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https://japan-forward.com/estimates-based-on-facts-200000-comfort-women-defies-math/

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https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/area/taisen/ianfu.html

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https://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/15/opinion/comfort-women-and-japans-war-on-truth.html

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http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/04/25/AR2007042501801_3.html

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https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2010/08/29/editorials/the-annexation-of-korea/#.W2lD-Ngzbq0

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http://afe.easia.columbia.edu/special/japan_1900_power.htm

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is it impacful bc of where or how it is or what it is??

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Member Login | Questia School, Online Research Library for Secondary and High Schools

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Log into Questia's online library of more than 83,000 copyrighted books; 8 million articles from academic journals, magazines, and newspapers; and online research tools.

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have a research table for argument for and against

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have a research table for argument for and against

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give my personal perspectivve

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range of perspectives: japanese who deny the existence of comfort women, and chinese who deliberately exaggerate the issue

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range of perspectives: japanese who deny the existence of comfort women, and chinese who deliberately exaggerate the issue

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Member Login | Questia School, Online Research Library for Secondary and High Schools

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Log into Questia's online library of more than 83,000 copyrighted books; 8 million articles from academic journals, magazines, and newspapers; and online research tools.

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Member Login | Questia School, Online Research Library for Secondary and High Schools

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Log into Questia's online library of more than 83,000 copyrighted books; 8 million articles from academic journals, magazines, and newspapers; and online research tools.

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memorial should serve a dual audience: those who would go to see it because of the subject, i.e., a memorial, and those who would go to see it because it would be a great work of art and thus would learn about the Holocaust and its implications for mankind." 8 There was no way to foresee that such a monument might succeed valiantly in its constituent parts—as memorial and as art—yet divide the community and generate nearly as much controversy as memory.

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memorial should serve a dual audience: those who would go to see it because of the subject, i.e., a memorial, and those who would go to see it because it would be a great work of art and thus would learn about the Holocaust and its implications for mankind." 8 There was no way to foresee that such a monument might succeed valiantly in its constituent parts—as memorial and as art—yet divide the community and generate nearly as much controversy as memory.

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保釣行動委員會聯絡方式,香港保釣行動委員會地址

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- Museum in Japan
- Interview for a Korean perspective
- Diaoyu Islands Committee

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Hong Kong's government said Thursday there are no plans to remove a pair of statues depicting the Japanese wartime sex slaves known as the "comfort women" standing in front of the Japanese Consulate in the Chinese territory.

Activist Tsang Kin-shing said the bronze statues were a reminder to Japan of its culpability in forcing females recruited or captured from Japan, the Korean Peninsula and elsewhere to work in front-line brothels.

Reached by phone Thursday, a government spokesman said Hong Kong's police have said the statues would not be removed. Tsang, a former member of Hong Kong's legislative assembly, said he wants them to remain in place for the rest of the year.

Tsang said he understood the Japanese Consulate had asked the Chinese territory's government to remove the statues. He said he'll continue to press Japan for apologies and compensation.

Many Chinese nationalists say Japan has never fully repented for its brutal invasion of China and the accompanying atrocities, including forcing females into sexual slavery.

Similar displays have appeared in South Korea and other countries, but not in China, Tsang said.

"So this year, we asked people to make these two statues," he said. "This is Chinese territory. Why should Japan care about this?"

The Japanese Consulate did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Kim Do-hee, a 22-year-old South Korean student, said he was impressed by the unexpected interest in the comfort women issue in Hong Kong. The term comfort women is Japan's euphemism for the victims.

Lingering resentment over the matter has long bedeviled relations between Seoul and Tokyo despite a landmark 2015 agreement to settle it through financing for South Korean support fund and efforts to resolve Japan's grievance over comfort women statue in front of its embassy in Seoul.

"I used to think only Korea knows this and only we are upset about it," Kim said. "I definitely believe this should be politicized globally."

Estimates, at least by Japanese historians, of the number of comfort women range from 20,000 to 200,000. Initially, some were adult prostitutes or women from poor Japanese families, although later in the war, many non-Japanese, sometimes minors, were kidnapped or tricked into working in the brothels, some victims have said.

