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he Seneca Falls Convention was the first women's rights convention. It advertised itself as "a convention to discuss the social, civil, and religious condition and rights of woman".

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The Seneca Falls Convention was the first women's rights meeting, it was held in Seneca Falls on New York in 1848 it was attended by between 200 and 300 people, both women and men. Its primary goal was to discuss the rights of women and let the women has equal rights as the men.

In my opinion this was a good step they did back then because every person in this world isn't supposed to feel like no one is better than them. Knowing how racism was back then I know it can be harder for people even now, but everyone should keep their head up and not listen to people. Everyone is different but in a unique way. This was a good way to start with something new and let people know racism should be over. Women deserve to be treated equally and not badly.

This was the very first women convection in the United States, In my opinion this was a great thing. Today that us women have equal rights it's a better world because we can do anything any other person does, and wont get sent to jail or get any consequences. At the end of this meeting for women to gain their right to vote and equal rights, was finally done and now all women have equal rights.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seneca_Falls_Convention

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The Seneca Falls Convention was the first women's rights meeting, it was held in Seneca Falls on New York in 1848 it was attended by between 200 and 300 people, both women and men. Its primary goal was to discuss the rights of women and let the women has equal rights as the men.

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Frederick Douglass was an African-American social reformer, abolitionist, orator, writer, and statesman.

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Frederick Douglass was a leader in the abolitionist movement, an early champion of women’s rights and author of ‘Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass.’

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Horace Mann was an American educational reformer and Whig politician dedicated to promoting public education. He served in the Massachusetts State legislature.

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Quick Facts

Name

Horace Mann

Birth Date

May 4, 1796

Death Date

August 2, 1859

Education

Brown University, Litchfield Law School

Place of Birth

Franklin, Massachusetts

Place of Death

Yellow Springs, Ohio

Horace Mann was an American politician and education reformer, best known for promoting universal public education and teacher training in "normal schools."

Who Was Horace Mann?

Horace Mann practiced law before serving in the state Legislature and Senate. Named secretary of the new Massachusetts board of education in 1837, he overhauled the state's public education system and established a series of schools to train teachers. Mann later was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives and served as president of Antioch College in Ohio until his death in 1859. Mann is recognized today for his leadership in transforming the country's public-education system and many schools across the U.S. are named after him.

Early Years and Education

Mann was born into poverty in Franklin, Massachusetts, in 1796. Chiefly self-taught, Mann was 20 years old when he was admitted to the sophomore class at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island.

At Brown, Mann took an interest in politics, education and social reform. Upon graduation, he delivered a speech on the advancement of the human race through which education, philanthropy and republicanism could combine to benefit mankind.

State Politics

After Brown, Mann practiced law before winning a seat in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, serving from 1827 to 1833. He then won election to the state Senate in 1835 and was named its president the following year. During these years, Mann aimed his sights at infrastructure improvements via the construction of railroads and canals and established an asylum for the insane at Worcester.

Educational Reform

Meanwhile, the Massachusetts education system, with a history going back to 1647, was sputtering. A vigorous reform movement arose, and in 1837 the state created its board of education, one of the first in the country, with Mann assuming stewardship as its secretary.

With funds for the board's activities at a minimum, the position required more moral leadership than anything else, and Horace Mann proved himself up to the role. He started a biweekly journal, Common School Journal, in 1838 for teachers and lectured on education to all who would listen. Additionally, he visited Europe to learn more about established educational principles and came away particularly impressed with the Prussian school system.

Principles of Education

Mann developed his hugely influential - although at the time controversial - main principles regarding public education and its troubles: (1) citizens cannot maintain both ignorance and freedom; (2) this education should be paid for, controlled and maintained by the public; (3) this education should be provided in schools that embrace children from varying backgrounds; (4) this education must be nonsectarian; (5) this education must be taught using tenets of a free society; and (6) this education must be provided by well-trained, professional teachers.

The importance of the final principle prompted the development of "normal schools" to train teachers to follow Mann's guidelines. As such, the first of several Massachusetts state-sponsored normal schools was established in Lexington in 1839.

Mann's methods angered groups across the social and political spectrum; clergymen objected to the diminished role of religion in the classroom, and politicians balked at the overreach of authority into local school systems. Ultimately, Mann's ideas prevailed, and he is recognized today for his efforts in transforming the country's public education system.

Late Career and Death

Mann served in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1848 to 1853, and then became president of Antioch College in Yellow Springs, Ohio. A commencement speech he gave two months before his death in 1859 served as a clarion call, asking students to embrace his influential worldview: "I beseech you to treasure up in your hearts these my parting words: Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for humanity."

Fact Check

We strive for accuracy and fairness. If you see something that doesn't look right, contact us!

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Name Horace Mann Birth Date May 4, 1796 Death Date August 2, 1859 Education Brown University, Litchfield Law School Place of Birth Franklin, Massachusetts Place of Death Yellow Springs, Ohio Horace Mann was an American politician and education reformer, best known for promoting universal public education and teacher training in "normal schools."

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Edgar Allan Poe and Nathaniel Hawthorne - Writers.

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Edgar Allan Poe and Nathaniel Hawthorne - Writers.

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The exotic and supernatural were also embraced. Washington Irving is a famous writer of the Romanticism time period. Edgar Allan Poe and Nathaniel Hawthorne are considered Dark Romantics because they liked to explore the psychological effects of sin and the madness and derangement of the human psyche.

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Dark Romanticism ppt video online download

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Definition of Dark Romanticism A phenomenon or a literary and historical movement, wherein authors and poets revolted against the classical ways of writing and expression

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Nat Turner was an American slave who led a rebellion of slaves and free blacks in Southampton County, Virginia on August 21, 1831.

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Nat Turner is an iconic figurehead, arguably one of many Black voices responsible for bringing the moral dilemmas of slavery to a national forefront. Yet Nat Turner's rebellion was a "reflex of slavery," which vividly highlighted the regime's dehumanizing effects. His actions also shattered the myths surrounding Blacks during this period: that the injustices of slavery were virtually non-present, and that enslaved Africans were somehow satisfied with their social standings. In The Confessions of Nat Turner, Gray's account of Turner's testimony details the radical slave rebellion that rocked Southampton, Virginia in 1831.

Nat Turner's Confessions effectively juxtaposed religious faith with the conflicts of his southern life as a slave by marrying autobiographical anecdotes with biblical scripture, positioning himself as a makeshift vessel for justice. He also derived moral authority through his prophetic and sign-filled spiritual life, along with narratives of sacrifice and retribution found in his symbolism of blood. Throughout the development of these two crucial elements in Nat Turner's Confessions, Turner established himself as a brilliant orator; a militant messianic leader who liberated his fellow slaves spiritually by taking on the violent judgment of whites for the injustice of slavery. His act also condemned white Evangelicalism's inherently-flawed erasure of nonwhites, and his legacy transcended his untimely death, even contemporarily.

As Gray's account of Nat Turner will be used for this examination, it must be taken into consideration that a typical reading of Turner's testimony paints him off to be a religious fanatic. Other readings also suggest he has severe psychological issues. A more critical reading of this work often hints at the possibility that Turner is manipulating his audience through the guise of religion. One naturally can't also ignore that this narrative is delivered to the audience by a man with questionable motivations for being interested in Turner. While these interpretations vary in legitimacy, I believe that more nuance and context is required to understand Turner's message. As I will argue, a more careful reader-response approach to Turner's Confessions will illustrate the complexity of his spirituality, and how he incorporated the signs associated with his religious faith into his eventual rebellion. It will hopefully show that an authentic spirituality is inextricable from his physical actions, and that it transcends simplistic fanaticism or reductive ableism to convey a battle not contingent upon the laws of Man, but the Divine itself.

Turner's confessional narrative begins with a brief description from Turner of his childhood life, which begins like a bildungsroman not unlike those found in religious texts: a sudden epiphany or prophetic awakening at a young age. Turner then mentions an incident when he spoke of events which "had happened before I was born," corroborated by his parents and others who heard him. This event singularly influenced Nat Turner's thinking, giving him the impression - which he related through the exhortation of his parents - that he "was intended for some great purpose."

Turner also speaks of several traits that he believed reaffirmed his "divine calling". These included special birthmarks on his head and chest; a remarkable proficiency for reading without being formally schooled, which even Gray himself conceded; a precocious understanding of different subjects; a sense of morality and ethics supposedly of "Divine inspiration," (Gray, 423). Immediately, one realizes that Turner's childhood biography is littered with peculiar supernatural experiences and periods of revelations. Turner employs these signs and wonders to reinforce one key element crucial to his testimony: acceptance of him, via his audience, as a figure capable of making theological ethical judgments in place of his fellow slaves and enslavers.

Turner soon manages to position himself as a credible religious savant, via references to his "white and black" audience and the presence of authority figures in clergy accepting him. The implementation of additional signs - which echo his belief that he was "intended for some great purpose" - complement this, further establishing him as someone poised to influence both the Black and white population in his "spirit-led" denouncement of slavery (Gray, 423).

The privacy of Turner's spiritual life also plays into his use of signs and prophecy, found in his remarks of his need for spiritual devotion: "Having soon discovered to be great, I must appear so, and therefore studiously avoided mixing in society, and wrapped myself in mystery, devoting my time to fasting and prayer," (Gray, 423). In religious connotations, such privacy emphasizes a necessary separation from the carnal spaces of the world where distractions and temptation are ever-present, and by stressing his avoidance of the carnal, Turner dispels any doubt amongst his audience that his epiphany is divinely inspired. Turner's calling is further epitomized when he notes that he seeks the "kingdom of Heaven" with the guidance of the Holy Spirit of the Christian religion.

The Holy Spirit of the Christian religion figures into Turner's life prominently during his youth: the very "Spirit that spoke to the prophets in former days," (Gray, 423). Employing the Spirit of God as the source of his knowledge and judgment also allows Turner unquestioned trust when he attributes these miraculous wonders to his spiritual devotion. Turner, as the text reveals, is far from naïve of the "messianic" repute he gains from whites as well as Blacks through this, saying in a rather passive admission:

"Knowing the influence I had obtained over the minds of my fellow servants, (not by the means of conjuring and such like tricks- for to them I always spoke of such things with contempt) but by the communion of the Spirit whose revelations I often communicated to them, and they believed and said my wisdom came from God,"(Gray, 424).

-

Notice that Turner is careful to distance the "signs" and "gifts" he receives and/or performs from "conjuring," which is the use of physical objects to manipulate or give the appearance of nature manipulation. Here Turner is attempting to authenticate his reasoning to give both him and whites listening to his story certainty of his life's divine influence.

When the Christ was questioned and doubted in scripture, signs of great wisdom or miraculous origin would be performed and divine "voices" would be heard that proclaimed his divinity. In like fashion, Turner's connection to the Holy Spirit positions him as a preacher whose prophetic knowledge and source of authority is absolute, reiterating that he truly is "destined for some great purpose." This is important because he, as a leader for Blacks, must appeal to the religious authorities of this time, namely white clergymen.

If Turner were performing signs by "conjuring", he would simply be claimed by whites to have a demon empowering him and his devout spirituality would be diminished. However, the most important factor in his use of Spirit-filled signs and prophecies overlooks the primary reason why Turner mentions them so rigorously in the first place: only "divine" reasoning and inspiration can substantiate Turner's actions later on, as his usage of blood eerily foreshadows both the violence he is contemplating and the sacrifice he intends to make.

While blood is a universal symbol of sacrifice and suffering, it is also essentially connected to the narrative of violent atonement and death. Blood is first mentioned during a vision Nat Turner has while returning from his thirty-day escape from the plantation, during which he sees

"white spirits and black spirits engaged in battle, and the sun was darkened - the thunder rolled in the Heavens, and blood flowed in streams - and I heard a voice saying 'Such is your luck, such you are called to see, and let it come rough or smooth, you must surely bear it,'" (Gray, 424).

