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"Shia Islam or Shi'ism is the second-largest branch of Islam. It holds that the Islamic prophet Muhammad designated Ali ibn Abi Talib as his successor and the Imam after him. Shi'a Muslims believe that imams are inspired by God, are without sin, and are infallible."

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Photo gallery about traditional arts in Pakistan

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Photo gallery about traditional arts in Pakistan

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Indo-Aryan indigenous people of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province in Pakistan.

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Successfully reported this slideshow.

1. 1. KALASHA INDIGENOUS TRIBE OF PAKISTHAN

2. 2. KALASHA Kalasha are indigenous people of the Hindu Kush mountain range. They resides in the Chitral district of the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan bordering Afghanistan. Kalasha speak the Kalash language (Origin of language is traced from Dardic family of the Indo-Iranian languages). They also understands urdu and pashto language. Kalasha are related to the Pashi and Nuristani people of the adjacent Nuristan province of Afghanistan. Kalasha are sometimes referred to as the "Wearers of the Black Robes." Kalashi means black in their native language. There are less than 4,000 Kalash left. They were 3,554 to be precise when the last count was done in 2009.

3. 3. KALASHA TRIBE MAP OF PAKISTHAN

4. 4. ORIGIN & CULTURE The ancestors of Kalasha are migrated to Chitral from Afghanistan in the 2nd century BC. Some of the Kalasha people claim that the are descendants of Alexander the Great's soldiers and Scholars have also found many similarities in culture, religion and appearance between Kalash people and the ancient Greeks. kalasha are polytheists and nature plays a highly significant and spiritual role in their daily life and habitat. Kalasha people worship the 12 gods of the ancient Greeks. Kalasha mythology and folklore has been compared to that of ancient Greece, but they are found to be much closer to Indo- Iranian (Vedic and pre-Zoroastrian) traditions.

5. 5. FESTIVALS Their are three main festivals of kalasha tribe: Joshi festival in late May, Uchau in autumn, Caumus in midwinter. Joshi -The first day of Joshi is "Milk Day", on which the Kalash offer libations of milk that have been saved for ten days prior to the festival. Uchal -The Uchal festival is celebrated in order to mark and safeguard the Harvest of wheat and barley. Festival starts from both Bumburet and Rambur, as these two valleys are the main source of providing these crops. Chomos- This festival is to celebrate the upcoming New Year. Older members of the valleys sit on the top of the hills to witness the dawn and the initial lights of sun striking their valleys. Until their declaration all the peoples remain in their homes. celebration starts with the sacrificing of the goats for goddess Jastak.

6. 6. FESTIVALS OF KALASHA TRIBE

7. 7. FESTIVALS OF KALASHA TRIBE

8. 8. FESTIVALS OF KALASHA TRIBE

9. 9. FESTIVALS OF KALASHA TRIBE

10. 10. FESTIVALS OF KALASHA TRIBE

11. 11. CUSTOMS Kalasha women usually wear long black robes, often embroidered with cowrie shells. Men have adopted the Pakistani shalwar kameez. children wear small versions of adult clothing after the age of six. Kalasha peoples do not separate males and females for sexual regions. At the time of Menstruating girls and women are sent to live in the bashaleni (the village menstrual building, during their periods, until they regain their "purity"). Women gives birth in the bashaleni and stay their at least 10 days.  There is also a ritual restoring "purity" to a woman after childbirth which must be performed before a woman can return to her husband.

12. 12. Even if a boy is born, he is not considered as 'man' until he is six years old. The boy has to live with women and he is not allowed to wear pants or pyjamas for six years since his birth. A big celebration is held when a boy turns six and wears a 'shalwar' or pants. After that he eats only with men and not with women. A goat is also sacrificed to mark the occasion and the meat is eaten only by the men.  Kalasha girls are free to choose their life partners and also have the right to divorce. wife-elopement is one of the great customs(ghōna dastūr) together with the main festivals.  If a woman wants to change husbands, she writes a letter to her prospective husband offering herself in marriage and informing that he would-be groom how much her current husband paid for her. This is because the new husband must pay double if he wants her. When any kalasha die, Dead bodies are kept in the coffin for two to three days in the graveyard. Every Kalash community member in surrounding are informed about the death. Women in the family sit around the body with their hair covering their faces while rest of the community people keep on dancing around the body. The Kalash from different villages continue to come and join the celebrations.

13. 13. MARRIAGE CEREMONY KALASHA TRIBE

14. 14. MARRIAGE CEREMONY KALASHA TRIBE

15. 15. MARRIAGE CEREMONY KALASHA TRIBE

16. 16. WOMEN CLOTHING All women wear black robes called Piran and it takes at least nine metres of cloth to make one dress. Cheo over black robes piran. Nowadays the black robe has started drawing on diverse fashion influences and has come to be decorated with accessories and colourful embroidery coupled with beads, shells and coins.

17. 17. WOMEN CLOTHING OF KALASHA TRIBE

18. 18. Kopus Cheo Chehare Piran WOMEN CLOTHING OF KALASHA TRIBE

19. 19. WOMEN HEADGEAR Kalasha women wear an extraordinarily large headgear called Kopus. Kopus are embellished with buttons, beads and shells, which in some cases tops two kilogrammes in weight. Some suggest that the colorful headpiece resembles Macedonian war helmets. The cost of one dress varies from 2,500 rupees (Dh110) to 6,000 rupees (Dh180), which is a lot of money for the average Kalash.

20. 20. WOMEN HEADGEAR OF KALASHA TRIBE

21. 21. WOMEN HEADGEAR OF KALASHA TRIBE

22. 22. WOMEN ROBES & BELTS Women's robes cover the entire body right down to the feet and are tied around the stomach with a belt called 'Chehare'.

23. 23. WOMEN BELT KALASHA TRIBE

24. 24. WOMEN ACCESSORIES Kalasha women wears a dozens of red-beaded necklaces. Women in the village ritually add a set of orange beads around their neck for each additional year of life.