Japan issued an apology in 1993 over the issue and a government investigation concluded many females were taken against their will and "lived in misery under a coercive atmosphere."

A quasi-governmental fund set up in 1995 paid nearly ¥5 billion ($44 million) to fund medical and welfare projects for more than 280 of the women, including 61 South Koreans.

Years of continuous pressure for sincere apologies have soured initial sympathy for the comfort women among many Japanese, who have grown weary of reminders of their country's wartime past.

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'Comfort women' statues outside Japanese Consulate to stay for now, Hong Kong says | The Japan Times

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Hong Kong's government said Thursday there are no plans to remove a pair of statues depicting the Japanese wartime sex slaves known as the "comfort women" standing in front of the Japanese Consulate in the Chinese territory.

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アクティブ・ミュージアム 女たちの戦争と平和資料館（wam）

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A statue acknowledging a dark chapter in Japanese-Korean relations has become a source of contrary in Busan, South Korea. In protest of a memorial to the thousands of "comfort women" forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese military during World War II, the Japanese recalled its ambassador and one of its consuls from South Korea on January 6.

Activists installed the controversial statue in front of the Japanese Consulate in Busan on December 28, the one-year anniversary of Japan's first official apology to South Korea over the military brothels.

Japan immediately called for the statue's removal, calling it a violation of the spirit of the 2015 agreement, in which it promised $8.3 million to surviving victims. The statue was temporarily taken down, but it has since been reinstalled.

The bronze artwork depicts a young girl with short hair, in a traditional Korean hanbok, sitting barefoot with her hands in her lap. Beside her is an empty chair, representing the victims who have died. Titled Statue of Peace, the piece is the work of husband-and-wife artist team Kim Woon-sung and Kim Seo-kyung, who have installed copies of the sculpture at various locations around the world.

The original sits outside the Japanese embassy in Seoul, where it was installed in 2011 on the occasion of the 1,000th Wednesday demonstration. Launched in the 1990s, the weekly protest demands Japan apologize for the enslavement of the comfort women.

Ahead of the agreement reached by the two governments in December 2015, there was talk of removing the original Statue of Peace, which Japan has requested since the work's unveiling.

"If Japan were sincerely apologetic and remorseful, it should be putting a statue like this in front of its government complex in Tokyo," Kim Woon-sung told the , a Korean news outlet, at the time. "The very idea of taking down the statue as a precondition [for an apology] is dishonest."

As reported by the New York Times, the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs is not saying when Ambassador Yasumasa Nagamine and Consul General in Busan Yasuhiro Morimoto will return to their posts in South Korea. Japan has also suspended currency swap negotiations and other economic talks with South Korea in protest of the placement of the new statue.

"We want to stress again that despite difficult issues facing us," said South Korean foreign ministry representative Cho June-hyuck in a statement, "both governments must strive to develop bilateral relations based on mutual trust."

Want to stay ahead of the art world? Subscribe to our newsletter to get the breaking news, eye-opening interviews, and incisive critical takes that drive the conversation forward.

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kim woon-sung and kim seo-kyung comfort women

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Japan Recalls South Korean Ambassador in Protest of Statue |artnet News

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A statue acknowledging a dark chapter in Japanese-Korean relations has become a source of contrary in Busan, South Korea. In protest of a memorial to the thousands of "comfort women" forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese military during World War II, the Japanese recalled its ambassador and one of its consuls from South Korea on January 6.

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- 4000 words
- write in PEE structure
1. Thesis
2. Evidence
3. Topic Sentence
4. Exploration
5. Conclusion

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How to create an MLA website citation:

When citing a website, you're often actually citing a specific page on a website. You're not actually citing the entire website.

Here is the most common way to cite a page on a website:

Start the citation with the name of the author who wrote the information on the page. If there isn't an author listed, do not include this information in the citation. Start the citation with the title.

The title of the individual page is placed in quotation marks, followed by a period.

Next, place the name of the website in italics, followed by a comma.