-

The thought of blood flowing in "streams" hints at collective violence, and Turner being told that he must "bear" this blood reinforces the thought of a burden of sacrifice, no matter the consequence. Several echoes of this sentiment appear, from blood that appears on crops of corn like "dew" from Heaven, to drops that appear on tree leaves, like "hieroglyphic characters, with the forms of men in different attitudes... representing the figures I had seen before in the heavens," (Gray, 424). Instantly, a connection between violence is made: his visions of black and white men engaged in conflict; blood stains the fields that he once worked in; mysterious figures echo his previous vision, but in blood this time. Assigning a divine source to the origin of his thoughts, the blood he sees is not simply a sign he implements; for Turner, the sight and experience of blood is a prophecy in itself.

Turner is initially confused by his vision, until the Holy Ghost reveals that the blood is that which Christ shed for sinners; it will return, and judgment is imminent. He says: "it was plain that the Savior was about to lay down the yoke he had borne for the sins of men, and the great day of judgment was at hand," (Gray, 425). The Holy Spirit then informs Turner that he must take on Christ's "yoke" and fight the "Serpent", a common symbol for the physical manifestation of the Enemy in biblical lore. Yet what does this "Serpent" represent? In another vision, blood appears on the corn fields of his white slave masters, so it is safe to infer that this "Serpent" could ideologically represent the slavery regime itself and those tainted by it. Thus, the laying down of the "yoke" of Christ signifies a burden, a sacrifice Turner must make to battle this regime, for in retrospect, he is taking on the blood of the people he will later kill. This narrative of sacrifice and retribution found in the symbolism of blood is epitomized when Turner notes that the miracle of blood later manifests on the skin of a white slave owner (Gray, 425).

The narrative of atonement and justice is the most important element of Turner's blood symbolism. This is because he manages to assign divine attributes to his otherwise fanatical intentions by linking the blood of his future victims to the necessary sacrifice of violence he bears. This is indicated when Turner finally gathers fellow slaves and realizes the culmination of his divine purpose, when he sneaks into his master's house to murder him:

"Hark got a ladder and set it against the chimney, on which I ascended, and hoisting a window, entered and came down stairs, unbarred the door, and removed the guns from their places. It was then observed that I must spill the first blood," (Gray, 425).

-

Here Turner realizes the purpose he was destined for since his childhood, symbolically taking on the "yoke" of Christ by casting his own sense of divine judgment upon his master in this violent act. Turner's recount now takes on an unexpected turn, as he confesses openly to murdering numerous men, women, children, and even infants.

Yet, behind what appears to be senseless murders rests an overwhelmingly powerful statement about the "Serpent" Turner was battling. Slavery, to Blacks, transcended squabbles over chattel and included the sacrifices of living people created by the same deity that ostensibly created whites. Slavery, backed by government and state laws, would continue on into the future generations just like the mark of sin upon a sinner. It was indifferent to age and gender, and subjected countless Africans' lives to barbaric measures of toil without compensation.

Turner's actions were a reflection of how dehumanizing and perilous the human condition could become, as well as an inevitable result of the inherently racist doctrine of White Evangelical Christianity, which saw a theology exclusive to whites and thus not one in which a truly Omnibenevolent God could exist for all Humanity. Their YHWH and/or Christ was not a deity that other races could seek for true Deliverance; their Covenant was one in which non-whites remained either damned by arbitrary iniquities only they could possess(such as the Curse of Ham), or relegated to a permanent theological underclass( racialized Preadamitism). Heaven, in White Evangelicalism, would certainly have a ghetto, and it wouldn't be filled with white people.

Turner's personal quest for purpose echoed the Christ while praying in the garden of Gethsemane, and his decision to take on this blood-soaked burden marked his rise as a martyr who diverged from the passivity typically associated with messianic leaders. He was one who shed blood by means of direct violence ("I should arise and prepare myself, and slay my enemies with their own weapons," Turner, 425) instead of shedding blood by being the recipient of a violent act, i.e. crucifixion. His will symbolically superseded the tradition of carnal servitude, just as the Christ's will to be offered in crucifixion contravened the penalty of death for men due to the burden of their sins in the Christian religion.

Ultimately, while the Christ died for the spiritually enslaved, Turner chose to die for the physically enslaved, a fact he noted he was also aware of. When asked whether he was mistaken of his actions, Turner responded: "Was not Christ crucified?" (Gray, 425) He clearly recognized that his moral triumph would not be achieved in the singular act he'd sacrificed himself for. It was in his death that much of the South reached a new consciousness; his presence ideologically in spirit was omnipresent, continuing to battle slavery and damn the thoughts of racists with his judgment:

"Was it the fear of Nat Turner and his deluded drunken handful of followers, which... induced distant counties where the very name of Southhampton was strange to arm and equip for a struggle? No sir, it was the suspicion that a Nat Turner might be in every family, that the same bloody deed might be acted over at any time and in any place, that the materials for it were spread through the land and were always ready for a like explosion," (Cromwell, 228).

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Nat Turner effectively mythologized himself through the radical and inextricably violent image he established. Yet, the goal he sought was in ideal the same kingdom the very Christ sought: one not bound to the laws and failing traditions of the carnal world. Thus, it is important, given our modern understandings of slavery's true horrors, to avoid oversimplifying Turner's vision as exploitative simply because of the desperation of his actions.

Turner's story reflects his desire to criticize the hypocrisy of white Evangelicals and slavery itself, especially in light of a system of Oppression that perseveres today and a mainstream theology that prefers to call systemic Racism a "sin issue", rather than a phenomenon that extends beyond the spiritual through a grotesque physical manifestation. Conservative media, Prosperity-obsessed mainstream Christian institutions, and even socially "progressive" allies(let us not forget white moderates) would rather see those oppressed once again abide by their own terms when seeking liberation, employing the same tactics used to opiate the antebellum masses with feigned attempts at reform and paper-thin solidarity. Respectability and tokenism replace the narrative of docile slaves and Plantation genteel; Postracial American Exceptionalism produces a color-neutral society that sees pervasive discrimination as an issue that will disappear with the absolute silence and complacency of minorities.

The rise of Black Lives Matter and other activist movements, in light of a policy of brutality that has attracted international rancor among other glaring injustices, perhaps encapsulates Turner's rebellious spirit. Turner, through his clever display of skill as a religious arbiter, evolved into a character of unflinching moral conviction that even his most hated could not ignore. Through Turner's dynamic sacrifice, he shifted what appeared to be a carnal failure into one of many turning points in the Union's collective consciousness, forcing the nation to reconcile its supposed Christian and liberal ethos with its hypocrisies. Turner became more than a person: he became an ideal invoked in many a conversation about revolution and sacrifice; he became a symbol that no representation or thinkpiece - including this one - can contain.

Those who'd like to read the account for themselves may do so here.

Bibliography:

Cromwell, John W. "The Aftermath of Nat Turner's Insurrection". The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 5.2 (April, 1920): pp. 208-234.

Gray, Thomas. "The Confessions of Nat Turner". Ed. Patricia Liggins Hill. Call & Response: The Riverside Anthology of the African American Literary Tradition. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1998. 418-432.

Akinyela, Makungu. "Battling the Serpent: Nat Turner, Africanized Christianity, and a Black Ethos." The Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 33.3 (January, 2003): pp. 255-280.

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Birth of a Messiah: Nat Turner's Spiritual Triumph Through Violent Sacrifice

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Nat Turner is an iconic figurehead, arguably one of many Black voices responsible for bringing the moral dilemmas of slavery to a national forefront. Yet Nat Turner's rebellion was a "reflex of slavery," which vividly highlighted the regime's dehumanizing effects.

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Abolitionism is a general term which describes the movement to end slavery. This term can be used formally or informally.

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The A bolitionist, launched in the spring of 2005, is a bilingual (English/Spanish) publication dedicated to the strategy and practice of prison industrial complex abolition. It is distributed absolutely free of charge to over 5,500 people in prisons, jails, and detention centers throughout the US, who in turn share the paper with many more of their fellow prisoners. As George Jackson said: The point is...in the face of what we confront, to fight and win. That's the real objective: not just to make statements, no matter how noble, but to destroy the system that oppresses us. By any means available to us. And to do this, we must be connected, in contact and communication with those in the struggle on the outside.

To read past issues of the paper and learn more about it as a project, visit the newspaper's website: https://abolitionistpaper.wordpress.com/
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$30 supports three prisoners with a free one-year subscription. $60 supports seven prisoners with a free one-year subscription. Get an organizational subscription of $50-250 and we will send you a batch of papers to distribute! Contact crnational@criticalresistance.org for more information.

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**NOTE: For payment through credit card or check, please also indicate whether you would like an electronic copy of the paper (pdf) or print copy (to be mailed to you).

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To read past issues of the paper and learn more about it as a project, visit the newspaper's website: https://abolitionistpaper.wordpress.com/ 1,000 new subscribers joined us in 2016, thanks to your support! Outside subscribers enable imprisoned people to receive this valuable political tool for free.

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The Underground Railroad was a network of secret routes and safe houses established in the United States during the early-to-mid 19th century, and used by African-American slaves to escape into free

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The Underground Railroad was a network of secret routes and safe houses established in the United States during the early to mid-19th century, and used by enslaved African-Americans to primarily escape into free states and Canada. The scheme was assisted by abolitionists and others sympathetic to the cause of the escapees. The enslaved who risked escape and those who aided them are also collectively referred to as the "Underground Railroad". Various other routes led to Mexico, where slavery had been abolished, and to islands in the Caribbean that were not part of the slave trade. An earlier escape route running south toward Florida, then a Spanish possession (except 1763-83), existed from the late 17th century until approximately 1790. However, the network now generally known as the Underground Railroad was formed in the late 1700s. It ran north and grew steadily until the Civil War began. One estimate suggests that, by 1850, 100,000 enslaved people had escaped via the network.

At its peak, nearly 1,000 enslaved people per year escaped from slave-holding states using the Underground Railroad - more than 5,000 court cases for escaped enslaved were recorded - many fewer than the natural increase of the enslaved population. The resulting economic impact was minuscule, but the psychological influence on slave holders was immense. Under the original Fugitive Slave Act of 1793, officials from free states were required to assist slaveholders or their agents who recaptured fugitives, but citizens and governments of many free states ignored the law, and the Underground Railroad thrived.

With heavy lobbying by Southern politicians, the Compromise of 1850 was passed by Congress after the Mexican-American War. It stipulated a more stringent Fugitive Slave Law; ostensibly, the compromise addressed regional problems by compelling officials of free states to assist slave catchers, granting them immunity to operate in free states. Because the law required sparse documentation to claim a person was a fugitive, slave catchers also kidnapped free blacks, especially children, and sold them into slavery. Southern politicians often exaggerated the number of escaped slaves and often blamed these escapes on Northerners interfering with Southern property rights. The law deprived people suspected of being slaves the right to defend themselves in court, making it difficult to prove free status. In a de facto bribe, judges were paid a higher fee ($10) for a decision that confirmed a suspect as an enslaved person than for one ruling that the suspect was free ($5). Many Northerners who might have ignored enslavement issues in the South were confronted by local challenges that bound them to support slavery. This was a primary grievance cited by the Union during the American Civil War, and the perception that Northern States ignored the fugitive slave laws and regulations was a major justification for secession.

The escape network was neither literally underground nor a railroad. (Actual underground railroads did not exist until 1863.) According to John Rankin, "It was so called because they who took passage on it disappeared from public view as really as if they had gone into the ground. After the fugitive slaves entered a depot on that road no trace of them could be found. They were secretly passed from one depot to another until they arrived at a destination where they were able to remain free." It was known as a railroad, using rail terminology such as stations and conductors, because that was the transportation system in use at the time.