25. 25. WOMEN ACCESSORIES KALASHA WOMEN

26. 26. MEN CLOTHING Kalasha men normally wear Shalwar-Kameez, Which is combination of long tunics and trousers. Kalasha men wears caps called as Chitrali generally of black or white colour.

27. 27. MEN CLOTHING KALASHA TRIBE MAN

28. 28. BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOK: THE SURVIVORS(tribes around the world) By: Hendrik Neubauer. http://www.cnngo.com http://www.thelovelyplanet.net http://www.hindukushtrails.com http://tribune.com.pk

29. 29. THANKS PRESENTATION BY:PRINCE KUMAR F&A(BATCH-2)

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Successfully reported this slideshow. 1. KALASHA INDIGENOUS TRIBE OF PAKISTHAN 2. KALASHA Kalasha are indigenous people of the Hindu Kush mountain range. They resides in the Chitral district of the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan bordering Afghanistan. Kalasha speak the Kalash language (Origin of language is traced from Dardic family of the Indo-Iranian languages).

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Photo gallery about traditional clothing in Pakistan

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Photo gallery about traditional clothing in Pakistan

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Pakistan Clothing 個照片及圖片檔 - Getty Images

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Truck art is folk art that represents the dreams of Pakistani painters. It also shows the close bond of the truck owner with his vehicle and how much he values it through decorating it. Truck art often appears with eye-catching colors with geometry patterns surrounded.

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Bhangra is a Pakistani traditional dance / performance among man and woman.

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1. Food
2. Language
3. Religion
4. Art & Craft
5. Dance
6. Fashion
7. Music
8. Architecture
9. Sports
10. Ethnic groups

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The kalash community are a unique group of people living in the valleys of Chitral, Pakistan, and the border of Afghanistan. They speak kalasha language from the Dardic branch. They are being considered to be the most endangered ethnoreligious group in recent years. Nature plays a significant part in their life. Furthermore, they are practitioners of the traditional kalash religion, which is a form of ancient Hinduism. They preserve many traits of society, ritual, and myths of Rigvedic religion.

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THE recent clash between the Kalash community and their more numerous Muslim neighbours, caused by a girl's change of faith, appears to have been amicably resolved. However, the incident should awaken the government and the people both to their duty to save the tiny Kalash minority from extinction.

This month's attack on the Kalash again brought out their tradition of tolerance. Reena, a 14-year-old Kalash girl, was reported to have converted to Islam and chosen to stay with a Muslim family. Then she went back to her parents' home and complained of having been forcibly converted. This enraged the Muslim neighbours and they attacked Kalash homes. The authorities intervened and the parties agreed to respect the girl's wishes. The matter ended when the girl deposed before a magistrate that she had adopted Islam of her own free will, and her family accepted her choice.

The affair highlighted the Kalash tradition of treating change of religion as something normal. Reena's own uncle and aunt had embraced Islam before her. For some time, however, the Kalash have been showing signs of anxiety at the rate of conversions. In January this year, 12 Kalashas were reported to have converted to Islam within a month. According to a spokesman of the Kalash People's Development Network, about 100 Kalashas embraced Islam over the past few years.

The state must ensure that minorities are not driven to give up their faith by denial of their rights.

Once a large community that ruled the Chitral region, the Kalash population has shrunk to about 3,000 heads. They are also reported to have lost control of a large part of their lands through sale to Muslims or otherwise. In this situation their fears of extinction cannot be summarily dismissed.

The matter of conversion is not as simple as it is sometimes made out to be, especially by some Muslim clerics who run conversion services. One of them once declared that the Kalash girls were turning to Islam as they had become aware of the difference between right and wrong. Another view is that educated Kalash girls change their faith to improve their marital prospects. Such statements cannot conceal the fact that members of religious minorities are under economic and social pressure to give up their status as second- or third-class citizens and join the privileged Muslim community.

Thus while one has no quarrel with voluntary conversions, the state must ensure that minorities are not driven to give up their faith by denial of their rights or unbearable discrimination in social and economic terms. Such conversions are perhaps not welcome in Islam either. Besides, the question whether minors should be considered competent to change their religion needs to be resolved.

Unfortunately, there have been reasons to discount the narrative of all conversions to Islam being free and voluntary. Two years ago, the Supreme Court took suo motu action on reports of threats to the Kalash to convert to Islam or face death. The court accepted the explanation of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government that the threat mentioned in news reports was not new and that an old story had been "picked up by some sections of media for vested interests [sic]".

All this was based on a report from the Malakand commissioner who had gone to a Kalash village and was able to report that "the representatives of the Kalash minority expressed complete satisfaction over the response of the administration and they were satisfied with the security arrangements in the valleys".

The commissioner's report, as reproduced in the Supreme Court's landmark judgment of June 2014, devotes more space to the deployment of security forces near the Kalash villages and along the border with Afghanistan than to the question of conversions or the Kalash people's rights in general. These security arrangements are important because the danger of incursions by zealots from across the border cannot be ignored.

In terms of the 2014 judgment, the Supreme Court maintains "a separate file to be placed before a three-member bench to ensure that this judgment be given effect to in letter and spirit and the said bench may also entertain complaints/ petitions relatable to the violation of fundamental rights of minorities in the country". It may not be unfair to expect this Supreme Court bench to ask the Malakand commissioner to file periodic reports on the condition of the Kalash community. The friends of the Kalash people may also approach the court if they notice anything objectionable.

But guaranteeing the Kalash security against violence is a smaller part of the state's duty to them. A more important part is the state obligation to ensure that the Kalash can go on living as freely as they wish to, subject only to the laws of change dictated by time and improvement in human consciousness.

The colourful Kalash community, with its tradition of music, love and freedom for the youth, is a precious flower in the national bouquet. It is an integral part of the pluralist society that Pakistan is, and must always remain so, and its culture must be protected against all possible attacks, for it is a most valuable part of the Pakistani people's heritage.

