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All Yolngu people in north eastern Arnhem Land belong to one of two basic divisions, or moieties, called Dhuwa and Yirritja. Children belong to the same moiety as their father; their mother belongs to the other moiety.
Everything in the Yolngu universe - Spirit Beings, plant and animal species, clan groups, areas of land and water are either Dhuwa or Yirritja. The Djang'kawu Sisters, the morning star, the water goanna, the stringybark tree, and the land in and around Yirrkala are Dhuwa, while such things as the evening star, stingray, cycad palm, and members of the Mangalili clan are all Yirritja.

Within each moiety, people belong to smaller groups called clans, each having its own language. Children belong to their father's clan (and moiety), while their mother belongs to another clan (of the other moiety). In the Gove Penninsula and the surrounding area, most Yolngu belong to one of sixteen clans, of which eight are Dhuwa and eight are Yirritja.

Clan members own areas of land and waters in common. The relationship is, however, much more complex than just 'owning', or even 'caring for', the land. Yolngu often say that they 'come from' the land, or that they ' are the land' - a difficult concept for non-Aboriginal people to grasp. How can it be explained?

The land and waters of each clanwere bestowed on the forebears of living clan members long ago in Wangarr Time, which Yolngu may refer to in English as 'Creation Time'; or sometimes they just say long ago. Some follow the common Australian English practice of using the terms 'Dreamtime' or 'Dreaming'.

One person explained it as 'sacred time shining, long time ago'. A clan's land and waters were bestowed on it by one or a particular set of the many sacred and powerful Wangarr Beings who travelled across the landscape during this time of creation.

'Spirit man', or 'Spirit woman', 'ancestor', 'totem', or various combinations of these, are some of the English terms used by both Yolngu and non-Yolngu speakers attempting to explain the complex concept of Wangarr.

The Wangarr beings hunted animals, gathered a variety of vegetable foods, held ceremonies and generally behaved in the same way as Yolngu people did at the time of the establishment of a mission at Yirrkala in 1935. There were important differences, however.

For one thing, the Wangarr created through their activities the present features of the landscape and seascape such as rivers, rocks, sandhills, trees and islands, and left the land and waters imbued with their spiritual essence.

They also 'sang' the names of everything they created or interacted with, making certain species sacred to the clan on whose land or in whose waters the naming took place.

Additionally, although the Wangarr were manifested in human form during their creative travels and activities, many, though not all, are also considered to have had the attributes of a particular species, such as crocodile or shark.

Eventually, the Wangarr was transformed into that species. Subsequently, this species became a major 'totem' of the clan associated with the site of such events. Indeed, members of that clan may think of themselves as being, for example, water goanna, while another clan's members may think of themselves as being shark.

As well as the landscape they had created, the Wangarr also left behind for the clan sacred objects, designs and names that were manifestations of themselves, imbued like the land and water with their spiritual essence and power.

They passed on, too, to the founding members of each clan their language, law, paintings, songs, dances, ceremonies and creation stories, all emanating from the Wangarr presence and activities in clan land and waters. Together, the land and waters and this sacred clan property, both tangible and intangible, form a clan member's djalkiri, his or her 'foundation', as Yolngu translate this important concept.

The Yolngu word for land (or place or camp) is ng irrima. In everyday speech, djalkiri may be used in its literal sense of 'foot' or 'footprint'.

In its metaphorical sense it represents the 'footprints' of the Wangarr as they travelled across the clan's land and waters, all the signs and traces they left in their tracks: the evidence of their presence and land-shaping activities and transformations in the land itself and in the sacred designs, paintings, songs and ceremonial objects. It is the djalkiri, this foundation, that provides each individual with meaning and identity.

Yolngu individuals belong as much to the djalkiri as it does to them. Spiritually they are part of it. Within every clan's land and waters there are one or more areas where 'spirit children', formed of the Wangarr essence, await their time to be born into the world of the living. When that time comes, a 'spirit child' enters its mother's womb to animate the foetus.

During life, people may continue to absorb Wangarr power through ritual contact with other manifestations of the Wangarr; for example, through sacred clan designs painted ceremonially on the body. After death, the individual's spirit returns, with ritual help, to his or her clan land.

There it becomes one again with the spirits of the dead and the Wangarr essence, to be drawn upon by future generations of spirit children and clan members.

The phrase djalkiri wang a applies to a particularly important and sacred area of a clan's land or waters that is associated with crucial Wangarr events and spirituality. This is the home or homeland from which clan spirits emanate and to which they return. It is this land and these waters which form the basis of an individual's djalkiri and that provide the solid foundation on which his or her identity is built.

Yolngu relationship to the land and waters does not end here, however. Just as individuals can think of themselves as being a totemic species or say that they are the land, so too can their nandi (mothers), and mari (grandmothers), and other kin.

An individual, therefore, calls his or her mother's Wangarr species nandi and refers to her country as nandi wanga; in the case of a grandmother's Wangarr and wanga the kin term mari is used, and so on. The extreme importance of the widespread network of kinship in Yolngu society means that most people would know their relationship to a wide number of places in terms of their relationship to the people who own them.
This is an excerpt from Dhimurru's Visitor Guide. This section, slightly amended, is taken from: 'Djalkiri Wanga; the Land is My Foundation; 50 Years of Aboriginal Art from Yirrkala, Northeast Arnhem Land', by Gillian Hutcherson, (Berndt Museum of Anthropology Occasional Paper No. 4), The University of Western Australia, 1995, with permission from and thanks to the author.