The Underground Railroad did not have a headquarters, nor were there published guides, maps, pamphlets, or even newspaper articles. The Underground Railroad consisted of meeting points, secret routes, transportation, and safe houses, all of them maintained by abolitionist sympathizers and communicated by word of mouth. Participants generally organized in small, independent groups; this helped to maintain secrecy because individuals knew some connecting "stations" along the route but knew few details of the escapees' immediate area. People escaping enslavement would move north along the route from one way station to the next. "Conductors" on the railroad came from various backgrounds and included free-born Blacks, white abolitionists, the former enslaved (either escaped or manumitted), and Native Americans. Church clergy and congregations of the North often played a role, especially the Religious Society of Friends ( Quakers), Congregationalists, Wesleyans, and Reformed Presbyterians, as well as the anti-slavery branches of mainstream denominations which split over the issue, such as the Methodist church and the Baptists. The role of free Blacks was crucial; without it, there would have been almost no chance for fugitives from slavery to reach freedom safely.

Members of the Underground Railroad often used specific terms, based on the metaphor of the railway. For example:

People who helped enslaved people find the railroad were "agents" (or "shepherds")

Guides were known as "conductors"

Hiding places were "stations" or "way stations"

"Station masters" hid enslaved people in their homes

People escaping slavery were referred to as "passengers" or "cargo"

Enslaved people would obtain a "ticket"

Similar to common gospel lore, the "wheels would keep on turning"

Financial benefactors of the Railroad were known as "stockholders"

The Big Dipper (whose "bowl" points to the North Star) was known as the drinkin' gourd. The Railroad was often known as the "freedom train" or "Gospel train", which headed towards "Heaven" or "the Promised Land", i.e., Canada.

William Still, sometimes called "The Father of the Underground Railroad", helped hundreds of slaves escape (as many as 60 a month), sometimes hiding them in his Philadelphia home. He kept careful records, including short biographies of the people, that contained frequent railway metaphors. He maintained correspondence with many of them, often acting as a middleman in communications between people who had escaped slavery and those left behind. He later published these accounts in the book The Underground Railroad: Authentic Narratives and First-Hand Accounts (1872), a valuable resource for historians to understand how the system worked and learn about individual ingenuity in escapes.

According to Still, messages were often encoded so that they could be understood only by those active in the railroad. For example, the following message, "I have sent via at two o'clock four large hams and two small hams", indicated that four adults and two children were sent by train from Harrisburg to Philadelphia. The additional word via indicated that the "passengers" were not sent on the usual train, but rather via Reading, Pennsylvania. In this case, the authorities were tricked into going to the regular location (station) in an attempt to intercept the runaways, while Still met them at the correct station and guided them to safety. They eventually escaped either further north or to Canada, where slavery had been abolished during the 1830s.

To reduce the risk of infiltration, many people associated with the Underground Railroad knew only their part of the operation and not of the whole scheme. "Conductors" led or transported the fugitives from station to station. A conductor sometimes pretended to be enslaved in order to enter a plantation. Once a part of a plantation, the conductor would direct the runaways to the North. Enslaved people traveled at night, about 10-20 miles (16-32 km) to each station. They rested, and then a message was sent to the next station to let the station master know the escapees were on their way. They would stop at the so-called "stations" or "depots" during the day and rest. The stations were often located in basements, barns, churches, or in hiding places in caves and hollowed-out riverbanks.[citation needed ]

The resting spots where the escapees could sleep and eat were given the code names "stations" and "depots", which were held by "station masters". "Stockholders" gave money or supplies for assistance. Using biblical references, fugitives referred to Canada as the " Promised Land" or "Heaven" and the Ohio River as the " River Jordan", which marked the boundary between slave states and free states.

Although the fugitives sometimes traveled on boat or train, they usually traveled on foot or by wagon in groups of one to three escapees. Some groups were considerably larger. Abolitionist Charles Turner Torrey and his colleagues rented horses and wagons and often transported as many as 15 or 20 people at a time.

Routes were often purposely indirect to confuse pursuers. Most escapes were by individuals or small groups; occasionally, there were mass escapes, such as with the Pearl incident. The journey was often considered particularly difficult and dangerous for women or children. Children were sometimes hard to keep quiet or were unable to keep up with a group. In addition, enslaved women were rarely allowed to leave the plantation, making it harder for them to escape in the same ways that men could. Although escaping was harder for women, some women were successful. One of the most famous and successful conductors (people who secretly traveled into slave states to rescue those seeking freedom) was Harriet Tubman, a woman who escaped slavery.

Due to the risk of discovery, information about routes and safe havens was passed along by word of mouth. Southern newspapers of the day were often filled with pages of notices soliciting information about fugitive slaves and offering sizable rewards for their capture and return. Federal marshals and professional bounty hunters known as slave catchers pursued fugitives as far as the Canada-US border.

Fugitives were not the only black people at risk from slave catchers. With demand for slaves high in the Deep South as cotton was developed, strong, healthy blacks in their prime working and reproductive years were seen and treated as highly valuable commodities. Both former slaves and free blacks were sometimes kidnapped and sold into slavery, as was Solomon Northup of Saratoga Springs, New York. "Certificates of freedom," signed, notarized statements attesting to the free status of individual blacks also known as free papers, could easily be destroyed or stolen, so provided little protection to bearers.

Some buildings, such as the Crenshaw House in far southeastern Illinois, are known sites where free blacks were sold into slavery, known as the " Reverse Underground Railroad". Under the terms of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, when suspected fugitives were seized and brought to a special magistrate known as a commissioner, they had no right to a jury trial and could not testify on their own behalf. Technically, they were guilty of no crime. The marshal or private slave-catcher needed only to swear an oath to acquire a writ of for the return of property.

Congress was dominated by Southern congressmen because the population of their states was bolstered by the inclusion of three-fifths of the number of slaves in population totals. They passed the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 because of frustration at having fugitives from slavery helped by the public and even official institutions outside the South. In some parts of the North, slave-catchers needed police protection to exercise their federal authority. Opposition to slavery did not mean that all states welcomed free blacks. For instance, Indiana, whose area along the Ohio River was settled by Southerners, passed a constitutional amendment that barred free blacks from settling in that state.

British North America (present-day Canada) was a desirable destination, as its long border gave many points of access, it was farther from slave catchers, and beyond the reach of the United States' Fugitive Slave Acts. Further, slavery ended decades earlier in Canada than in the United States. Britain banned the institution of slavery in present-day Canada (and in most British colonies) in 1833, though the practice of slavery in Canada had effectively ended already early in the 19th century through case law, due to court decisions resulting from litigation on behalf of slaves seeking manumission.

Most former enslaved, reaching Canada by boat across Lake Erie and Lake Ontario, settled in Ontario. More than 30,000 people were said to have escaped there via the network during its 20-year peak period, although U.S. Census figures account for only 6,000. Numerous fugitives' stories are documented in the 1872 book The Underground Railroad Records by William Still, an abolitionist who then headed the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee.

Estimates vary widely, but at least 30,000 slaves, and potentially more than 100,000, escaped to Canada via the Underground Railroad. The largest group settled in Upper Canada (Ontario), called Canada West from 1841. Numerous Black Canadian communities developed in Southern Ontario. These were generally in the triangular region bounded by Niagara Falls, Toronto, and Windsor. Several rural villages made up mostly of people freed from slavery were established in Kent and Essex counties in Ontario.

Fort Malden, in Amherstburg, Ontario, was deemed the "chief place of entry" for escaped slaves seeking to enter Canada. The abolitionist Levi Coffin, who was known for aiding over 2,000 fugitives to safety, supported this choice. He described Fort Malden as "the great landing place, the principle terminus of the underground railroad of the west." After 1850, approximately thirty people a day were crossing over to Fort Malden by steamboat. The Sultana was one of the ships, making "frequent round trips" between Great Lakes ports. Its captain, C.W. Appleby, a celebrated mariner, facilitated the conveyance of several fugitives from various Lake Erie ports to Fort Malden. Other fugitives at Fort Walden had been assisted by William Wells Brown, himself someone who had escaped slavery. He found employment on a Lake Erie steamer and transported numerous fugitives from Cleveland to Ontario by way of Buffalo or Detroit. "It is well known", he tells us, "that a great number of fugitives make their escape to Canada, by way of Cleaveland. ...The friends of the slave, knowing that I would transport them without charge, never failed to have a delegation when the boat arrived at Cleaveland. I have sometimes had four or five on board at one time."

Another important destination was Nova Scotia, which was first settled by Black Loyalists during the American Revolution and then by Black Refugees during the War of 1812 ( see Black Nova Scotians). Important Black settlements also developed in other parts of British North America (now parts of Canada). These included Lower Canada (present-day Quebec) and Vancouver Island, where Governor James Douglas encouraged Black immigration because of his opposition to slavery. He also hoped a significant Black community would form a bulwark against those who wished to unite the island with the United States.[citation needed ]

Upon arriving at their destinations, many fugitives were disappointed, as life in Canada was difficult. While the British colonies had no slavery after 1834, discrimination was still common. Many of the new arrivals had to compete with mass European immigration for jobs, and overt racism was common. For example, in reaction to Black Loyalists being settled in eastern Canada by the Crown, the city of Saint John, New Brunswick, amended its charter in 1785 specifically to exclude Blacks from practicing a trade, selling goods, fishing in the harbor, or becoming freemen; these provisions stood until 1870.

With the outbreak of the Civil War in the U.S., many black refugees left Canada to enlist in the Union Army. While some later returned to Canada, many remained in the United States. Thousands of others returned to the American South after the war ended. The desire to reconnect with friends and family was strong, and most were hopeful about the changes emancipation and Reconstruction would bring.

Since the 1980s, claims have arisen that quilt designs were used to signal and direct enslaved people to escape routes and assistance. According to advocates of the quilt theory, ten quilt patterns were used to direct enslaved people to take particular actions. The quilts were placed one at a time on a fence as a means of nonverbal communication to alert escaping slaves. The code had a dual meaning: first to signal enslaved people to prepare to escape, and second to give clues and indicate directions on the journey.

The quilt design theory is disputed. The first published work documenting an oral history source was in 1999, and the first publication of this theory is believed to be a 1980 children's book. Quilt historians and scholars of pre-Civil War (1820-1860) America have disputed this legend. There is no contemporary evidence of any sort of quilt code, and quilt historians such as Pat Cummings and Barbara Brackman have raised serious questions about the idea. In addition, Underground Railroad historian Giles Wright has published a pamphlet debunking the quilt code.

Similarly, some popular, nonacademic sources claim that spirituals and other songs, such as "Steal Away" or " Follow the Drinking Gourd", contained coded information and helped individuals navigate the railroad. They have offered little evidence to support their claims. Scholars tend to believe that while the slave songs may certainly have expressed hope for deliverance from the sorrows of this world, these songs did not present literal help for runaway slaves.

The Underground Railroad inspired cultural works. For example, " Song of the Free", written in 1860 about a man fleeing slavery in Tennessee by escaping to Canada, was composed to the tune of " Oh! Susanna". Every stanza ends with a reference to Canada as the land "where colored men are free". Slavery in Upper Canada (now Ontario) was outlawed in 1793; in 1819, John Robinson, the Attorney General of Upper Canada, declared that by residing in Canada, black residents were set free, and that Canadian courts would protect their freedom. Slavery in Canada as a whole had been in rapid decline after an 1803 court ruling, and was finally abolished outright in 1834.

