrogé par le site à ce sujet, Brett Beranek, le vice-président de la société se veut rassurant. Il est conscient des risques et précise que Nuance ne travaille pas avec des gouvernements autoritaires. La firme a également pris la décision de ne pas vendre sa technologie pour des motifs de surveillance à grande échelle.

Ces derniers temps, les systèmes d'intelligence artificielle utilisés à des fins de surveillance font l'objet d'un vrai débat politique aux États-Unis. Vous pouvez retrouver notre article qui précise dans le détail les enjeux de cette problématique.

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Grâce au son de votre voix, cette IA peut estimer votre âge avec plus de précision qu'un humain

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L'Espagne a été un des pays d'Europe les plus touchés par la pandémie de coronavirus. Avec le confinement, l'opérateur mobile historique du pays Telefónica s'est retrouvé submergé par les appels de clients et avait bien du mal à répondre à leurs demandes.

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>> King George III

The Declaration of Independence, published only months after Paine’s pamphlet, was itself primarily a denunciation of George III. The crux of the document is a section devoted to his wrongs—“a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States”—a litany of twenty-seven separate complaints about his rule.

George is condemned for, among other offenses, having refused to approve laws that are “necessary for the public good,” for bullying governors, for blocking reasonable legislative progress, for blocking immigration to the states, for “obstructing the Administration of Justice,” for bending the judiciary to his will, for seeking to make the military “independent of and superior to the Civil Power,” for conspiring “with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution,” “for cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world,” and for having “excited domestic insurrections amongst us.” Any of those grievances sound familiar?

>>> Donald Trump

Should we conclude, then, that Donald Trump is the embodiment of the Founders’ worst fears?

Every day, there are new outrages, to be sure. We would need a list of more than twenty-seven complaints if we were to enumerate a lifetime of Trump’s misdeeds, from defrauding US tax authorities and obstructing justice to violating the Constitution. He has invited our enemies to interfere with our elections to help him win, then sought to do it again. He has misused federal resources, inappropriately elevated his own family members, and enriched his own businesses. He has repeatedly attacked the First and the Fourteenth Amendments. He has had infants thrown in cages and denied relief to Puerto Rico in the wake of Hurricane Maria at the cost of thousands of lives. He has gutted environmental protections and attacked alliances that the US spent decades building and maintaining. And now he has mismanaged the worst public health crisis in a hundred years, overseen the greatest economic crisis since the Depression, and attempted to use the US military to crush legitimate protests on the streets of the capital.

Lately, in the space of just a few days, he was revealed to have endorsed concentration camps in China and to have again sought the assistance of a foreign adversary in winning a US election, was quoted as calling for the deaths and imprisonment of US journalists, defended the slave power traitors of the Confederacy, admitted that he suppressed testing during the pandemic because true data about the rate of infections would harm him politically, sought to fire more truthtellers in the administration and had his attorney general remove an official in charge of investigations into him and his supporters. He was reportedly briefed about a Russian scheme to place bounties on American and allied troops in Afghanistan, and not only did nothing about it but continued to act as an advocate for Putin. And so it goes on… before we even consider the many complaints about his character—his racism and misogyny, his ignorance and contempt for science and history, his lies, his narcissism, his vulgarity, his demagoguery. Has there ever been a public official in US history so unable to relate to others, show an emotion besides anger, or view the world through any means but his own self-interest?

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"Being president," former First Lady Michelle Obama has said, "doesn't change who you are, it reveals who you are." In this moment, we may also need to acknowledge that presidents also reveal much about who we are.

American presidents do not exist outside the systems or times that produced them. Great presidents-like Abraham Lincoln and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and, arguably, Lyndon B. Johnson-have emerged when the nation has risen to meet challenging circumstances. And, granted, most presidents are middling-which tells us something about the quotidian nature of much of political life in the US. But America's worst presidents demonstrate something essential about what is most broken or troubling in the character of the country and the temper of the times. A dismal or dire US president is a symptom of great problems within society that weaken it or put it in peril.

In this year of a presidential election, we must account for our forty-fifth president because the real challenge before us is not simply to replace a terribly flawed leader, but to understand how to fix a system that produces, promotes, protects, and even values the dangerous toxicity we see daily from our commander-in-chief.

*

It has been said that one of the most important ingredients for a successful career is wisdom in choosing the right predecessor: if the one who came before was bad enough, the one who comes after is almost certain to look better by comparison. This may be some consolation to whoever is Donald Trump's successor-it certainly worked to the advantage of George Washington.