It is said that efforts to get the Kalash culture included in the Unesco's Intangible Cultural Heritage List, that began in 2008, have got lost in Islamabad's dustbins. Those responsible for cultural heritage and minorities' affairs in the federal ministry and their counterparts in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa administration must get together to devise means of protecting the Kalash heritage and cultural practices under Unesco's guidance. At the same time, they should develop their own plans to document Kalash cultural practices and organise a cell to monitor any changes in the community's festivals and rituals.

Civil society, sadly enough, has by and large been guilty of ignoring the Kalash. None of its reports on the status of minorities issued recently touched on the plight of the Kalash people. This too must change.
Published in Dawn, June 23rd, 2016

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THE recent clash between the Kalash community and their more numerous Muslim neighbours, caused by a girl's change of faith, appears to have been amicably resolved. However, the incident should awaken the government and the people both to their duty to save the tiny Kalash minority from extinction.

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"The Dameli language is a Dardic language spoken by approximately 5,000 people in the Domel Valley, in the Chitral District of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan."

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5,000
Native speakers worldwide

Ethnic population
5,000-6,000

MORE ON SPEAKER NUMBERS
The Dameli speakers are Sunni Muslim and living on agriculture and herding.

MORE ON VITALITY

"[C]hildren born of Dameli parents learn Dameli as their first language, although many Dameli speakers reach a very high fluency in one or several other languages are forced to use these in some domains, notably education at all levels and communications with outsiders." (p. 11). Also, if a Dameli male marries a non-Dameli, the wife usually learns Dameli after intermarriage.

SPEAKER ATTITUDE

"Dameli speaker differ from speakers of many of the surrounding minority languages in showing no reluctance to speak their language even in the presence of non-speakers, and appear to lack most of the negative associations that minority speakers worldwide tend to attach to their language." (p.11)

GOVERNMENT SUPPORT

no

INSTITUTIONAL SUPPORT

no

OTHER LANGUAGES USED BY THE COMMUNITY

LANGUAGE CONTEXT COMMENTS

Urdu is the national language of Pakistan and the medium for schooling while Pashto is the lingua franca of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (aka North-West Frontier Province) where Dameli is spoken. Khowar is also used frequently in the Chitral district although not in the valley where the Dameli live. One's ability to use Urdu depends on their level of education. Almost all the Dameli speakers possess a high proficiency of Pashto though monolingual Dameli females could be observed.

LOCATION DESCRIPTION

The speakers of Dameli dwell in the Domel/Damel valley of the southwest Chitral district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, northern Pakistan.

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5,000 Native speakers worldwide Ethnic population 5,000-6,000 MORE ON SPEAKER NUMBERS The Dameli speakers are Sunni Muslim and living on agriculture and herding. MORE ON VITALITY "[C]hildren born of Dameli parents learn Dameli as their first language, although many Dameli speakers reach a very high fluency in one or several other languages are forced to use these in some domains, notably education at all levels and communications with outsiders."

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Gawar-Bati is a Dardic language spoken in the Chitral region of northern Pakistan, and also across to the border of Afghanistan. It is also known as Aranduyiwar in Chitral because it is spoken in Arandu.

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8,000-10,000
Native speakers worldwide

MORE ON SPEAKER NUMBERS
"There is a possible estimate of 1500 speakers in Pakistan... [reports] would suggest a population of 6500 to 8500 speakers of Gawar-bati in Afghanistan. These are very rough estimations."

MORE ON VITALITY

"All respondents reported that Gawar-bati is the language of the home, used with wives, children, and extended family members.... Available evidence indicates that it is a viable and relatively vital minority language at present. Within the areas where it is spoken, Gawar-bati is the undisputed choice in all in-group domains, other languages being chosen only when there is a need to communicate with non-Gawar."

SPEAKER ATTITUDE

Positive

OTHER LANGUAGES USED BY THE COMMUNITY

LANGUAGE CONTEXT COMMENTS

"Urdu is the national language and the language prescribed for use in the schools in Pakistan [while] Pashto is the dominant second language in the Gawar area... Respondents indicated that their language is important for use with Gawar-bati speakers from other villages and is important for maintaining a sense of ethnic unity and identity."

PLACES

Pakistan, Afghanistan

LOCATION DESCRIPTION

"The people who speak Gawar-bati live along the Kunar River, predominantly in the Afghanistan-Pakistan border area near the village of Arandu in the Chitral District of
Pakistan."

1,000-9,999
Native speakers worldwide

MORE ON SPEAKER NUMBERS
Data gathered prior to the war

Scripts (Writing system)

Modified Perso-Arabic script

LOCATION DESCRIPTION

Nishagam (Palazgor), Nari, Birkot, and Dokalam in the Kunar valley, and in Arandu

ADDITIONAL COMMENTS

Most residents were displaced during the war, but many have now returned to their homes.

LANGUAGE CONTEXT COMMENTS

The central subgroup is further subdivided into northern and southern groupings. The northern grouping includes Khowar (or Chitrali, Chitrari, Chatrori, Arniya) and Kalasha in the Chitral region. The southern grouping includes Tirahi, Gawar (or Gawar-bati, lit., "language of the Gawar people"), Katarkalai (or Wotapuri, referring to another dialect), Shumashti, Glangali (closely related Ningalami, reported in the literature but apparently no longer extant), and Pashai, a large group of extremely divergent dialects or closely related languages, in the southern part of Nūrestān and adjacent areas.

PLACES

Afghanistan, Pakistan, India

LOCATION DESCRIPTION

Part of Nūrestān and adjacent areas along the Kabul river and its tributaries in the mountain region that encompasses northeastern Afghanistan, northern Pakistan, and northwestern India

9,500
Native speakers worldwide

MORE ON SPEAKER NUMBERS
8,000 in Afghanistan. Population total all countries: 9,500.

PLACES

Afghanistan; Pakistan

MORE ON VITALITY

"Other small languages, Yidgha, Phalura and Gawar-bati, are also losing their vitality"

LOCATION DESCRIPTION

"Southern Chitral, Arandu, Kunar river along Pakistan-Afghanistan border"

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8,000-10,000 Native speakers worldwide MORE ON SPEAKER NUMBERS "There is a possible estimate of 1500 speakers in Pakistan... [reports] would suggest a population of 6500 to 8500 speakers of Gawar-bati in Afghanistan. These are very rough estimations." MORE ON VITALITY "All respondents reported that Gawar-bati is the language of the home, used with wives, children, and extended family members....