If the name of the publisher matches the name of the author or the name of the title, do not include the publisher's information in the citation.

The date the page or website was published comes next.

End the citation with the URL or DOI. When including the URL, copy the URL directly from the address bar or link in your browser window.

Last name, First name of author. "Title of Web Page." Title of Website, Publisher, Date published, URL.

Rothfeld, Lindsay. "Smarter Education: The Rise of Big Data in the Classroom." Mashable, 3 Sept. 2014, mashable.com/2014/09/03/education-data-video/#hViqdPbFbgqH.

You can usually leave out http:// or https:// from URLs unless you want to hyperlink them. For DOIs, use http:// or https:// before the DOI: https://doi.org/xx.xxxx/xxx.xxxx.xxxx.

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If the user's handle and real name are similar, you may include the real name and leave out the handle as long as a URL is also included. If the user's real name and handle are different, include the hand in brackets after the real name.
Tweets:
Gates, Melinda. "Today, Bill and I were deeply humbled to accept France's Legion of Honour award on behalf of all our foundation's partners and grantees." Twitter, 21 Apr. 2017, twitter.com/melindagates/status/855535625713459200.
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Free Citing a Website in MLA | Citation Machine

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Cite websites effortlessly in MLA format with Citation Machine. Properly credit your sources and generate accurate citations for professional projects.

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As Armistice Day approaches, it is an appropriate time to consider how we choose to remember the past and what influence memorialisation can have on the way a society moves forward from trauma and loss. When memorials become part of our surrounding landscapes and anniversaries are included in annual routines, it is easily assumed that memorials are unchanging. So what roles can memorials play, how do they remain relevant and therefore important?

Over the last four years, research for the CRIC project has focused on the wide ranging forms of memorial activities, how each is linked with distinct intentions and claims. Our case studies in Spain, Germany, France and Denmark have identified the influential role of memorials and commemorations even decades after the events they were constructed to remember. We have learned that memorials evolve over time to suit new social and political needs.

So do memorials matter? Well yes, but not always in the ways we assume.

A main question is the role of memorials in post-conflict reconciliation: do memorials foster reconciliation or do they prolong divisions and resentment? The answer that has emerged from our case studies is that memorials are not primarily about reconciliation although, after time they can be used for that purpose. Two examples from the CRIC project show us what this means.

First, we turn to the First World War and to the battle of Verdun in France, a battle which lasted 10 months and saw a total of more than 300,000 battlefield deaths with casualties comparably shared out between the French and German camps. The long drawn out deadliness of this battle, in which the front line barely moved, became synonymous with the horror of modern warfare and so presented a significant memorial challenge once the war ended in 1918. A landscape shredded by blasts, trenches and barbed wire, still heaving with unexploded shells and the unrecovered bodies of soldiers, was seen by war veterans as the only possible memorial to the suffering. Yet, even after the first year of the war the terrain had begun to come to life as flowering plants and animals moved in. And so at the site of the Douaumont fort a memorial site was built with a cemetery and ossuary.

In the immediate post-war years this memorial site was one that expressed national grief over the destruction of the war and mourning over the thousands of lives lost. The motor for its construction was sorrow rather than an attempt to reach out to Germany even if there was recognition on the part of veterans that both French and German 'common men' had suffered at the hands of the politicians and officers that waged the war.

It was on 22 September 1984, 70 years after the start of the war that the memory of Verdun and the memorial site of Douaumont became firmly associated with a reconciliatory symbolism when French President Francois Mitterrand and German Chancellor Helmut Kohl stood in front of the ossuary and a coffin draped with both the French and German flags, and having listened to the German anthem, held hands as the Marseillaise played. For 70 years Verdun had been a landmark in the French historical landscape as a symbol of heroism, martyrdom, sacrifice, until that memorial gesture in 1984 converted it into a symbol of European reconciliation. As we approach the year 2014, the centennial anniversary of the war at which very few living witnesses of the battles will be present, the last poilu died in 2008, it remains to be seen what new symbolism will be attached to Verdun and it memorial spaces.