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All Yolngu people in north eastern Arnhem Land belong to one of two basic divisions, or moieties, called Dhuwa and Yirritja. Children belong to the same moiety as their father; their mother belongs to the other moiety. Everything in the Yolngu universe - Spirit Beings, plant and animal species, clan groups, areas of land and water are either Dhuwa or Yirritja.

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Clare Atkins Interview on Nona & Me

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Watch Clare Atkins talk to Alice Pung about Clare's novel Nona & Me.

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Clare Atkins at Yirrkala Art Centre

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When writing Clare did not shy away from the difficulties facing many communities today. Suicide, disengaged youths involved in crime and abusing alcohol and drugs, and the death of a boy drink-driving highlights the very real and lasting impacts of these problems. She refers to health problems, social problems, difficulties with employment and schooling and describes the run down and damaged areas many live in. In the story we are shown the culture through the perspective Rosie who is a white girl brought adopting the culture as her own. This allows Clare Atkins to be flexible when writing and shows the reader the views of both the Yolnu and Non-Yolnu people. The story does not only show the harsh, unjust portrayal of aboriginal people but further shows their true, human second layer that some are too arrogant and uneducated to see.

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“It’s Yolŋu land. They’re letting us be here. It’s not that hard to show respect.” (Pg. 201)

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After receiving my results for Part A of the Cultural Connections assessment task I have realized some flaws in my work. The main which being my misinterpretation of question 4. The question asks for me to “Describe the facial expressions of Belinda Riley and Darren Mippy and describe how their expression support the overall tone of the article.” Rather than describing the effect their expressions had on tone of the text I described the effect their expressions had on the purpose of their protest.  This mistake could have been avoided if I had taken the time to thoroughly analysed the question before answering.

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Written by Michael Lewis

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The Blind Side is a movie rich with the themes of identity and belonging as it follows the story of Michael Oher, a black homeless teen, lost in place with no family or feeling of purpose. Michael is taken in by the wealthy Touhy family who supply him with care, motivation and specific experiences which lead to his success as an NFL star, moulding his new feeling of identity and belonging in the world as he is metaphorically accepted into life. In the opening sequence of The Blind Side Michael’s previous life is illustrated through a sequence of sporadic, sharp flashbacks. The combination of frame shots highlight Michaels old, rundown, unsafe home and the overwhelming sensation of feeling lost, is then re-enforced by the action of Michael walking towards the camera in a slow cinematic manner to help convey that he does not belong and is considered as an ‘outsider’. These themes help drive the film forward and emphasizes Michael’s vast change throughout.

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Identity and Belonging in The Blind Side

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Identity and Belonging in The Blind Side

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In Nona and Me, the term ‘Family’ does not necessarily require a connection through bloodline or marriage. Nona and Rosie’s families are not physically related but their family connections tie them together as Rosie’s family are accepting into the Yolnu culture and are treating as if they are truly part of the Yirrkala community. This is apparent in the quote Nona’s deceased father as Rosie’s father’s friend or even best friend but rather his brother. In the quote Yolnu language is also used in a way that show how the two cultures can be so vastly different but connected through family while keeping the text easily understandable and cohesive.

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A group of men approach the body, holding spears. I catch sight of my dad amongst them. A slither of white between black. He’s the only Napaki there. He knows the dance though. The motions, the ritual. He has taken part in this so many times – he has done this since childhood – but this time it’s for his yapa, for his brother. (Pg. 144)

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Belonging is one of the many themes featured in Clare Atkin’s Nona and Me as the main protagonist Rosie struggles to find her place as she feels disconnected from her family and community. In many moments in the novel Rosie finds herself lost and conflicted as she is frequently shifting her beliefs of where she feels she belongs. Rosie, with no direction tries to create relationships with those with opinions that greatly contrast her own while also ruining relationships with the Yirrkala people she previously felt she belonged to. In the moment of the novel found in the quote Rosie is told “It must be amazing to be part of this. To be part of a community.” Rosie then replies saying “Yeah. It is.” I realise that I mean it.” This line of dialogue shares Rosie’s feeling of euphoria with the reader and metaphorically rids her of her confusions shown throughout the book. Nona and Me shows us that not only is the feeling of Belonging is something extremely hard thing to obtain while also something extremely east to lose.

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Anya says, “You know everyone here.” Unlike Nick, so long ago now, she sounds impressed. Wistful. Almost jealous. “It must be amazing to be part of this. To be part of a community.” I say, “Yeah. It is.” I realize that I mean it. (pg. 282)

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Throughout the novel Nona and Me, Rosie constantly contorts and transforms her identity to better suit the standard set by the people that she has surrounded herself with. She is ashamed of who she is and the community she is a part of just because her lifestyle does not fall into the category of ‘normal’ and is often considered ‘uncool’. In the moment of the novel featured in the quote Rosie exaggerates her experiences reconnecting with her community to emphasize her feeling of being lost as she argues with herself in her head saying “Of course I can’t say that so Selena.” In the story Rosie is forced to reconsider who she is and who she wants to be.

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I feel like I’ve been in another world. The dancing. The stories. The sense of family. The contrast of life and dead. It makes this party seem frivolous. Of course I can’t say that to Selena. (pg. 233)

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Written by Clare Atkins