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Ushoji is a Dardic language spoken in Kohistan and Swat districts of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan.

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MORE ON VITALITY

"The vitality of Ushojo may be somewhat threatened by the use of Pashto, the dominant lingua franca of the Swat region. [...] An old man from Bishigram reported that the young people there know Ushojo but speak Pashto [...] it appears that attitudes toward Ushojo may be fairly positive. Respondents from both locations felt that Ushojo will not die out. Older men said that people would not stop using Ushojo. Children are reportedly still learning Ushojo in their homes; not mixing their languages, but speaking Ushojo purely. The younger men said they wanted their children to learn Ushojo first (they also want them to learn Pashto and Torwali). [...] It would seem that the future of Ushojo is in the hands of the younger generation. If they see an importance to teaching it to their children, Ushojo may indeed continue to be vital."

OTHER LANGUAGES USED BY THE COMMUNITY

LANGUAGE CONTEXT COMMENTS

"Madyan is the nearest town with a bazaar and most of the shopkeepers speak Pashto. The Ushojo people therefore must learn Pashto to do any business in Madyan.... Ushojo speakers' ability in Pashto was 'very good'."

LOCATION DESCRIPTION

About half-way up the Swat Valley in northern Pakistan [...] Ushojo is spoken by an estimated 2,000 people in twelve villages. The names of the villages which are predominantly Ushojo are as follows: Bishigram, Shepiza, Kas, Derai, Nalkot, Karial, Sore, Tangai Banda, Kappal (Kafir) Banda, Moghul Mar, Tukai, and Danda.

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MORE ON VITALITY "The vitality of Ushojo may be somewhat threatened by the use of Pashto, the dominant lingua franca of the Swat region. [...] An old man from Bishigram reported that the young people there know Ushojo but speak Pashto [...] it appears that attitudes toward Ushojo may be fairly positive.

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Shina language is part of the Dardic languages. "Spoken by the Shina people, a plurality of the people in Gilgit-Baltistan and Chitral of Pakistan and a number of people in Ladakh, India. "

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The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica | View Edit History

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Other articles where Shina language is discussed: Dardic languages: …the Eastern group, which includes Shina and Kashmiri. (Some scholars use the term Dardic to refer only to the Eastern subgroup of languages and use the name Pisaca to refer to the group as a whole.)

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Balti is a Tibetic language spoken by about 290,000 people in the Baltistan division of Gilgit-Baltistan in Pakistan.

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Balti is a Tibetic language spoken by about 290,000 people mainly in the Baltistan division of Gilgit-Baltistan in Pakistan. There are also some Balti speakers in Kashmir, Kargil, Karachi, Rawalpindi, Islamabad and Lahore.

Balti is closely related to Ladakhi, Purik and Zangskari, and more distantly related to Tibetan, though is not mutually intelligible with any of these languages.

Balti was written with a version of the Tibetan alphabet from 727 AD, when Baltistan was conquered by Tibetans, until the late 14th century, when the Balti people converted to Islam and started using a version of the Persian alphabet. However the Tibetan alphabet continued to be used until the 17th century, and recently there have been efforts to revive its use by scholars and social activitists. A way of writing Balti with the Devanagari alphabet was devised by the Central Institute of Indian Languages in the 1970s.

There are also two other scripts for Balti developed by Balti speakers and known to scholars as Balti A and Balti B.

Persian alphabet for Balti

ث, ح, ذ, ص, ض, ط, ظ, ف, ء, ے and ق are only used in loanwords.

Devanagari alphabet for Balti (बल्तीकै ‒ Baltīkē)

Tibetan alphabet for Balti (Yige)

Download charts for these alphabets in Excel or PDF format

Sample text (John 3:16)

Čā zernah xudā-shi khuri bui-kha čes-lux bya-khan kun mi ši, do-pace khong-lah hrtane duk-pi xson-luk thop-tuk, zere, khuri bu čik-bu mins; dice khosi mi-yul-po-lah rgas.

Translation

For God so loved the world that he gave his only Son, so that everyone who believes in him might not perish but might have eternal life.

Details provided by Michael Peter Füstumum and Biswajit Mandal (biswajitmandal[dot]bm90[at]gmail[dot]com)

Information about Balti | Balti-A script | Balti-B script | Numbers

Links

Information about Balti
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balti_language
http://www.unicode.org/L2/L2011/11103-balti-b.pdf
http://koshur.org/Linguistic/7.html
http://www.baltistan.eus/baltistan-2/culture-and-religion
http://www.language-archives.org/language/bft
http://scriptsource.org/cms/scripts/page.php?item_id=script_detail&key=Qaab

Tibeto-Burman languages

Languages written with the Arabic script

Languages written with the Tibetan alphabet

Languages written with the Devanāgarī alphabet

Page last modified: 23.04.21

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Balti language, alphabet and pronunciation

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Balti is a Tibetic language spoken by about 290,000 people mainly in the Baltistan division of Gilgit-Baltistan in Pakistan. There are also some Balti speakers in Kashmir, Kargil, Karachi, Rawalpindi, Islamabad and Lahore. Balti is closely related to Ladakhi, Purik and Zangskari, and more distantly related to Tibetan, though is not mutually intelligible with any of these languages.

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Rasmalai is a traditional Pakistani dessert, it would take 3~4 to prepare. In this dessert milk and lemon will be mixed together to form balls and later on be cooked in sugar water.

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Foolproof Rasmalai Recipe By Food Fusion (Ramzan Special Recipe)

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Nihari is a slow cooked spicy, soupy dish with beef shank and bone marrow.

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Nihari Pressure Cooker Wali Fast & Easy Recipe in Urdu Hindi - RKK

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Chana daal is split chickpeas in soup or curry form. For this dish, chickpeas are split and polished, resulting in a different texture.