When frictions between North and South culminated in the Civil War, many Blacks, both enslaved and free, fought for the Union Army. Following Union victory in the Civil War, on December 6, 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution outlawed slavery. Following its passage, in some cases the Underground Railroad operated in the opposite direction, as fugitives returned to the United States.

Frederick Douglass was a writer, statesman, and had escaped slavery. He wrote critically of the attention drawn to the ostensibly secret Underground Railroad in his seminal autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave (1845):

I have never approved of the very public manner in which some of our western friends have conducted what they call the Underground Railroad, but which I think, by their open declarations, has been made most emphatically the upperground railroad.

He went on to say that, although he honors the movement, he feels that the efforts at publicity serve more to enlighten the slave-owners than the slaves, making them more watchful and making it more difficult for future slaves to escape.

Following upon legislation passed in 1990 for the National Park Service to perform a special resource study of the Underground Railroad, in 1997, the 105th Congress introduced and subsequently passed H.R. 1635 - National Underground Railroad Network to Freedom Act of 1998, which President Bill Clinton signed into law in 1998. This act authorized the United States National Park Service to establish the National Underground Railroad Network to Freedom program to identify associated sites, as well as preserve them and popularize the Underground Railroad and stories of people involved in it. The National Park Service has designated many sites within the network, posted stories about people and places, sponsors an essay contest, and holds a national conference about the Underground Railroad in May or June each year.

The Harriet Tubman Underground Railroad National Historical Park, which includes Underground Railroad routes in three counties of Maryland's Eastern Shore and Harriet Tubman's birthplace, was created by President Barack Obama under the Antiquities Act on March 25, 2013. Its sister park, the Harriet Tubman National Historical Park in Auburn, New York, was established on January 10, 2017 and focuses on the later years of Tubman's life as well as her involvement with the Underground Railroad and the abolition movement.

1. ^ Cross, L.D. (2010). The Underground Railroad: The long journey to freedom in Canada. Toronto, ON: James Lorimer Limited, Publishers. ISBN 978-1-55277-581-3.

2. ^ "Underground Railroad". dictionary.com. 'A network of houses and other places abolitionists used to help enslaved Africans escape to freedom in the northern states or in Canada ... ' -American Heritage Dictionary

3. ^ "The Underground Railroad". Public Broadcasting Service.

4. ^ Leanos Jr., Reynaldo (2017). "This underground railroad took slaves to freedom in Mexico, PRI's The World, Public Radio International, March 29, 2017". Minneapolis, MN: Public Radio International.

5. ^ Leesa Jones Interview Transcript, 2020-01-07 [SHE.OH.017]. January 7, 2020.

6. ^ Smith, Bruce (March 18, 2012). "For a century, Underground Railroad ran south". Associated Press. Archived from the original on March 21, 2012.

7. ^ McIver, Stuart (February 14, 1993). "Fort Moses's Call To Freedom. Florida's Little-known Underground Railroad Was the Escape Route Taken by Slaves Who Fled to the State in the 1700s and Established America's First Black Town". Sun-Sentinel.

8. ^ Vox, Lisa, "How Did Slaves Resist Slavery?", African-American History, About.com, Retrieved July 17, 2011.

9. ^ Gara, Larry. Underground Railroad. National Park Service. p. 8.

10. Douglass, Frederick (July 5, 1852), ^ "The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro", History Is a Weapon, Retrieved July 17, 2011.

11. ^ Ritchie, Andrew (1870). The soldier, the battle, and the victory : being a brief account of the work of Rev. John Rankin in the anti-slavery cause. Cincinnati: Western Tract and Book Society. pp. 96-97.

12. ^ Miles, Tiya (Summer 2011). "Of Waterways and Runaways: Reflections on the Great Lakes in Underground Railroad History". Michigan Quarterly Review. Vol. L no. 3. hdl:2027/spo.act2080.0050.320. ISSN 1558-7266.

13. ^ Pinsker, Matthew (2000). Vigilance in Pennsylvania: Underground Railroad Activities in the Keystone State, 1837-1861. Lancaster: PHMC.

14. ^ Still, William (1872). The Underground Railroad: Authentic Narratives and First-Hand Accounts. ASIN B00264GNTU.

15. ^ Cedarville University (February 12, 2018). "Underground Railroad Hiding Places". Slideshow Images.

16. ^ "Underground Railroad Codes" (PDF). Myths and Codes of the Underground Railroad. Safe Passage. Greater Cincinnati Television Educational Foundation. p. 20.

17. ^ Torrey, E. Fuller (2013). The Martyrdom of Abolitionist Charles Torrey. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press.

18. ^ Blackett, Richard (October 2014). "The Underground Railroad and the Struggle Against Slavery". History Workshop Journal. 78 (1): 279. doi:10.1093/hwj/dbu012. S2CID 154049844.

19. ^ Mary Ann Shadd (2016). A Plea for Emigration; or Notes of Canada West: A Broadview Anthology of British Literature Edition. Broadview Press. p. 11. ISBN 978-1-55481-321-6.

20. ^ "Settling Canada Underground Railroad". Historica Minutes. Archived from the original on January 6, 2010. Between 1840 and 1860, more than 30,000 people enslaved in America came secretly to Canada and freedom

21. ^ "From slavery to freedom" Archived July 13, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, The Grapevine, pp. 3-5.

22. ^ Jr, Deborah Gray White, Mia Bay, Waldo E. Martin (2013). Freedom on My Mind: A History of African Americans, with documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's. p. 287. ISBN 978-0-312-64883-1.

23. ^ Landon, Fred (1925). "Amherstburg, Terminus of the Underground Railroad". Journal of Negro History. 10 (1): 5. doi:10.2307/2713665. JSTOR 2713665. S2CID 149997017.

24. ^ Tom Calarco, Places of the Underground Railroad: A Geographical Guide (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011)

25. ^ Brown, William W. (1848). Narrative of William W. Brown, a fugitive slave. The Anti-slavery Office (2nd ed.). Boston. pp. 107-108.

26. ^ "Arrival of the Black Loyalists: Saint John's Black Community" Archived May 19, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, Heritage Resources Saint John

27. ^ Aronson, Marc (April 1, 2007). "History That Never Happened". School Library Journal.

28. ^ Kelley, James (April 2008). "Song, Story, or History: Resisting Claims of a Coded Message in the African American Spiritual 'Follow the Drinking Gourd'". The Journal of Popular Culture. 41 (2): 262-280. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5931.2008.00502.x.

29. ^ "Black History-From Slavery to Settlement". Archives.gov.on.ca. Archived from the original on February 14, 2013.

30. Mark Lardas, ^ African American Soldier in the Civil War: USCT, 1862-66

31. Ann Heinrichs, ^ The Underground Railroad

32. ^ Gindy, Gaye E. (2008). The Underground Railroad and Sylvania's Historic Lathrop House. p. 20. ISBN 9781434367617.

33. Douglass, Frederick. (1845) ^ Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. Dover Publications. Chapter 11.

34. William Still, ^ "George Corson," The Underground Rail Road, (Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1872), pp. 721-23.

35. Kwame Anthony Appiah and Henry Louis Gates Jr, ^ Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience, Oxford University Press, 1999 ISBN 978-0195170559

36. ^ "Aboard the Underground Railroad" - Boston African American NHS. Nps.gov (September 5, 1962). Retrieved on 2013-08-16.

37. ^ "The Rochester Years". Archived from the original on November 24, 2011.

38. ^ "For the People: A Newsletter of the Abraham Lincoln Association v.8 number 1 Spring 2006, Springfield, Illinois" (PDF).

39. ^ "Mary Meachum and the Underground Railroad". St. Louis Public Radio. October 9, 2012. Archived from the original on March 5, 2016.

40. ^ "Network to Freedom Homepage". www.nps.gov.

41. ^ Mitchell, William (1860). The Under-Ground Railroad . W. Tweedie - via Wikisource. [scan ]

Colson Whitehead (2016). The Underground Railroad; winner of the Pulitzer Prize in 2017 for this poetical, mythical reflection on the meaning of the Railroad in American history.

Blackett, R.J.M. (2013). Making Freedom: The Underground Railroad and the Politics of Slavery. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Curtis, Anna L. (1941). Stories of the Underground Railroad. Archived from the original on March 31, 2012. (Stories about Thomas Garrett, a famous agent on the Underground Railroad)

Frost, Karolyn Smardz (2007). I've Got a Home in Glory Land: A Lost Tale of the Underground Railroad. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 9780374531256.

Larson, Kate Clifford (2004). Bound For the Promised Land: Harriet Tubman, Portrait of an American Hero. New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 0-345-45627-0.

Still, William (1872). The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters, &c., Narrating the Hardships, Hair-Breadth Escapes and Death Struggles of the Slaves in Their Efforts for Freedom, As Related by Themselves and Others, or Witnessed by the Author. Philadelphia: Porter & Coates. (Classic book documenting the Underground Railroad operations in Philadelphia).

Strother, Horatio (1962; reissued 2011). The Underground Railroad in Connecticut. Wesleyan University Press. ISBN 9780819560124.

Tilley Turner, Glennette (2001). The Underground Railroad in Illinois. Newman Educational Pub. ISBN 978-0938990055.

Jones, Leesa Bailey (January 7, 2020). "Leesa Jones Interview". State Archives of North Carolina (Oral History). Interviewed by Ellen Brooks. Washington, N.C.

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The Underground Railroad was a network of secret routes and safe houses established in the United States during the early to mid-19th century, and used by enslaved African-Americans to primarily escape into free states and Canada. The scheme was assisted by abolitionists and others sympathetic to the cause of the escapees.

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Plantation Owners in the South Prior to Civil War

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Plantation Owners in the South Prior to Civil War

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Historians of the antebellum South have generally defined "planter" most precisely as a person owning property (real estate) and 20 or more slaves. The wealthiest planters, such as the Virginia elite with plantations near the James River, owned more land and slaves than other farmers.

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"The plows at work, both with single and double mule teams, were generally held by women, and very well held, too. I watched with some interest for any indication that their sex unfitted them for the occupation. Twenty of them were plowing together, with double teams and heavy plows. They were superintended by a Negro man who carried a whip, which he frequently cracked at them, permitting no dawdling or delay at the turning; and they twitched their plows around on the head-land, jerking their reins, and yelling to their mules, with apparent ease, energy, and rapidity.

T he moral inconsistency of slavery existing within a nation founded upon the sanctity of individual freedom was well recognized in the early days of America's history. All 13 colonies legalized slavery at the beginning of America's War of Independence in 1775. By the time the nation's Constitution was ratified 13 years later; five states had abolished the practice.

In the late 18th century the slaves of the South fueled an economic engine based on tobacco. After years of over-planting and subsequent depletion of the soil's nutrients, the tobacco fields were becoming less productive and less profitable. Many (including Thomas Jefferson) thought that, as a consequence, slavery would waste away and become extinct.

Eli Whitney (a Northerner) changed all this in 1792 when he invented the cotton gin. The problem this new machine addressed was the inherent difficulty in separating the lint of a cotton plant from its seed. It took a slave an average of 10 tedious hours to produce one pound of clean cotton. Whitney's inspiration was to construct an "engine" that mechanically separated seed from lint by turning a crank. With it, a slave could produce up to 1,000 pounds of cotton per day. By 1850, the South was exporting over one million tons of cotton annually to the hungry textile mills of England. Cotton was king in the South and its increased labor demands invigorated the institution of slavery. By the beginning of the Civil War over 3 million slaves tilled the South's soil.

As cotton gained economic supremacy in the South, the North was transforming itself into an urbanized, industrial society with economic interests at variance with those of the South. Slavery became a passionate focal point of contention, ferociously attacked or defended.