As much as the United States was founded on ideals, it was also established in response to the manifold failings of King George III. The British monarch is, in fact, the defining bad leader of American history. He and the system over which he presided were so dire that they fundamentally shaped our idea of what a leader should and shouldn't be-inspiring Thomas Paine, the English radical who arrived on these shores in 1774, to compose Common Sense, the definitive condemnation of England's abuses and an argument for breaking with the country. Paine wrote of kings (and, we might add, by extension those born into privilege at any time):

Men who look upon themselves as born to reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs so materially from the world at large, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the dominions.

The Declaration of Independence, published only months after Paine's pamphlet, was itself primarily a denunciation of George III. The crux of the document is a section devoted to his wrongs-"a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States"-a litany of twenty-seven separate complaints about his rule.

George is condemned for, among other offenses, having refused to approve laws that are "necessary for the public good," for bullying governors, for blocking reasonable legislative progress, for blocking immigration to the states, for "obstructing the Administration of Justice," for bending the judiciary to his will, for seeking to make the military "independent of and superior to the Civil Power," for conspiring "with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution," "for cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world," and for having "excited domestic insurrections amongst us." Any of those grievances sound familiar?

During the impeachment proceedings against President Trump, Representatives Adam Schiff and Jerry Nadler both cited a letter Alexander Hamilton wrote to George Washington warning that:

When a man unprincipled in private life desperate in his fortune, bold in his temper, possessed of considerable talents, having the advantage of military habits-despotic in his ordinary demeanour-known to have scoffed in private at the principles of liberty-when such a man is seen to mount the hobby horse of popularity-to join in the cry of danger to liberty-to take every opportunity of embarrassing the General Government & bringing it under suspicion-to flatter and fall in with all the non sense of the zealots of the day-It may justly be suspected that his object is to throw things into confusion that he may "ride the storm and direct the whirlwind."

Hamilton also observed that "the only path to a subversion of the republican system of the Country is, by flattering the prejudices of the people, and exciting their jealousies and apprehensions, to throw affairs into confusion, and bring on civil commotion." And it was Washington, our first president, who noted in turn that, for the republic to succeed, "the form of government must be supported by a virtuous citizenry." The Founders saw that good governance required leaders and citizens of good character, and realized neither was a given.

*

Should we conclude, then, that Donald Trump is the embodiment of the Founders' worst fears?

Every day, there are new outrages, to be sure. We would need a list of more than twenty-seven complaints if we were to enumerate a lifetime of Trump's misdeeds, from defrauding US tax authorities and obstructing justice to violating the Constitution. He has invited our enemies to interfere with our elections to help him win, then sought to do it again. He has misused federal resources, inappropriately elevated his own family members, and enriched his own businesses. He has repeatedly attacked the First and the Fourteenth Amendments. He has had infants thrown in cages and denied relief to Puerto Rico in the wake of Hurricane Maria at the cost of thousands of lives. He has gutted environmental protections and attacked alliances that the US spent decades building and maintaining. And now he has mismanaged the worst public health crisis in a hundred years, overseen the greatest economic crisis since the Depression, and attempted to use the US military to crush legitimate protests on the streets of the capital.

Lately, in the space of just a few days, he was revealed to have endorsed concentration camps in China and to have again sought the assistance of a foreign adversary in winning a US election, was quoted as calling for the deaths and imprisonment of US journalists, defended the slave power traitors of the Confederacy, admitted that he suppressed testing during the pandemic because true data about the rate of infections would harm him politically, sought to fire more truthtellers in the administration and had his attorney general remove an official in charge of investigations into him and his supporters. He was reportedly briefed about a Russian scheme to place bounties on American and allied troops in Afghanistan, and not only did nothing about it but continued to act as an advocate for Putin. And so it goes on... before we even consider the many complaints about his character-his racism and misogyny, his ignorance and contempt for science and history, his lies, his narcissism, his vulgarity, his demagoguery. Has there ever been a public official in US history so unable to relate to others, show an emotion besides anger, or view the world through any means but his own self-interest?