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CHANA DAAL RECIPE / EASY SPLIT CHICKPEA CURRY RECIPE

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Baingan bharta is a dish that have grilled eggplant mixingwith tomato, onion, herbs and spices. Grilling the eggplant with a smoky flavour.

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Dahi Wale Baingan ki Recipe in Urdu Hindi - RKK

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Shalwar Kameez is the traditional Pakistani clothing. The clothing includes a shalwar (buggy trouser) and a kameez (long shirt). Shalwar kameez with a scarf are often wear by Pakistani woman. The legs of the shalwar are narrow at the ankle and wide at the top. The Kameez is a long tunic or shirt with a western-style collar for males. The local people wear it as pajamas and also for fashion.

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Sindhi cap also referred to as Saraiki topi or Sindhi topi is a unique hat that is very common in Sindhi province, Pakistan. A Sindhi cap is also worn by the Pashtuns, Baloch people, and Saraiki people. Sindhi cap together with Saraiki Ajrak is considered to be part of the Saraiki and Sindhi cultures."

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The terms Khusti and Phelvani are from Persian Khushti and Pahalvani separately. Locals call them as Dangal, Different wresters participate in it and dance to the tune of drums after winning.

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DESI KUSHTI | Mud Wrestler with Bilal Hussain Awan Pehlwan

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Horse keepers train them for this purpose. They dance to the tune of drums at festivals and other events.

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Amazing Horse dance in pakistan 2019 No.12

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Tent pegging needs a man to ride on a horse and use a sword and/or a lance to pierce, pick up, and carry away a small ground target (a symbolic tent peg) or a series of small ground targets.

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Tent Pegging: The Ancient Sport Of Cavalry

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"The gilli is placed across the hole. Two teams are formed and they bat by turns. The batsman tries to hit the gilli by lifting it off the ground and hit it as far as possible. If he is successful, the fielding team tries to catch the gilli before it touches the ground."

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Tipcat Playing Gulli Danda Game in Village | Gooti Billa Game Playing Boys | Tipcat gaming

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Pakistani type of traditional and generally rural music that originally was passed down through families and other small social groups.

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The decline of Pakistan’s traditional folk music

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"A sarangi is a bowed stringed instrument with a skin-covered resonator. Normal sarangi is made by hand, usually from a single block of wood. The four playing strings on this instrument are made of goat gut, and the seventeen sympathetic strings are made of steel."

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Extraordinary Sarangi | Kamal Sabri | Raag Shree | Music of India

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"A morsing is an instrument similar to the Jew's harp, used in Rajasthan, in the Carnatic music of South India, and in Sindh, Pakistan. It can be categorized under lamellophones, which is in the category of plucked idiophones."

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The morchang - an iron jews harp from Rajasthan

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"The borrindo is a hollow clay ball with three to four holes. The top hole is larger than the others, which should be of the same size. The holes are arranged in an isosceles triangular form. "

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Buddhist Ruins of Takht-i-Bahi and Neighbouring City Remains at Sahr-i-Bahlol

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Buddhist Ruins of Takht-i-Bahi and Neighbouring City Remains at Sahr-i-Bahlol

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"The Buddhist monastic complex of Takht-i-Bahi (Throne of Origins) was founded in the early 1st century. Owing to its location on the crest of a high hill, it escaped successive invasions and is still exceptionally well preserved. Nearby are the ruins of Sahr-i-Bahlol, a small fortified city dating from the same period." The building was once a Buddhist monastery until the 7th century.

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Archaeological Ruins at Mohenjo-Daro is a group of mounds on the right side of the Indus River. It locates on the flat alluvial plain of the Indus about 50 miles. It means the mound of dead, the archaeologist discovered that the mounds remain the largest city of the Indus civilization.

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Mohenjo-daro, group of mounds and ruins on the right bank of the Indus River, northern Sindh province, southern Pakistan. It lies on the flat alluvial plain of the Indus, about 50 miles (80 km) southwest of Sukkur. The site contains the remnants of one of two main centres of the ancient Indus civilization (c. 2500-1700 bce), the other one being Harappa, some 400 miles (640 km) to the northwest in Pakistan's Punjab province.

The name Mohenjo-daro is reputed to signify "the mound of the dead." The archaeological importance of the site was first recognized in 1922, one year after the discovery of Harappa. Subsequent excavations revealed that the mounds contain the remains of what was once the largest city of the Indus civilization. Because of the city's size-about 3 miles (5 km) in circuit-and the comparative richness of its monuments and their contents, it has been generally regarded as a capital of an extensive state. Its relationship with Harappa, however, is uncertain-i.e., if the two cities were contemporaneous centres or if one city succeeded the other. Mohenjo-daro was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1980.

The city of Mohenjo-daro, now 2 miles (3 km) from the Indus, from which it seems to have been protected, in antiquity as today, by artificial barriers, was laid out with remarkable regularity into something like a dozen blocks, or "islands," each about 1,260 feet (384 metres) from north to south and 750 feet (228 metres) from east to west, subdivided by straight or doglegged lanes. The central block on the western side was built up artificially to a dominating height of 20 to 40 feet (6 to 12 metres) with mud and mud brick and was fortified to an unascertained extent by square towers of baked brick. Buildings on the high summit included an elaborate bath or tank surrounded by a veranda, a large residential structure, a massive granary, and at least two aisled halls of assembly. It is clear that the citadel (for such it evidently was) carried the religious and ceremonial headquarters of the site. In the lower town were substantial courtyard houses indicating a considerable middle class. Most houses had small bathrooms and, like the streets, were well-provided with drains and sanitation. Brick stairs indicate at least an upper story or a flat, habitable roof. The walls were originally plastered with mud, no doubt to reduce the deleterious effect of the salts that are contained by the bricks and react destructively to varying heat and humidity.