Second we look at the city of Dresden, the capital of Saxony replete with baroque and rococo architecture, which on 13 February 1945 suffered such a severe aerial bombing campaign by the Allied forces that a fire storm resulted wiping out the city centre and thousands of its inhabitants. When the Second World War ended Dresden found itself on the eastern side of a new barrier as the Iron Curtain was drawn along the front lines of the Cold War. As the horrors of Nazi extermination campaigns came to light and with the Nuremburg trials assigning culpability for Nazi crimes against humanity, there was very little space left for mourning over the death and destruction experienced by Germans. How could the destruction of Dresden be memorialised within a framework of German guilt?

It is this question that the city and its citizens have been struggling with and the struggle has gradually become an open conflict as on every February 13 th various extremes political groups clash in Dresden. In between the two extremes, in greater numbers but not shouting as loudly, there is a large peace movement which invites a delegation from Coventry to take part in the commemorations and uses the occasion to form a human chain around the old part of the city that was rebuilt. The peace movement has become more visible and more vocal since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.

What these two brief stories of memorialisation show is that memorials are far more complicated than any granite monument might suggest. They are processes involving a constellation of meanings, symbols, emotions, memories and narratives. Memorials are not inherently about reconciliation but they can come to be used to communicate reconciliatory messages.

Yes, memorials matter, but it is our use of them that make them matter, for better or worse.

CRIC will be presenting their research at a session at the Festival of Ideas called Do memorials matter? at the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research from 2-5.30pm on 22 October.

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dacia viejo-rose dacia viejo-rose archaeology

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second world war school of the humanities and social sciences

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-mcdonald institute for archaeological research mcdonald institute for archaeological research

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school of the humanities and social sciences

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For the Festival of Ideas, Dr Dacia Viejo-Rose, a researcher on the CRIC research project, will discuss the unexpected impact and diverse use of memorials in societies recovering from war. Directed from the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, the CRIC project is investigating the reconstruction of cultural heritage after conflict in different areas of Europe.

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From Wikipedia: "Comfort women were women and girls forced into sexual slavery by the Imperial Japanese Army before and during World War II. Estimates vary as to how many women were involved, with numbers ranging from as low as 20,000 to as high as 360,000 to 410,000.

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At the back of St. Mary's Square in San Francisco's Chinatown, the retired judge Lillian Sing-who, long a trailblazer, was Northern California's first Asian-American female judge-unlocked a temporary plywood gate. Behind the gate, in the corner of a terrace, stood a week-old memorial. Against the backdrop of city skyscrapers, three teen-age girls, cast in bronze, stand in a circle, holding hands. Next to them, looking on, stands the figure of an elderly woman in Korean dress-Kim Hak-sun, the first so-called comfort woman to speak out, in 1991, about her horrific sexual enslavement, during the Second World War, by the Imperial Japanese Army.

Sing had come to the park that day with Julie Tang, another retired judge and her co-chair in the project to create the memorial. "What they did was so brave," Tang said, as she gazed up at the three girls. Chinese, Korean, and Filipino, they represent the estimated two hundred thousand women from countries across East and Southeast Asia occupied by Japan who were held in brutal state-run rape camps-a crime that went largely unacknowledged until the nineties. That was when Kim's declaration inspired surviving comfort women in Korea, China, and elsewhere to come forward with their stories. Tang shook her head. "They were silent for fifty years, holding this shame inside them," she said. "Victims think they are to blame. They think they did it to themselves." With this statue-the first to be erected in a major U.S. city, though smaller memorials to comfort women exist in places like Glendale, California, and Palisades Park, New Jersey-Tang, Sing, and the local coalition they assembled want to change that kind of thinking. By bringing attention to the comfort women's history, they hope to draw attention to ongoing problems of human trafficking and sex crimes.