It was in this atmosphere that writer Frederick Olmsted made a number of trips through the South in the 1850s publishing his observations in the New York Daily Times (soon to become the New York Times) and later as three books. Although Olmsted abhorred slavery, his accounts were objective and accepted by most Southern critics as accurate depictions of plantation life.

We join Olmsted's account as he accompanies an overseer on a tour of a large, prosperous plantation in Mississippi:

Throughout the Southwest the Negroes, as a rule, appeared to be worked much harder than in the Eastern and Northern Slave States... They are constantly and steadily driven up to their work, and the stupid, plodding, machine-like manner in which they labor, is painful to witness. This was especially the case with the hoe-gangs. One of them numbered nearly two hundred hands (for the force of two plantations was working together), moving across the field in parallel lines, with a considerable degree of precision. I repeatedly rode through the lines at a canter, without producing the smallest change or interruption in the dogged action of the laborers, or causing one of them, so far as I could see, to lift an eye from the ground... I think it told a more painful story than any I had ever heard, of the cruelty of slavery. It was emphasized by a tall and powerful Negro who walked to and fro in the rear of the line, frequently cracking his whip, and calling out in the surliest manner, to one and another, 'Shove your hoe, there! Shove your hoe!' But I never saw him strike anyone with the whip.

I happened to see the severest corporeal punishment of a Negro that I witnessed at the South while visiting this estate... The manner of the overseer, who inflicted the punishment, and his subsequent conversation with me about it, indicated that it was by no means unusual in severity.

I had accidentally encountered him, and he was showing me his plantation. In going from one side of it to the other, we had twice crossed a deep gully, at the bottom of which was a thick covert of brushwood. We were crossing it a third time, and had nearly passed through the brush, when the overseer suddenly stopped his horse exclaiming, 'What's that? Hallo! Who are you, there?'
It was a girl lying at full length on the ground at the bottom of the gully, evidently intending to hide herself from us in the bushes.

'Who are you, there?'

'Sam's Sall, sir.'

'What are you skulking there for?'

The girl half rose, but gave no answer.

'Have you been here all day?'

'No, sir.'

'How did you get here?'

The girl made no reply.

'Where have you been all day?'

The answer was unintelligible.

After some further questioning, she said her father accidentally locked her in, when he went out in the morning.

'How did you manage to get out?'

'Pushed a plank off, sir, and crawled out.'

The overseer was silent for a moment, looking at the girl, and then said, 'That won't do; come out here.' The girl arose at once, and walked towards him. She was about eighteen years of age. A bunch of keys hung at her waist, which the overseer espied, and he said, 'Your father locked you in; but you have got the keys.' After a little hesitation, she replied that these were the keys of some other locks; her father had the door-key.

Whether her story was true or false, could have been ascertained in two minutes by riding on to the gang with which her father was at work, but the overseer had made up his mind.

'That won't do,' said he; 'get down.' The girl knelt on the ground; he got off his horse, and holding him with his left hand, struck her thirty or forty blows across the shoulder with his tough, flexible, 'raw-hide' whip (a terrible instrument for the purpose). They were well laid on, at arm's length, but with no appearance of angry excitement on the part of the overseer. At every stroke the girl winced and exclaimed, ''Yes, sir!' or 'Ah, sir!' or 'Please, sir!' not groaning or screaming. At length he stopped and said, 'Now tell me the truth.' The girl repeated the same story. ''You have not got enough yet,' said he; 'pull up your clothes-lie down.'

The girl without any hesitation, without a word or look of remonstrance or entreaty, drew closely all her garments under her shoulders, and lay down upon the ground with her face toward the overseer, who continued to flog her with the raw-hide, across her

naked loins and thighs, with as much strength as before. She now shrunk away from him, not rising, but writhing, groveling, and screaming, 'Oh, don't, sir! Oh, please stop, master! Please, sir! Please, sir! Oh, that's enough, master! Oh, Lord! Oh, master, master! Oh, God, master, do stop! Oh, God, master! Oh, God, master!'
A young gentleman of fifteen was with us; he had ridden in front, and now turning on his horse, looked back with an expression only of impatience at the delay. It was the first time I had ever seen a woman flogged. I had seen a man cudgeled and beaten, in the heat of passion, before, but never flogged with a hundredth part of the severity used in this case.

I glanced again at the perfectly passionless but rather grim business-like face of the overseer, and again at the young gentleman, who had turned away; if not indifferent he had evidently not the faintest sympathy with my emotion. Only my horse chafed. I gave him rein and spur and we plunged into the bushes and scrambled fiercely up the steep acclivity. The screaming yells and the whip strokes had ceased when I reached the top of the bank. Choking, sobbing, spasmodic groans only were heard. I rode on to where the road, coming diagonally up the ravine, ran out upon the cotton-field. My young companion met me there, and immediately afterward the overseer. He laughed as he joined us, and said: 'She meant to cheat me out of a day's work, and she has done it, too.' "

References:
Olmsted's account appears in: Olmsted, Frederick, Law, (Arthur M. Schlesinger ed.), The Cotton Kingdom (1953); Nevins, Allan, Ordeal of the Union (1947);

How To Cite This Article:
"Life on a Southern Plantation, 1854", EyeWitness to History, www.eyewitnesstohistory.com (2005).

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An eyewitness account of life on a Mississippi plantation before the Civil War.

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Rigid Social Structure Essay Examples. The Ancient Mayan Civilization was built upon a rigid social structure based on their religious beliefs. They used a caste social structure in which divisions were based on wealth, inherited rank, privilege, profession, or occupation.

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Base your answers to questions 6 and 7 on the statements below and on your knowledge of social studies. : We must return to the ideas of the Bible. 'We should encourage people to read and interpret religious scripture for themselves. Speaker B: Our people worship many gods, who control the peoples' activities, such as birth, death, and commerce.

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Plantations were an important aspect of the history of the American South, particularly the antebellum (pre-American Civil War) era.

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A cotton gin is a machine that quickly and easily separates cotton fibers from their seeds, allowing for much greater productivity than manual cotton separation.

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A model of a 19th-century cotton gin on display at the Eli Whitney Museum in Hamden, Connecticut

A cotton gin-meaning "cotton engine"-is a machine that quickly and easily separates cotton fibers from their seeds, enabling much greater productivity than manual cotton separation. The fibers are then processed into various cotton goods such as calico, while any undamaged cotton is used largely for textiles like clothing. The separated seeds may be used to grow more cotton or to produce cottonseed oil.

Handheld roller gins had been used in the Indian subcontinent since at earliest AD 500 and then in other regions. The Indian worm-gear roller gin, invented sometime around the 16th century, has, according to Lakwete, remained virtually unchanged up to the present time. A modern mechanical cotton gin was created by American inventor Eli Whitney in 1793 and patented in 1794.

Whitney's gin used a combination of a wire screen and small wire hooks to pull the cotton through, while brushes continuously removed the loose cotton lint to prevent jams. It revolutionized the cotton industry in the United States, but also inadvertently led to the growth of slavery in the American South. Whitney's gin made cotton farming more profitable, so plantation owners expanded their plantations and used more slaves to pick cotton. Whitney never invented the machine to harvest cotton: it still had to be picked by hand. The invention has thus been identified as an inadvertent contributing factor to the outbreak of the American Civil War. Modern automated cotton gins use multiple powered cleaning cylinders and saws, and offer far higher productivity than their hand-powered precursors.

Cotton fibers are produced in the seed pods ("bolls") of the cotton plant where the fibers ("lint") in the bolls are tightly interwoven with seeds. To make the fibers usable, the seeds and fibers must first be separated, a task which had been previously performed manually, with production of cotton requiring hours of labor for the separation. Many simple seed-removing devices had been invented, but until the innovation of the cotton gin, most required significant operator attention and worked only on a small scale.

This section needs expansion with: details about other kinds of gins, Whitney's is not the only kind. You can help by adding to it.

The gin is made with two rotating cylinders. The first cylinder has lines of teeth around the circumference, and angled against this cylinder is a metal plate with small holes, "ginning ribs", through which the teeth can fit with minimal gaps. The teeth grip the cotton as it rotates, dragging it through these small holes. The seeds are too big to fit through the holes, and are thus removed from the rotating cotton by the metal plate, before they fall into a collecting pot. On the other side of the first cylinder, there's a second cylinder, also rotating, with brushes attached. This second cylinder wipes the cotton from the first, and deposits it into the collecting bucket.

The seed is reused for planting or is sent to an oil mill to be further processed into cottonseed oil and cottonseed meal. The lint cleaners again use saws and grid bars, this time to separate immature seeds and any remaining foreign matter from the fibers. The bale press then compresses the cotton into bales for storage and shipping. Modern gins can process up to 15 tonnes (33,000 lb) of cotton per hour.

This section needs expansion with: How the cotton gin actually separates the fibres from the seeds. The functional components of the machines and their action on the raw cotton, differences between types, how the waste is removed.. You can help by adding to it.

"The First Cotton Gin", an engraving from Harper's Magazine, 1869. This carving depicts a roller gin being used by African slaves, which preceded Eli Whitney's invention.[7]

A single-roller cotton gin came into use in India by the 5th century. An improvement invented in India was the two-roller gin, known as the "churka", "charki", or "wooden-worm-worked roller".

The earliest versions of the cotton gin consisted of a single roller made of iron or wood and a flat piece of stone or wood. The earliest evidence of the cotton gin is found in the fifth century, in the form of Buddhist paintings depicting a single-roller gin in the Ajanta Caves in western India. These early gins were difficult to use and required a great deal of skill. A narrow single roller was necessary to expel the seeds from the cotton without crushing the seeds. The design was similar to that of a mealing stone, which was used to grind grain. The early history of the cotton gin is ambiguous, because archeologists likely mistook the cotton gin's parts for other tools.

Between the 12th and 14th centuries, dual-roller gins appeared in India and China. The Indian version of the dual-roller gin was prevalent throughout the Mediterranean cotton trade by the 16th century. This mechanical device was, in some areas, driven by water power.

The worm gear roller gin, which was invented in the Indian subcontinent during the early Delhi Sultanate era of the 13th to 14th centuries, came into use in the Mughal Empire sometime around the 16th century, and is still used in the Indian subcontinent through to the present day. Another innovation, the incorporation of the crank handle in the cotton gin, first appeared sometime during the late Delhi Sultanate or the early Mughal Empire. The incorporation of the worm gear and crank handle into the roller cotton gin led to greatly expanded Indian cotton textile production during the Mughal era.

It was reported that, with an Indian cotton gin, which is half machine and half tool, one man and one woman could clean 28 pounds of cotton per day. With a modified Forbes version, one man and a boy could produce 250 pounds per day. If oxen were used to power 16 of these machines, and a few people's labor was used to feed them, they could produce as much work as 750 people did formerly.

The Indian roller cotton gin, known as the churka or charkha, was introduced to the United States in the mid-18th century, when it was adopted in the southern United States. The device was adopted for cleaning long-staple cotton, but was not suitable for the short-staple cotton that was more common in certain states such as Georgia. Several modifications were made to the Indian roller gin by Mr. Krebs in 1772 and Joseph Eve in 1788, but their uses remained limited to the long-staple variety, up until Eli Whitney's development of a short-staple cotton gin in 1793.

Eli Whitney's patent

Eli Whitney (1765-1825) applied for a patent of his cotton gin on October 28, 1793; the patent was granted on March 14, 1794, but was not validated until 1807. Whitney's patent was assigned patent number 72X. There is slight controversy over whether the idea of the modern cotton gin and its constituent elements are correctly attributed to Eli Whitney. The popular image of Whitney inventing the cotton gin is attributed to an article on the subject written in the early 1870s and later reprinted in 1910 in The Library of Southern Literature. In this article, the author claimed Catharine Littlefield Greene suggested to Whitney the use of a brush-like component instrumental in separating out the seeds and cotton. To date, Greene's alleged role in the invention of the gin has not been verified independently.