There is no surviving evidence of architectural elaboration, though that may well have been confined to timberwork that has disintegrated. Stone sculpture, too, is scarce; some fragments, however, include the competent head and shoulders of a bearded man with a low forehead, narrowed and somewhat supercilious eyes, a fillet round the brow, and across the left shoulder a cloak carved in relief with trefoils formerly filled with red paste. Aesthetically the most notable work of figurative art from the city is a famous bronze of a young dancing girl, naked save for a multitude of armlets. Among innumerable terra-cottas the most expressive are small but vigorous representations of bulls and buffalo. Female figurines may wear elaborate headdresses, and occasional figurines of small, fat grotesques, male or female, betray what perhaps was a crude sense of humour.

The evidence suggests that Mohenjo-daro suffered more than once from devastating floods of abnormal depth and duration, owing not merely to the encroaching Indus but possibly also to a ponding back of the Indus drainage by tectonic uplifts between Mohenjo-daro and the sea. That evidence has led to speculation that Harappa may have succeeded-or at least outlasted-Mohenjo-daro.

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Mohenjo-daro | Artifacts, Definition, Map, & Facts

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Mohenjo-daro, group of mounds and ruins on the right bank of the Indus River, northern Sindh province, southern Pakistan. It lies on the flat alluvial plain of the Indus, about 50 miles (80 km) southwest of Sukkur.

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"The Fort and Shalamar Gardens in Lahore are two masterpieces from the time of the brilliant Mughal civilization. The fort contains marble palaces and mosques decorated with mosaics and gilt. The elegance of these splendid gardens, built near the city of Lahore on three terraces with lodges, waterfalls, and large ornamental ponds, is unequaled."

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Sherwani is basically a long coat that is usually below the knee length. It is one of the most dressed for her special occasion and sets you apart from the rest of the world." Male usually wear Sherwani in a wedding or other serious situations.

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The forms of art that present describe a civilization include sculptures, seals, pottery, gold ornaments, terracotta figures, etc. Their delineation of human and animal figures was highly realistic in nature. Punjab is famous for drawing Harappa artworks in Pakistan.

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"The art of making khes first evolved centuries ago when this heavy, durable and intricate cloth was used as blankets; it later became an important export item during the Mughal era. 'Lungi' is a six-yard long piece of hand-loomed fabric with a border and a decorated ‘pallu’ or tail piece. Lungi is woven from cotton and come in a variety of designs and colors especially from Khairpur and Badin (Sindh)."

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"Bharatnatyam is a genre of Indian classical dance, the term is a combination of the Tamil words ‘Bhava’ meaning expression, ‘Raaga’ that is melody, and ‘Taaga’ that stands for rhythm. Traditionally, Bharatnatyam was performed exclusively by women and expressed Hindu religious themes and spiritual ideas"

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Shiva Shambho: Most Watched Bharatanatyam Dance | Best of Indian Classical Dance

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The Rabari people are an ethnic group from the Kutch region of Gujarat.

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Bakarwals are a nomadic Muslim community. Bakarwal is a backward community which along with Gujjars form 80% of the Scheduled Tribe population of Jammu and Kashmir. Bakarwals started settling down in Batti Barigarh after 1975. The central government in 1991 had given them reservations in both state and central government jobs.

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The Bakarwals: A way of life under threat

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The Khatak is a martial dance of the tribal Pashtuns that involves the energetic miming of warriors’ exploits.

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The Kalash people primely believe in animism in other words, ancient Hinduism. They worship several deities such as Mahadeo(supreme being in Hinduism),  Imra(creator), Indr(god of the disasters), Munjem Malék(god of war), Jestak(goddess of domestic life), Suchi, Varōti, and Jach(mountain fairies).

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Zoroastrians believe that everything is pure and should be treated with love and respect. This includes the natural environment, so Zoroastrians do not pollute the rivers, land, or atmosphere. This has caused some to call Zoroastrianism 'the first ecological religion." There are only about 4000 Parsis and ancient Persian tribes that still exist in Pakistan who believe in Zoroastrianism.

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First Governor General of Pakistan

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah (born December 25, 1876?, Karachi, India [now in Pakistan]-died September 11, 1948, Karachi) was an Indian Muslim politician, who was the founder and first governor-general (1947-48) of Pakistan.

Early years

Jinnah was the eldest of seven children of Jinnahbhai Poonja, a prosperous merchant, and his wife, Mithibai. His family was a member of the Khoja caste, Hindus who had converted to Islam centuries earlier and who were followers of the Aga Khan. There is some question about Jinnah's date of birth: although he maintained that it was December 25, 1876, school records from Karachi (Pakistan) give a date of October 20, 1875.

After being taught at home, Jinnah was sent in 1887 to the Sind Madrasat al-Islam (now Sindh Madressatul Islam University) in Karachi. Later he attended the Christian Missionary Society High School (also in Karachi), where at the age of 16 he passed the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay (now University of Mumbai, in Mumbai, India). On the advice of an English friend, his father decided to send him to England to acquire business experience. Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a barrister. In keeping with the custom of the time, his parents arranged for an early marriage for him before he left for England.

In London he joined Lincoln's Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar. While in London Jinnah suffered two severe bereavements-the deaths of his wife and his mother. Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system, frequently visiting the House of Commons. He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone, who had become prime minister for the fourth time in 1892, the year of Jinnah's arrival in London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji, a leading Indian nationalist, ran for the British Parliament, Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and night for him. Their efforts were crowned with success: Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons.

When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his father's business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself. He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay (now Mumbai), but it took him years of work to establish himself as a lawyer.

It was nearly 10 years later that he turned actively toward politics. A man without hobbies, he divided his interest between law and politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do with sects. His interest in women was also limited, to Rattenbai (Rutti)-the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire-whom he married in 1918 over tremendous opposition from her parents and others. The couple had one daughter, Dina, but the marriage proved an unhappy one, and Jinnah and Rutti soon separated. It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company.
Mahmud Husain The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

Entry into politics

Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 session of the Indian National Congress (Congress Party) held at Calcutta (now Kolkata), in which the party began to split between those calling for dominion status and those advocating independence for India. Four years later he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council-the beginning of a long and distinguished parliamentary career. In Bombay he came to know, among other important Congress Party personalities, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, the eminent Maratha leader. Greatly influenced by those nationalist politicians, Jinnah aspired during the early part of his political life to become "a Muslim Gokhale." Admiration for British political institutions and an eagerness to raise the status of India in the international community and to develop a sense of Indian nationhood among the peoples of India were the chief elements of his politics. At that time, he still looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism.