It is easy to imagine he is the worst leader the US has ever had. It is a view endorsed by the American Political Science association, which canvassed some 170 historians who ranked Trump dead last-a largely bipartisan verdict, too, since even self-identified Republicans on the panel rated him fortieth against the forty-four other contenders. C-Span has conducted similar surveys of presidential historians in 2000, 2009, and 2017 (none of these, naturally, include Trump). The bottom ten in the most recent survey were James Buchanan, Andrew Johnson, Franklin Pierce, Warren G. Harding, John Tyler, William Henry Harrison, Millard Fillmore, Herbert Hoover, Chester Arthur, and Martin Van Buren. (There were some shifts in the group over the three surveys, with, for example, George W. Bush making the bottom ten in 2009, but just missing the cut in 2017.)

Several patterns become apparent from such lists. In addition to a negative association with the divisions of the Civil War period, corruption and scandal were another way on to the list for several of those ranked among the worst (for example, Grant and Harding). Of the presidents who faced impeachment, Andrew Johnson is always ranked in the bottom group, Nixon is sometimes, and Clinton is not. Trump is on his way to joining Johnson.

The best-maybe only-saving grace for Trump in the history books is that no one could accuse him of causing the Civil War. That said, the signature approach of defending and promoting white supremacists and ethno-nationalist policies that has come to define his presidency has capitalized on precisely the legacy of those regional and racial divisions in America that did lead to the Civil War.

It is one thing to compare Trump to others who have held the country's highest office, but as the Founders also pointed out, the fate of the country rests in the hands of those who ultimately wield the power of government in our shaken but still standing republican system: the people. Many may despise those aspects of our society embodied in Trump's presidency, but in a democracy it is up to us to work to correct what is wrong with our communities. If we have a president who is selfish, ignorant, venal, dishonest, racist, misogynist, and corrupt, what does it tell us that a significant minority of American citizens celebrates such a leader, while another segment of our compatriots are willing to tolerate them, at least enough to give him their votes?

His supporters have had plenty of encouragement from politicians and press pundits who have normalized his behavior. And they have had little discouragement from an opposition party that has been far too flaccid in its response to Trump's abuses, too often indulging in finger-wagging rather than taking effective action. Even when Democrats took the action of impeachment, they ceded ground, limited their hearings, abandoned efforts to subpoena vital witnesses, and failed to rally public opinion to prevent the president's party from derailing the process. But we, too, must own up to our part in enabling this dereliction.

*

Acknowledging that Donald Trump is very likely the worst president American democracy has ever produced and that we, as citizens in that democracy, must accept a general responsibility for choosing such a man, is only the first, and perhaps easiest, step we can take in remedying the situation. If the worst presidents are produced by their historical moment, enabled by their parties, and reflective of deep divides and flaws in American life, simply voting them out is insufficient. We must address the root causes that enabled a man as profoundly flawed and corrupt as Trump to win high office.

Some of those causes are long tied to our history. We mythologize that history, idealize our heritage, and promote a notion of American exceptionalism. That has become untenable. When we see a racist in the White House encouraging violence against people of color in our streets, we can no longer say, "that's not us." This country was built not only on high ideals and ideas of liberty, but also on racism, genocide, greed, and corruption. And just as the supporters and enablers of slavery did in the mid-nineteenth century, those who today gain from structural inequality and exploitation will fiercely resist justice and reform.

The worst among American presidents prior to Trump-Buchanan, Johnson, and Pierce, for example-were all produced by the Democratic Party of the nineteenth century-a party that sought to defend or forgive slavery, and that tolerated and promoted a divided nation. Since President Nixon's "Southern Strategy," the modern Republican Party increasingly taken on that mantle. Trump is often said to have commandeered the GOP. But properly viewed in historical terms, the reverse is also true: President Trump could not exist without the post-Nixonian GOP that has Mitch McConnell patrolling the Senate and Bill Barr providing legal cover for the virtually unlimited power of the "unitary executive."

This is a Republican Party that has produced two presidents in the past fifty years who worked to undermine constitutional government and have faced impeachment. The GOP has also worked hard to rig the system in its favor. The party has promoted gerrymandering and voter suppression to help Republicans capture statehouses, and has cemented biases in the courts by appointing increasingly partisan, ill-qualified judges. Such power grabs have become an intrinsic part of the government failure we face today.

Ending Trump's misrule and restoring confidence in the presidency demands the undoing of impediments to free and fair elections. That will entail root-and-branch campaign finance reform, an end to voter suppression, new defenses against foreign interference in elections, and reining in the digital disinformation engines. These are perhaps only the minimum demands for restoring American democracy.