Whitney's cotton gin model was capable of cleaning 50 pounds (23 kg) of lint per day. The model consisted of a wooden cylinder covered by rows of slender wires which caught the fibers of the cotton bolls. Each row of wires then passed through the bars of a comb-like grid, pulling the cotton fibers through the grid as they did. The comb-like teeth of the grids were closely spaced, preventing the seeds, fragments of the hard dried calyx of the original cotton flower, or sticks and other debris attached to the fibers from passing through. A series of brushes on a second rotating cylinder then brushed the now-cleaned fibers loose from the wires, preventing the mechanism from jamming.

Many contemporary inventors attempted to develop a design that would process short staple cotton, and Hodgen Holmes, Robert Watkins, William Longstreet, and John Murray had all been issued patents for improvements to the cotton gin by 1796. However, the evidence indicates Whitney did invent the saw gin, for which he is famous. Although he spent many years in court attempting to enforce his patent against planters who made unauthorized copies, a change in patent law ultimately made his claim legally enforceable - too late for him to make much money from the device in the single year remaining before the patent expired.

McCarthy's gin

While Whitney's gin facilitated the cleaning of seeds from short-staple cotton, it damaged the fibers of extra-long staple cotton (Gossypium barbadense). In 1840 Fones McCarthy received a patent for a "Smooth Cylinder Cotton-gin", a roller gin. McCarthy's gin was marketed for use with both short-staple and extra-long staple cotton, but was particularly useful for processing long-staple cotton. After McCarthy's patent expired in 1861, McCarthy type gins were manufactured in Britain and sold around the world. McCarthy's gin was adopted for cleaning the Sea Island variety of extra-long staple cotton grown in Florida, Georgia and South Carolina. It cleaned cotton several times faster than the older gins, and, when powered by one horse, produced 150 to 200 pounds of lint a day. The McCarthy gin used a reciprocating knife to detach seed from the lint. Vibration caused by the reciprocating motion limited the speed at which the gin could operate. In the middle of the 20th Century gins using a rotating blade replaced ones using a reciprocating blade. These descendants of the McCarthy gin are the only gins now used for extra-long staple cotton in the United States.

For a decade and a half after the end of the Civil War in 1865, a number of innovative features became widely used for ginning in the United States. They included steam power instead of animal power, an automatic feeder to assure that the gin stand ran smoothly, a condenser to make the clean cotton coming out of the gin easier to handle, and indoor presses so that cotton no longer had to be carried across the gin yard to be baled. Then, in 1879, while he was running his father's gin in Rutersville, Texas, Robert S. Munger invented additional system ginning techniques. Robert and his wife, Mary Collett, later moved to Mexia, Texas, built a system gin, and obtained related patents.

The Munger System Ginning Outfit (or system gin) integrated all the ginning operation machinery, thus assuring the cotton would flow through the machines smoothly. Such system gins use air to move cotton from machine to machine. Munger's motivation for his inventions included improving employee working conditions in the gin. However, the selling point for most gin owners was the accompanying cost savings while producing cotton both more speedily and of higher quality.

By the 1960s, many other advances had been made in ginning machinery, but the manner in which cotton flowed through the gin machinery continued to be the Munger system.

Economic Historian William H. Phillips referred to the development of system ginning as "The Munger Revolution" in cotton ginning. He wrote,

"The Munger innovations were the culmination of what geographer Charles S. Aiken has termed the second ginning revolution, in which the privately owned plantation gins were replaced by large-scale public ginneries. This revolution, in turn, led to a major restructuring of the cotton gin industry, as the small, scattered gin factories and shops of the nineteenth century gave way to a dwindling number of large twentieth-century corporations designing and constructing entire ginning operations."

One of the few (and perhaps only) examples of a Munger gin left in existence is on display at Frogmore Plantation in Louisiana.

Cotton gin at Jarrell Plantation

Prior to the introduction of the mechanical cotton gin, cotton had required considerable labor to clean and separate the fibers from the seeds. With Eli Whitney's gin, cotton became a tremendously profitable business, creating many fortunes in the Antebellum South. Cities such as New Orleans, Louisiana; Mobile, Alabama; Charleston, South Carolina; and Galveston, Texas became major shipping ports, deriving substantial economic benefit from cotton raised throughout the South. Additionally, the greatly expanded supply of cotton created strong demand for textile machinery and improved machine designs that replaced wooden parts with metal. This led to the invention of many machine tools in the early 19th century.

The invention of the cotton gin caused massive growth in the production of cotton in the United States, concentrated mostly in the South. Cotton production expanded from 750,000 bales in 1830 to 2.85 million bales in 1850. As a result, the region became even more dependent on plantations that used black slave labor, with plantation agriculture becoming the largest sector of its economy. While it took a single laborer about ten hours to separate a single pound of fiber from the seeds, a team of two or three slaves using a cotton gin could produce around fifty pounds of cotton in just one day. The number of slaves rose in concert with the increase in cotton production, increasing from around 700,000 in 1790 to around 3.2 million in 1850. The invention of the cotton gin led to increased demands for slave labor in the American South, reversing the economic decline that had occurred in the region during the late 18th century. The cotton gin thus "transformed cotton as a crop and the American South into the globe's first agricultural powerhouse".

The invention of the cotton gin led to an increase in the use of slaves on Southern plantations. Because of that inadvertent effect on American slavery, which ensured that the South's economy developed in the direction of plantation-based agriculture (while encouraging the growth of the textile industry elsewhere, such as in the North), the invention of the cotton gin is frequently cited as one of the indirect causes of the American Civil War.

In modern cotton production, cotton arrives at industrial cotton gins either in trailers, in compressed rectangular " modules" weighing up to 10 metric tons each or in polyethylene wrapped round modules similar to a bale of hay produced during the picking process by the most recent generation of cotton pickers. Trailer cotton (i.e. cotton not compressed into modules) arriving at the gin is sucked in via a pipe, approximately 16 inches (41 cm) in diameter, that is swung over the cotton. This pipe is usually manually operated, but is increasingly automated in modern cotton plants. The need for trailers to haul the product to the gin has been drastically reduced since the introduction of modules. If the cotton is shipped in modules, the module feeder breaks the modules apart using spiked rollers and extracts the largest pieces of foreign material from the cotton. The module feeder's loose cotton is then sucked into the same starting point as the trailer cotton.

The cotton then enters a dryer, which removes excess moisture. The cylinder cleaner uses six or seven rotating, spiked cylinders to break up large clumps of cotton. Finer foreign material, such as soil and leaves, passes through rods or screens for removal. The stick machine uses centrifugal force to remove larger foreign matter, such as sticks and burrs, while the cotton is held by rapidly rotating saw cylinders.

The gin stand uses the teeth of rotating saws to pull the cotton through a series of "ginning ribs", which pull the fibers from the seeds which are too large to pass through the ribs. The cleaned seed is then removed from the gin via an auger conveyor system. The seed is reused for planting or is sent to an oil mill to be further processed into cottonseed oil and cottonseed meal. The lint cleaners again use saws and grid bars, this time to separate immature seeds and any remaining foreign matter from the fibers. The bale press then compresses the cotton into bales for storage and shipping. Modern gins can process up to 15 tonnes (33,000 lb) of cotton per hour.

Modern cotton gins create a substantial amount of cotton gin residue (CGR) consisting of sticks, leaves, dirt, immature bolls, and cottonseed. Research is currently under way to investigate the use of this waste in producing ethanol. Due to fluctuations in the chemical composition in processing, there is difficulty in creating a consistent ethanol process, but there is potential to further maximize the utilization of waste in the cotton production.

Notes

Bibliography

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A cotton gin-meaning "cotton engine"-is a machine that quickly and easily separates cotton fibers from their seeds, enabling much greater productivity than manual cotton separation. The fibers are then processed into various cotton goods such as calico, while any undamaged cotton is used largely for textiles like clothing.

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The Daily Telegraph, commonly referred to simply as The Telegraph, is a national British daily broadsheet newspaper published in London by Telegraph Media Group and distributed across the United Kingdom and internationally.

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TELEGRAPH AND TELEPHONES | Western Australia | www.wanowandthen.com

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Telegraph and Telephones | Western Australia

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an engine that uses the expansion or rapid condensation of steam to generate power.

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Steam Engine - body, used, water, process, form, energy, air, parts, surface, History

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The first steam-powered machine was built in 1698 by the English military engineer Thomas Savery (c. 1650-1715). His invention, designed to pump water out of coal mines, was known as the Miner's Friend. The machine, which had no moving parts, consisted of a simple boiler-a steam chamber whose valves were located on the surface-and a pipe leading to the water in the mine below.

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A trade union or trades union, also called a labour union or labor union, is an organization of workers who have come together to achieve common goals; such as protecting the integrity of its trade

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Anamika Kishore

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Consultant at People Advisory Services, Ernst & Young

It has been a long time since the employers have been agitating against the law that allows the presence of outsiders in the Trade Union Executive's up to 25%. On the other hand, the unions and International Labour Organization (ILO) feel that it is a fundamental right of any union to form its own structure and elect its own members.
All office bearers of a registered trade union except not more than one-third of the total number of office bearers or five, whichever is less shall be persons actually engaged or employed in the establishment or industry with which the trade union is connected. Regarding the workers and Trade Unions in the unorganised sector, sub-section (1) of section 22 prescribes that at least half of the office bearers of every registered trade union in an unorganised sector shall be persons actually engaged or employed in an industry with which the trade union is connected. Background:
Even after being one of the founding member of ILO, India is among a small minority of 19 ILO member states that have not ratified either of the two fundamental conventions on freedom of association, namely, the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize Convention, 1948 (Convention No. 87) and the Right to Organize and Collective Bargaining Convention, 1949 (Convention No. 98). Even though India has not ratified these two conventions, it is bound to follow the principles contained in these conventions as a member of the ILO itself. The non-ratification by India of these two Conventions has been a matter of concern to the world community at large considering the huge size of India's workforce and the fact that these Conventions contain basic human rights principles that need to be universally observed in order to ensure decent work for workers, the world over. In the last two decades, this concern has been heightened on account of the changed economic context of India. Over the last six decades and several rounds of talks later, India has still not ratified these conventions and the current government is suggesting reforms which are against the principles of these conventions.

As per the Article 3 of ILO Convention No. 87: Workers' and Employers' organisations shall have the right to draw up their constitutions and rules, to elect their representatives in full freedom, to organise their administration and activities and to formulate their programmes. In addition to this, the public authorities shall refrain from any interference which would restrict this right or impede the lawful exercise thereof. However, Section 22 of The Trade Unions Act, 1926, states the following:
Current Perspective:
The objective of government for including outside leaders in Trade Unions was to provide professional advice to the employed union leaders in an established manner with regard to labour laws and Industrial Relations practices so that the union affairs could be managed more effectively. The government was of the opinion that in nascent Indian industrial era, workers were illiterate, ignorant and socially backward. Hence, it was important that strong leaders from outside join the Trade Unions as office bearers and champion the economic causes of these workmen. This saw a strong emergence of outside political leaders in most of the Trade Unions in the country. In the long run, however, this practice proved to be counter-productive as most of these outside political leaders championed the interests of their political parties and other political causes rather than the causes that concerned the workers. There was a huge gulf in what the union leaders thought the workers need and the real pain points and the demands of the workers. The workers were even exploited by these outside leaders.

Soon the employers started to feel that the increased occurrences of strikes, lockouts and closure of the factories was primarily because of the increased politics being brought inside the factory premises by these outsiders. As a reason, whenever the government asked the employers for any suggestions in labour law reforms, they continuously asked for restricting the membership of outsiders in the Trade Union's Executive.