But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the conviction had been growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate identity rather than amalgamation in the Indian nation that would for all practical purposes be Hindu. Largely to safeguard Muslim interests, the All-India Muslim League was founded in 1906. But Jinnah remained aloof from it. Only in 1913, when authoritatively assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India, did Jinnah join the league. When the Indian Home Rule League was formed, he became its chief organizer in Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch.

Political unity

Jinnah's endeavours to bring about the political union of Hindus and Muslims earned him the title of "the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity," an epithet coined by Gokhale. It was largely through his efforts that the Congress Party and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 1915 the two organizations held their meetings in Bombay and in 1916 in Lucknow, where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. Under the terms of the pact, the two organizations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became their joint demand vis-à-vis the British government. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important concession in the shape of separate electorates, already conceded to them by the government in 1909 but hitherto resisted by Congress.

Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi. Both the Home Rule League and the Congress Party had come under his sway. Opposed to Gandhi's noncooperation movement and his essentially Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah left both the league and the Congress Party in 1920. For a few years he kept himself aloof from the main political movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the propagation of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it Jinnah, had been overshadowed by Congress and the religiously oriented Muslim Khilafat movement.

When the failure of the noncooperation movement and the emergence of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between Hindus and Muslims, the Muslim League began to lose strength and cohesion, and provincial Muslim leaders formed their own parties to serve their needs. Thus, Jinnah's problem during the following years was to convert the Muslim League into an enlightened, unified political body prepared to cooperate with other organizations working for the good of India. In addition, he had to convince the Congress Party, as a prerequisite for political progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict.

To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah's chief purpose during the late 1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end within the legislative assembly, at the Round Table Conference in London (1930-32), and through his "14 points," which included proposals for a federal form of government, greater rights for minorities, one-third representation for Muslims in the central legislature, separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest of the Bombay province, and introduction of reforms in the North-West Frontier Province. His failure to bring about even minor amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the question of separate electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims in the legislatures frustrated him. He found himself in a peculiar position at that time: many Muslims thought that he was too nationalistic in his policy and that Muslim interests were not safe in his hands, while the Congress Party would not even meet the moderate Muslim demands halfway. Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah's leadership and organized itself separately. In disgust, Jinnah decided to settle in England. From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself to practice before the Privy Council. But when constitutional changes were in the offing, he was persuaded to return home to head a reconstituted Muslim League.

Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government of India Act of 1935. Jinnah was still thinking in terms of cooperation between the Muslim League and the Hindu-controlled Congress Party and with coalition governments in the provinces. But the elections of 1937 proved to be a turning point in the relations between the two organizations. Congress obtained an absolute majority in six provinces, and the league did not do particularly well. The Congress Party decided not to include the league in the formation of provincial governments, and exclusive all-Congress governments were the result. Relations between Hindus and Muslims started to deteriorate, and soon Muslim discontent became boundless.

Jinnah had originally been dubious about the practicability of Pakistan, an idea that the poet and philosopher Sir Muhammad Iqbal had propounded to the Muslim League conference of 1930, but before long he became convinced that a Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding Muslim interests and the Muslim way of life. It was not religious persecution that he feared so much as the future exclusion of Muslims from all prospects of advancement within India, as soon as power became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social organization. To guard against that danger, he carried out a nationwide campaign to warn his coreligionists of the perils of their position, and he converted the Muslim League into a powerful instrument for unifying the Muslims into a nation.

At that point, Jinnah emerged as the leader of a renascent Muslim nation. Events began to move fast. On March 22-23, 1940, in Lahore, the league adopted a resolution to form a separate Muslim state, Pakistan. The Pakistan idea was at first ridiculed and then tenaciously opposed by the Congress Party. But it captured the imagination of the Muslims. Pitted against Jinnah were many influential Hindus, including Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. And the British government seemed to be intent on maintaining the political unity of the Indian subcontinent. But Jinnah led his movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately both the Congress Party and the British government had no option but to agree to the partitioning of India. Pakistan thus emerged as an independent state in 1947.

Jinnah became the first head of the new state. Faced with the serious problems of a young country, he tackled Pakistan's problems with authority. He was not regarded as merely the governor-general. He was revered as the father of the nation. He worked hard until overpowered by age and disease in Karachi, the place of his birth, in 1948.
Mahmud Husain

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah | Biography, Accomplishments, Religion, Significance, & Facts

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Indian Muslim politician, who was the founder and first governor-general (1947-48) of Pakistan.

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famous Pakistani cricket player and prime minister of Pakistan

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Imran Khan | Biography, Cricketer, & Facts

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Imran Khan, Pakistani cricket player, politician, philanthropist, and prime minister of Pakistan who became a national hero by leading the Pakistani team to a Cricket World Cup victory in 1992 and later entered politics as a critic of government corruption in Pakistan. Learn more about Khan’s life a…

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Founding member and a great politician of Pakistan

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Nazimuddin assumed the premiership on Liaquat's death, and Ghulam Muhammad took his place as the governor-general. Ghulam Muhammad, a Punjabi, had been Jinnah's choice to serve as Pakistan's first finance minister and was an old and successful civil servant. The juxtaposition of these two very different personalities-Nazimuddin, known for his piety and reserved nature, and Ghulam Muhammad, a staunch advocate of strong, efficient administration-was hardly fortuitous. Nazimuddin's assumption of the office of prime minister meant the country would have a weak head of government, and, with Ghulam Muhammad as governor-general, a strong head of state. Pakistan's viceregal tradition was again in play.