Trump is a sign that we as a nation have lost our way. Just as Hamilton warned, a confusion of celebrity for leadership, fame for accomplishment, and popularity for genius has given us "a man unprincipled in private life desperate in his fortune." Seizing the opportunity, unscrupulous "insolent men" have pandered to the lowest common denominators of fear and greed to win power and exploit it for a small elite. November's election is a judgment day for this nation's form of republican government. Or else, only "civil commotion" awaits us.

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'The Most Ignorant and Unfit': What Made America's Worst Ever Leader?

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Alexander Hamilton observed that "the only path to a subversion of the republican system of the Country is by flattering the prejudices of the people, and exciting their jealousies and apprehensions, to throw affairs into confusion, and bring on civil commotion." Trump is a sign that we as a nation have lost our way.

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Voilà plus d'un siècle que chercheurs et fabulateurs tentent de percer le secret du Cri, peint par Edvard Munch pas moins de cinq fois entre 1893 et 1917. C'est en 1892, dans son journal, que l'artiste s'est pour la première fois confié sur l'événement qui a inspiré ses toiles : " Je me promenais sur un sentier avec deux amis - le soleil se couchait - tout d'un coup le ciel devint rouge sang. Je m'arrêtai, fatigué, et m'appuyai sur une clôture - il y avait du sang et des langues de feu au-dessus du fjord bleu-noir de la ville - mes amis continuèrent, et j'y restai, tremblant d'anxiété - je sentais un cri infini qui passait à travers l'univers et qui déchirait la nature ".

Si, pendant longtemps, on a cru que ces détails faisaient écho à l'éruption du volcan Krakatoa en 1883, des chercheurs norvégiens semblent avoir trouvé une toute autre hypothèse.

" C'est une nouvelle hypothèse. Il y en a d'autres. Des psychologues ont suggéré que c'est un tourment intérieur qui a poussé Munch à peindre Le Cri. Mais nous sommes des chercheurs en sciences naturelles, et nous cherchons plutôt des réponses dans la nature " a confié Helen Muri, l'une des chercheurs, à la Conférence de l'Union européenne des géo-sciences. En réalité, c'est en observant le ciel que le trio de scientifiques pense avoir élucidé le mystère.

Il s'agirait en fait de " nuages nacrés ", comme on peut en observer sur le cliché ci-dessus : " Il doit faire très froid, environ -80 à 85 degrés alors que la stratosphère est en moyenne à -60. Il faut une certaine humidité. Se forment alors de très petits cristaux de glace ". Ces derniers, en reflétant la lumière du soleil couchant, créent une palette de couleurs inédites. Le phénomène est rare. Heureusement, donc, qu' Edvard Munch ne soit pas passé à côté.

À lire sur The Huffington Post.

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Des chercheurs pensent avoir élucidé le mystère du " Cri " d'Edvard Munch

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Voilà plus d'un siècle que chercheurs et fabulateurs tentent de percer le secret du Cri, peint par Edvard Munch pas moins de cinq fois entre 1893 et 1917.

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roffe

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Le merlu est appelé colin mais peut conserver son appellation merlu lorsqu’il est frais. Là où cela se complique un peu c’est lorsque le lieu noir est frais ou congelé, il prend le nom de colin. Le colin désigne donc le merlu et le lieu noir, et également le colin d’Alaska et le colin noir.

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La roussette  (espèce de requin) vit dans l’Océan Atlantique, en Méditerranée et dans la Mer du Nord. La petite roussette change de nom dès qu’elle a été transformée. Vidée, écorchée et sans tête, elle prend le nom de saumonette.
La saumonette est donc une dénomination commerciale faisant une référence au saumon, qui est considéré comme un poisson beaucoup plus noble que le requin.

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Finger On The App is a one-time game happening on 06/30 3:00pm EST where thousands of people will compete for a cash prize - there is only 1 winner.

You will need to download the Finger On The App game from the Apple App Store (sorry Android users). On the day of the game, open up the app ahead of time to get ready! To play Finger On The App you put your finger on your phone and keep it there for as long as possible. Occasionally we will prompt you to slide your finger to a specific location. That’s it! Whoever stays on longest wins.

Here’s where things get interesting! The prize for the winner of the game can be up to $25,000. However, everyone who loses gets to vote what they think the prize should be - and they could vote as little as $0! The final prize is the average of everyone’s votes. If you win, you are completely at the mercy of all the players you beat along the way.

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Keep your finger on the app the longest! Win up to $25,000

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François de Roubaix - Ou Est Passe Tom (1971)