The government of India is looking forward to make sweeping reforms through its Industrial Relations Bill stating that only people engaged or employed in an industry can become office-bearers of a trade union in the formal sector and only two outsiders can become office-bearers of a trade union in the unorganised sector.

The ILO is not in favour of the reforms that have been proposed in the current Industrial Relations Bill. According to ILO, the suggested bill goes against the fundament right of association. The ILO convention no. 87 states that it is up to the Trade Union to decide the structure, composition and method of selection or election of its office bearers. The government should play the role of a facilitator and ensure that positive conditions are maintained in the industrial set up for the organizations to work. According to the director of ILO-Actrav, Maria Helena Andre, it would be critical to see what the government is referring to as external.

The ILO and other strong supporters of convention no. 87 believe that even if an outsider is included as an office bearer in a Trade Union, there are no harms. The outside leader has knowledge of industrial practices in comparable organizations and therefore he has more experience when coming to bargaining at the table. And even if the outsider is a politician or has political links, then he can help in terms of policy implementation and getting all the administrative action done. If the new bill is passed, it might even hinder the entry of a legitimate and elected member into the union.

Union Labour Secretary, Mr. Shankar Aggarwal, recently defended the move of the Labour Ministry by saying that the new reforms in the bill have been suggested with the aim of reducing politicisation in the Trade Unions. In his opinion, the Trade Union's Executive should represent the workers and the purpose of the Trade Union should not be diluted by bringing outsiders into it.
Conclusion
In terms of leadership positions taken up by outsiders as per the laws, there is an existing belief among people that outside leadership has undermined the purpose of existence of trade unions and has weakened their authority as there have been issues of increase in conflict within the trade unions. The reason for the conflict arises when the outside leaders tend to give more emphasis on personal benefits and prejudices rather than that of the union. This also leads to slow growth of the trade unions. Outsiders can not understand the problems in depth which have been faced by workers that are working on the shop floor and hence they might not be able to fully bargain or negotiate on behalf of the workers.

To reduce the evil affects that are caused by outsiders and outside leadership there are couple of ways. Either it can be done by law which is precisely what the government is try to do with the current bill or it can be done via forces from within the company that is the union and management side itself. The problem with legal way is that there is possibility that if outsiders are not allowed to be part of the trade union some genuine person may miss out on the opportunity to help and fight for the workers hence it is important to use internal forces. Internally both the management and union need to take steps to reduce the bad effects caused by outsiders, some which can be reduction in victimization of workers even if they are led by insiders, special leaves to inside office bearers to do trade union work, leadership and management training facilities to the office bearers to handle the trade unions.

This topic has brewed a lot of controversy since the new Industrial Relations Bill has surfaced. The entire employer side sees this as a welcome change. Foreign businesses also view this bill in a positive light as it gives them more freedom to do business in India. At the same time, ILO is not happy and has shown its disappointment towards the bill time and again. According to them, the bill curbs the fundamental right to freedom of association. The new bill will be a landmark if it achieves what it seeks to achieve. It would be interesting to see how the current government strikes a balance in keeping the two sides happy.

Article written for Samhitha [October-November issue], monthly newsletter by Fire@x

Consultant at People Advisory Services, Ernst & Young

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Should role of outsiders be restricted in Indian Trade Unions?

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It has been a long time since the employers have been agitating against the law that allows the presence of outsiders in the Trade Union Executive's

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Interchangeable parts are parts that are, for practical purposes, identical.

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Interchangeable Parts - Inventions - HISTORY.com

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Find out more about the history of Interchangeable Parts, including videos, interesting articles, pictures, historical features and more. Get all the facts on HISTORY.com

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Mass production is the manufacture of large quantities of standardized products, frequently utilizing assembly line technology.

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Mass production, also known as flow production or continuous production, is the production of substantial amounts of standardized products in a constant flow, including and especially on assembly lines. Together with job production and batch production, it is one of the three main production methods.

The term mass production was popularized by a 1926 article in the Encyclopædia Britannica supplement that was written based on correspondence with Ford Motor Company. The New York Times used the term in the title of an article that appeared before publication of the Britannica article.

The concepts of mass production are applied to various kinds of products: from fluids and particulates handled in bulk ( food, fuel, chemicals and mined minerals), to parts and assemblies of parts ( household appliances and automobiles).

Some mass production techniques, such as standardized sizes and production lines, predate the Industrial Revolution by many centuries; however, it was not until the introduction of machine tools and techniques to produce interchangeable parts were developed in the mid-19th century that modern mass production was possible.

Mass production involves making many copies of products, very quickly, using assembly line techniques to send partially complete products to workers who each work on an individual step, rather than having a worker work on a whole product from start to finish.

Mass production of fluid matter typically involves pipes with centrifugal pumps or screw conveyors (augers) to transfer raw materials or partially complete products between vessels. Fluid flow processes such as oil refining and bulk materials such as wood chips and pulp are automated using a system of process control which uses various instruments to measure variables such as temperature, pressure, volumetric and level, providing feedback.

Bulk materials such as coal, ores, grains and wood chips are handled by belt, chain, slat, pneumatic or screw conveyors, bucket elevators and mobile equipment such as front-end loaders. Materials on pallets are handled with forklifts. Also used for handling heavy items like reels of paper, steel or machinery are electric overhead cranes, sometimes called bridge cranes because they span large factory bays.

Mass production is capital-intensive and energy-intensive, for it uses a high proportion of machinery and energy in relation to workers. It is also usually automated while total expenditure per unit of product is decreased. However, the machinery that is needed to set up a mass production line (such as robots and machine presses) is so expensive that in order to attain profits there must be some assurance that the product is to be successful to.

One of the descriptions of mass production is that "the skill is built into the tool"[citation needed ], which means that the worker using the tool may not need the skill. For example, in the 19th or early 20th century, this could be expressed as "the craftsmanship is in the workbench itself" (not the training of the worker). Rather than having a skilled worker measure every dimension of each part of the product against the plans or the other parts as it is being formed, there were jigs ready at hand to ensure that the part was made to fit this set-up. It had already been checked that the finished part would be to specifications to fit all the other finished parts-and it would be made more quickly, with no time spent on finishing the parts to fit one another. Later, once computerized control came about (for example, CNC), jigs were obviated, but it remained true that the skill (or knowledge) was built into the tool (or process, or documentation) rather than residing in the worker's head. This is the specialized capital required for mass production; each workbench and set of tools (or each CNC cell, or each fractionating column) is different (fine-tuned to its task).

Standardized parts and sizes and factory production techniques were developed in pre-industrial times; before the invention of machine tools the manufacture of precision parts, especially metal ones, was highly labour-intensive.

Crossbows made with bronze parts were produced in China during the Warring States period. The Qin Emperor unified China at least in part by equipping large armies with these weapons, which were equipped with a sophisticated trigger mechanism made of interchangeable parts. The Terracotta Army guarding the Emperor's necropolis is also believed to have been created through the use of standardized molds on an assembly line.

In ancient Carthage, ships of war were mass-produced on a large scale at a moderate cost, allowing them to efficiently maintain their control of the Mediterranean. Many centuries later, the Republic of Venice would follow Carthage in producing ships with prefabricated parts on an assembly line: the Venetian Arsenal produced nearly one ship every day in what was effectively the world's first factory, which at its height employed 16,000 people.

The invention of movable type has allowed for documents such as books to be mass produced. The first movable type system was invented in China by Bi Sheng, during the reign of the Song Dynasty, where it was used to, among other things, issue paper money. The oldest extant book produced using metal type is the , printed in Korea in the year 1377. Johannes Gutenberg, through his invention of the printing press and production of the Gutenberg Bible, introduced movable type to Europe. Through this introduction, mass production in the European publishing industry was made commonplace, leading to a democratization of knowledge, increased literacy and education, and the beginnings of modern science.

Jean-Baptiste de Gribeauval, a French artillery engineer, introduced the standardization of cannon design in the mid-18th century. He developed a 6-inch (150 mm) field howitzer whose gun barrel, carriage assembly and ammunition specifications were made uniform for all French cannons. The standardized interchangeable parts of these cannons down to the nuts, bolts and screws made their mass production and repair easier than before.[citation needed ]

In the Industrial Revolution, simple mass production techniques were used at the Portsmouth Block Mills in England to make ships' pulley blocks for the Royal Navy in the Napoleonic Wars. It was achieved in 1803 by Marc Isambard Brunel in cooperation with Henry Maudslay under the management of Sir Samuel Bentham. The first unmistakable examples of manufacturing operations carefully designed to reduce production costs by specialized labour and the use of machines appeared in the 18th century in England.

The Navy was in a state of expansion that required 100,000 pulley blocks to be manufactured a year. Bentham had already achieved remarkable efficiency at the docks by introducing power-driven machinery and reorganising the dockyard system. Brunel, a pioneering engineer, and Maudslay, a pioneer of machine tool technology who had developed the first industrially practical screw-cutting lathe in 1800 which standardized screw thread sizes for the first time which in turn allowed the application of interchangeable parts, collaborated on plans to manufacture block-making machinery. By 1805, the dockyard had been fully updated with the revolutionary, purpose-built machinery at a time when products were still built individually with different components. A total of 45 machines were required to perform 22 processes on the blocks, which could be made into one of three possible sizes. The machines were almost entirely made of metal thus improving their accuracy and durability. The machines would make markings and indentations on the blocks to ensure alignment throughout the process. One of the many advantages of this new method was the increase in labour productivity due to the less labour-intensive requirements of managing the machinery. Richard Beamish, assistant to Brunel's son and engineer, Isambard Kingdom Brunel, wrote:

So that ten men, by the aid of this machinery, can accomplish with uniformity, celerity and ease, what formerly required the uncertain labour of one hundred and ten.

By 1808, annual production from the 45 machines had reached 130,000 blocks and some of the equipment was still in operation as late as the mid-twentieth century. Mass production techniques were also used to rather limited extent to make clocks and watches, and to make small arms, though parts were usually non-interchangeable. Though produced on a very small scale, Crimean War gunboat engines designed and assembled by John Penn of Greenwich are recorded as the first instance of the application of mass production techniques (though not necessarily the assembly-line method) to marine engineering. In filling an Admiralty order for 90 sets to his high-pressure and high-revolution horizontal trunk engine design, Penn produced them all in 90 days. He also used Whitworth Standard threads throughout. Prerequisites for the wide use of mass production were interchangeable parts, machine tools and power, especially in the form of electricity.

Some of the organizational management concepts needed to create 20th-century mass production, such as scientific management, had been pioneered by other engineers (most of whom are not famous, but Frederick Winslow Taylor is one of the well-known ones), whose work would later be synthesized into fields such as industrial engineering, manufacturing engineering, operations research, and management consultancy. Although after leaving the Henry Ford Company which was rebranded as Cadillac and later was awarded the Dewar Trophy in 1908 for creating interchangeable mass-produced precision engine parts, Henry Ford downplayed the role of Taylorism in the development of mass production at his company. However, Ford management performed time studies and experiments to mechanize their factory processes, focusing on minimizing worker movements. The difference is that while Taylor focused mostly on efficiency of the worker, Ford also substituted for labor by using machines, thoughtfully arranged, wherever possible.

In 1807, Eli Terry was hired to produce 4,000 wooden movement clocks in the Porter Contract. At this time, the annual yield for wooden clocks did not exceed a few dozen on average. Terry developed a milling machine in 1795, in which he perfected Interchangeable parts. In 1807, Terry developed a spindle cutting machine, which could produce multiple parts at the same time. Terry hired Silas Hoadley and Seth Thomas to work the Assembly line at the facilities. The Porter Contract was the first contract which called for mass production of clock movements in history. In 1815, Terry began mass-producing the first shelf clock. Chauncey Jerome, an apprentice of Eli Terry mass-produced up to 20,000 brass clocks annually in 1840 when he invented the cheap 30-hour OG clock.