In 1953 riots erupted in the Punjab, supposedly over a demand by militant Muslim groups that the Aḥmadiyyah sect be declared non-Muslim and that all members of the sect holding public office be dismissed. (Special attention was directed at Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan, an Aḥmadiyyah and Pakistan's first foreign minister.) Nazimuddin was held responsible for the disorder, especially for his inability to quell it, and Ghulam Muhammad took the opportunity to dismiss the prime minister and his government. Although another Bengali, Muhammad Ali Bogra, replaced Nazimuddin, there was no ignoring the fact that the viceregal tradition was continuing to dominate Pakistani political life and that Ghulam Muhammad, a bureaucrat and never truly a politician, with others like him, controlled Pakistan's destiny.

Meanwhile, in East Bengal ( East Pakistan), considerable opposition had developed against the Muslim League, which had managed the province since independence. This tension was capped in 1952 by a series of riots that sprang from a Muslim League attempt to make Urdu the only national language of Pakistan, although Bengali-the predominant language of the eastern sector-was spoken by a larger proportion of Pakistan's population. The language riots galvanized the Bengalis, and they rallied behind their more indigenous parties to thwart what they argued was an effort by the West Pakistanis, notably the Punjabis, to transform East Bengal into a distant "colony."

With a Punjabi bureaucratic elite in firm control of the central government, in March 1954 the last in a series of provincial elections was held in East Bengal. The contest was between the Muslim League government and a "United Front" of parties led by the Krishak Sramik party of Fazlul Haq (Fazl ul-Haq) and the Awami League of Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy, Mujibur Rahman, and Maulana Bhashani. When the ballots were counted, the Muslim League had not only lost the election, it had been virtually eliminated as a viable political force in the province. Fazlul Haq was given the opportunity to form the new provincial government in East Bengal, but, before he could convene his cabinet, riots erupted in the factories south of the East Bengali capital of Dhaka (Dacca). This instability provided the central government with the opportunity to establish "governor's rule" in the province and overturn the United Front's electoral victory. Iskander Mirza, a civil servant, former defense secretary, and minister in the central government, was sent to rule over the province until such time as stability could be assured.

Iskander Mirza had no intention of implementing the results of the election, nor did he wish to install a new Muslim League government in East Bengal. But the Muslim League's defeat and de facto elimination in the province necessitated realigning the Constituent Assembly-still grappling with the drafting of a national constitution-at the centre. Before this could be done, however, the Constituent Assembly moved to curtail Ghulam Muhammad's viceregal powers. The governor-general's response to this parliamentary effort to undermine his authority was to dissolve that body and reorganize the central government. The country's high court cited the extraordinary powers of the chief executive and ruled not to reverse his action. The court, however, insisted that another constituent assembly should be organized and that constitution making should not be interrupted. Ghulam Muhammad assembled a "cabinet of talents" that included major personalities such as Iskander Mirza, Gen. Mohammad Ayub Khan (the army chief of staff), and H.S. Suhrawardy (the last chief minister of undivided Bengal, and the only Bengali with national credentials).

In 1955 the bureaucrats who now took control of what remained of the Muslim League combined the four provinces of West Pakistan into one administrative unit and argued for parity in any future national parliament between West Pakistan and East Bengal (now officially renamed East Pakistan). Ghulam Muhammad, by then seriously ill, was forced to relinquish his office, and Iskander Mirza succeeded to the post of governor-general. In the meantime a new Constituent Assembly was seated; and in 1956 that body, under new leadership but still subject to the power of the bureaucracy-and now to the military as well-completed Pakistan's long-awaited constitution, using the parity formula that supposedly gave equal power to both wings of the country.

The constitution of 1956 embodied objectives regarding religion and politics that had been set out in the Basic Principles Report published in 1950, one of which was to declare the country an Islamic republic. The national parliament was to comprise one house of 300 members, equally representing East and West Pakistan. Ten additional seats were reserved for women, again with half coming from each region. The prime minister and cabinet were to govern according to the will of the parliament, with the president exercising only reserve powers. Pakistan's first president was its last governor-general, Iskander Mirza, but at no time did he consider bowing to the wishes of the parliament.

Along with a close associate, Dr. Khan Sahib, a former premier of the North-West Frontier Province, Mirza formed the Republican Party and made Khan Sahib the chief minister of the new province of West Pakistan. The Republican Party was assembled to represent the landed interests in West Pakistan, the basic source of all political power. Never an organized body, the Republican Party lacked an ideology or a platform and merely served the feudal interests in West Pakistan.

Mirza made an alliance between the Republican Party and the East Pakistan Awami League and called on H.S. Suhrawardy to assume the office of prime minister. But the quixotic character of the alliance between the two parties, as well as the distance between the major personalities, produced only a short-lived association. Suhrawardy suffered the same fate as his predecessors and was ousted from office by Mirza without a vote of confidence. Unable to sustain alliances or govern in accordance with the constitution, the central government mirrored the chaos in the provinces. This was especially true in East Pakistan, where even in the absence of the Muslim League the different provincial parties-now further complicated by the formation of the National Awami Party, in 1957-struggled against forces that could not be reconciled. Pakistan was close to becoming unmanageable. The situation had become so grave that Khan Sahib circulated his idea that it was time to cease the political charade and give all power to a dictator.

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Pakistan - Political decline and bureaucratic ascendancy

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Pakistan - Pakistan - Political decline and bureaucratic ascendancy: Nazimuddin assumed the premiership on Liaquat's death, and Ghulam Muhammad took his place as the governor-general. Ghulam Muhammad, a Punjabi, had been Jinnah's choice to serve as Pakistan's first finance minister and was an old and successful civil servant.

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As a member of the kaleidoscope online museum project. My aim is to design a padlet space that can display my results to an online community. The country I chose is Pakistan. The location causes the country to develop multi culture and government. The uniqueness of Pakistani culture is in terms of the people’s value around Islamic religion. However, at the same time there are various different ethic groups that hold Islamic customs that differ from the normal Islamic practices. In contemporary society Pakistani cultures are under the threat of globalization, for instance there are over 74 traditional languages spoken in Pakistan, but only dozens of languages still exist and are threatened under Latin and English.  Globalization caused the culture of Pakistan to be threatened in contemporary society. The uniqueness of Pakistani culture should be preserved and continue to pass down to the next generation. I will be displaying endangered cultures of Pakistan by using videos and photos on my padlet page.