The United States Department of War sponsored the development of interchangeable parts for guns produced at the arsenals at Springfield, Massachusetts and Harpers Ferry, Virginia (now West Virginia) in the early decades of the 19th century, finally achieving reliable interchangeability by about 1850. This period coincided with the development of machine tools, with the armories designing and building many of their own. Some of the methods employed were a system of gauges for checking dimensions of the various parts and jigs and fixtures for guiding the machine tools and properly holding and aligning the work pieces. This system came to be known as armory practice or the American system of manufacturing, which spread throughout New England aided by skilled mechanics from the armories who were instrumental in transferring the technology to the sewing machines manufacturers and other industries such as machine tools, harvesting machines and bicycles. Singer Manufacturing Co., at one time the largest sewing machine manufacturer, did not achieve interchangeable parts until the late 1880s, around the same time Cyrus McCormick adopted modern manufacturing practices in making harvesting machines.

During World War II, The United States mass-produced many vehicles and weapons, such as ships (i.e. Liberty Ships, Higgins boats ), aircraft (i.e. North American P-51 Mustang, Consolidated B-24 Liberator, Boeing B-29 Superfortress), jeeps (i.e. Willys MB), trucks, tanks (i.e. M4 Sherman) and M2 Browning and M1919 Browning machine guns. Many vehicles, transported by ships have been shipped in parts and later assembled on-site.

For the ongoing energy transition, many wind turbine components and solar panels are being mass-produced. Wind turbines and solar panels are being used in respectively wind farms and solar farms.

In addition, in the ongoing climate change mitigation, large-scale carbon sequestration (through reforestation, blue carbon restoration, etc) has been proposed. Some projects (such as the Trillion Tree Campaign) involve planting a very large amount of trees. In order to speed up such efforts, fast propagation of trees may be useful. Some automated machines have been produced to allow for fast (vegetative) plant propagation.Also, for some plants that help to sequester carbon (such as seagrass), techniques have been developed to help speed up the process .

Mass production benefited from the development of materials such as inexpensive steel, high strength steel and plastics. Machining of metals was greatly enhanced with high-speed steel and later very hard materials such as tungsten carbide for cutting edges. Fabrication using steel components was aided by the development of electric welding and stamped steel parts, both which appeared in industry in about 1890. Plastics such as polyethylene, polystyrene and polyvinyl chloride (PVC) can be easily formed into shapes by extrusion, blow molding or injection molding, resulting in very low cost manufacture of consumer products, plastic piping, containers and parts.

An influential article that helped to frame and popularize the 20th century's definition of mass production appeared in a 1926 Encyclopædia Britannica supplement. The article was written based on correspondence with Ford Motor Company and is sometimes credited as the first use of the term.

Electrification of factories began very gradually in the 1890s after the introduction of a practical DC motor by Frank J. Sprague and accelerated after the AC motor was developed by Galileo Ferraris, Nikola Tesla and Westinghouse, Mikhail Dolivo-Dobrovolsky and others. Electrification of factories was fastest between 1900 and 1930, aided by the establishment of electric utilities with central stations and the lowering of electricity prices from 1914 to 1917.

Electric motors were several times more efficient than small steam engines because central station generation were more efficient than small steam engines and because line shafts and belts had high friction losses. Electric motors also allowed more flexibility in manufacturing and required less maintenance than line shafts and belts. Many factories saw a 30% increase in output simply from changing over to electric motors.

Electrification enabled modern mass production, as with Thomas Edison's iron ore processing plant (about 1893) that could process 20,000 tons of ore per day with two shifts, each of five men. At that time it was still common to handle bulk materials with shovels, wheelbarrows and small narrow-gauge rail cars, and for comparison, a canal digger in previous decades typically handled five tons per 12-hour day.

The biggest impact of early mass production was in manufacturing everyday items, such as at the Ball Brothers Glass Manufacturing Company, which electrified its mason jar plant in Muncie, Indiana, U.S., around 1900. The new automated process used glass-blowing machines to replace 210 craftsman glass blowers and helpers. A small electric truck was used to handle 150 dozen bottles at a time where previously a hand truck would carry six dozen. Electric mixers replaced men with shovels handling sand and other ingredients that were fed into the glass furnace. An electric overhead crane replaced 36 day laborers for moving heavy loads across the factory.

The provision of a whole new system of electric generation emancipated industry from the leather belt and line shaft, for it eventually became possible to provide each tool with its own electric motor. This may seem only a detail of minor importance. In fact, modern industry could not be carried out with the belt and line shaft for a number of reasons. The motor enabled machinery to be arranged in the order of the work, and that alone has probably doubled the efficiency of industry, for it has cut out a tremendous amount of useless handling and hauling. The belt and line shaft were also tremendously wasteful - so wasteful indeed that no factory could be really large, for even the longest line shaft was small according to modern requirements. Also high speed tools were impossible under the old conditions - neither the pulleys nor the belts could stand modern speeds. Without high speed tools and the finer steels which they brought about, there could be nothing of what we call modern industry.

Mass production was popularized in the late 1910s and 1920s by Henry Ford's Ford Motor Company, which introduced electric motors to the then-well-known technique of chain or sequential production. Ford also bought or designed and built special purpose machine tools and fixtures such as multiple spindle drill presses that could drill every hole on one side of an engine block in one operation and a multiple head milling machine that could simultaneously machine 15 engine blocks held on a single fixture. All of these machine tools were arranged systematically in the production flow and some had special carriages for rolling heavy items into machining position. Production of the Ford Model T used 32,000 machine tools.

The process of prefabrication, wherein parts are created separately from the finished product, is at the core of all mass-produced construction. Early examples include movable structures reportedly utilized by Akbar the Great, and the chattel houses built by emancipated slaves on Barbados. The Nissen hut, first used by the British during World War I, married prefabrication and mass production in a way that suited the needs of the military. The simple structures, which cost little and could be erected in just a couple of hours, were highly successful: over 100,000 Nissen huts were produced during World War I alone, and they would go on to serve in other conflicts and inspire a number of similar designs.

Following World War II, in the United States, William Levitt pioneered the building of standardized tract houses in 56 different locations around the country. These communities were dubbed Levittowns, and they were able to be constructed quickly and cheaply through the leveraging of economies of scale, as well as the specialization of construction tasks in a process akin to an assembly line. This era also saw the invention of the mobile home, a small prefabricated house that can be transported cheaply on a truck bed.

In the modern industrialization of construction, mass production is often used for prefabrication of house components.

Mass production systems for items made of numerous parts are usually organized into assembly lines. The assemblies pass by on a conveyor, or if they are heavy, hung from an overhead crane or monorail.

In a factory for a complex product, rather than one assembly line, there may be many auxiliary assembly lines feeding sub-assemblies (i.e. car engines or seats) to a backbone "main" assembly line. A diagram of a typical mass-production factory looks more like the skeleton of a fish than a single line.

Vertical integration is a business practice that involves gaining complete control over a product's production, from raw materials to final assembly.

In the age of mass production, this caused shipping and trade problems in that shipping systems were unable to transport huge volumes of finished automobiles (in Henry Ford's case) without causing damage, and also government policies imposed trade barriers on finished units.

Ford built the Ford River Rouge Complex with the idea of making the company's own iron and steel in the same large factory site where parts and car assembly took place. River Rouge also generated its own electricity.

Upstream vertical integration, such as to raw materials, is away from leading technology toward mature, low-return industries. Most companies chose to focus on their core business rather than vertical integration. This included buying parts from outside suppliers, who could often produce them as cheaply or cheaper.

Standard Oil, the major oil company in the 19th century, was vertically integrated partly because there was no demand for unrefined crude oil, but kerosene and some other products were in great demand. The other reason was that Standard Oil monopolized the oil industry. The major oil companies were, and many still are, vertically integrated, from production to refining and with their own retail stations, although some sold off their retail operations. Some oil companies also have chemical divisions.

Lumber and paper companies at one time owned most of their timber lands and sold some finished products such as corrugated boxes. The tendency has been to divest of timber lands to raise cash and to avoid property taxes.

The economies of mass production come from several sources. The primary cause is a reduction of non-productive effort of all types. In craft production, the craftsman must bustle about a shop, getting parts and assembling them. He must locate and use many tools many times for varying tasks. In mass production, each worker repeats one or a few related tasks that use the same tool to perform identical or near-identical operations on a stream of products. The exact tool and parts are always at hand, having been moved down the assembly line consecutively. The worker spends little or no time retrieving and/or preparing materials and tools, and so the time taken to manufacture a product using mass production is shorter than when using traditional methods.

The probability of human error and variation is also reduced, as tasks are predominantly carried out by machinery; error in operating such machinery has more far-reaching consequences. A reduction in labour costs, as well as an increased rate of production, enables a company to produce a larger quantity of one product at a lower cost than using traditional, non-linear methods.

However, mass production is inflexible because it is difficult to alter a design or production process after a production line is implemented. Also, all products produced on one production line will be identical or very similar, and introducing variety to satisfy individual tastes is not easy. However, some variety can be achieved by applying different finishes and decorations at the end of the production line if necessary. The starter cost for the machinery can be expensive so the producer must be sure it sells or the producers will lose a lot of money.

The Ford Model T produced tremendous affordable output but was not very good at responding to demand for variety, customization, or design changes. As a consequence Ford eventually lost market share to General Motors, who introduced annual model changes, more accessories and a choice of colors.

With each passing decade, engineers have found ways to increase the flexibility of mass production systems, driving down the lead times on new product development and allowing greater customization and variety of products.

Compared with other production methods, mass production can create new occupational hazards for workers. This is partly due to the need for workers to operate heavy machinery while also working close together with many other workers. Preventative safety measures, such as fire drills, as well as special training is therefore necessary to minimise the occurrence of industrial accidents.

In the 1830s, French political thinker and historian Alexis de Tocqueville identified one of the key characteristics of America that would later make it so amenable to the development of mass production: the homogeneous consumer base. De Tocqueville wrote in his Democracy in America (1835) that "The absence in the United States of those vast accumulations of wealth which favor the expenditures of large sums on articles of mere luxury... impact to the productions of American industry a character distinct from that of other countries' industries. [Production is geared toward] articles suited to the wants of the whole people".

Mass production improved productivity, which was a contributing factor to economic growth and the decline in work week hours, alongside other factors such as transportation infrastructures (canals, railroads and highways) and agricultural mechanization. These factors caused the typical work week to decline from 70 hours in the early 19th century to 60 hours late in the century, then to 50 hours in the early 20th century and finally to 40 hours in the mid-1930s.

Mass production permitted great increases in total production. Using a European crafts system into the late 19th century it was difficult to meet demand for products such as sewing machines and animal powered mechanical harvesters. By the late 1920s many previously scarce goods were in good supply. One economist has argued that this constituted "overproduction" and contributed to high unemployment during the Great Depression. Say's law denies the possibility of general overproduction and for this reason classical economists deny that it had any role in the Great Depression.

Mass production allowed the evolution of consumerism by lowering the unit cost of many goods used.

Mass production has been linked to the Fast Fashion Industry, often leaving the consumer with lower quality garments for a lower cost. Most fast-fashion clothing is mass-produced, which means it is typically made of cheap fabrics, such as polyester, and constructed poorly in order to keep short turnaround times to meet the demands of consumers and shifting trends.

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# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Mass production, also known as flow production or continuous production, is the production of substantial amounts of standardized products in a constant flow, including and especially on assembly lines. Together with job production and batch production, it is one of the three main production methods.