This may not be as self-evident as it sounds. Discussing the statue, Dara Kay Cohen, a professor of public policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, at Harvard, said, "As a scholar of wartime rape, I think it is extraordinary." Cohen has interviewed women captured as sex slaves in Sierra Leone; she found their stories of being raped dozens of times a day by fighters, even when the women were sick, "eerily similar" to those of the comfort women. "Publicly memorializing the rape of women is rare," she said. "Women are half of humanity," Elaine Kim, a professor of Asian-American and Asian-diaspora studies at U.C. Berkeley, and a supporter of the statue (whose unveiling brings the total number of public statues in San Francisco of real women to three), said. "And women are not represented in history. Nothing will be done about crimes like these if they remain in the shadows."

The Japanese Army's "comfort stations," initiated in the early nineteen-thirties, were expanded extensively following the Nanjing massacre, also known as the Rape of Nanking, in 1937. According to a paper by the Yale political-science professor Elisabeth Jean Wood, the stated goal of the comfort stations was to reduce random civilian rapes. Girls were seized from the local populations. Conditions were brutal, and death rates were high. "In one day, we had to serve forty to fifty soldiers," Lee Ok-seon, a Korean survivor, who was kidnapped at the age of fifteen, recalled in video testimony. Girls who refused were lined up against the wall and slashed open with knives. "I don't call it a 'comfort station.' I call it a slaughterhouse," Lee said. Jan Ruff-O'Herne, a Dutch girl, was taken from the Indonesian prisoner-of-war camp where she was living with her family. In a television interview, she recalled arriving at the comfort station: "We started protesting right away. We said we were forced into this, they had no right to do this, it was against the Geneva Convention. And they just laughed at us. They said they could do with us what they liked."

After the war, survivors risked rejection by their families. Ill and impoverished, many never married or had families of their own. Ruff-O'Herne had two daughters, but did not tell them what happened to her. "You know, how can you tell your daughters?" she said in the same interview. "All these years, I was too ashamed. You think, What will they think of me?" But, after seeing Kim Hak-sun and others come forward and struggle to have their stories heard, Ruff-O'Herne decided that she had to help by speaking up. (Her daughters hugged her.)

The former congressman Mike Honda told me that, in addition to the stigma faced by victims of sexual crimes, the Japanese government's stance on the issue has been a problem. He said that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe "flip-flops": "He says, 'We're really sorry,' then, 'It never happened.' He's all over the field." Honda, who spent his own early years in a Japanese-American internment camp, said that he first heard of the comfort women in the nineties, after an aide returned from an exhibition visibly upset. Honda became determined to learn more. "We know a lot about what happened in the war in Europe, but not a lot about what happened in Asia," he said.

After he researched the comfort women, he decided to act. "For me, as a Japanese-American, there was a parallel," he said. "We fought to have the U.S. government apologize to us. Now we have to get the Japanese government to recognize the historical facts." In 2007, Honda brought survivors-including Ruff-O'Herne-to testify before Congress, and successfully pushed through legislation demanding that the Japanese government apologize. "Telling the story of the comfort women to the public is powerful," Honda said. "The statue is a physical representation of something that happened in the past that needs to be learned about, in order to prevent violence against women and end human trafficking-which is a one-hundred-and-fifty-billion-dollar industry."

Steven Whyte, the Carmel-based artist who created San Francisco's memorial, had a similar learning curve. "I was familiar with the term 'comfort women,' but I didn't realize the extent of the torture," he said. Once he saw the call for applications, he researched the topic, and wanted the job so much that he reduced his regular prices. "You think of every girl you've ever known-your nieces, your daughters, your girlfriends, everything. It's desperately upsetting."

While most of the comfort-women statues around the world have been put up by South Koreans or members of the Korean diaspora, the push for this statue was led by San Francisco's Chinese-American community, with support from several other groups, including members of the Japanese-, Filipino-, Korean-, and Jewish-American communities, Eric Mar, who served as the city supervisor during the planning-and-design process and championed the project, said. "I thought, to be successful, we had to build a pan-Asian coalition," he explained. Mentioning his own teen-age daughter, Mar began to weep. "It's very emotional, for a lot of people."

At the cavernous Cathay House restaurant, just up the street from St. Mary's Square, Sing and Tang were joined by Judith Mirkinson, the president of the board of the Comfort Women Justice Coalition. Over hot toddies and Chinese chicken salad, the women talked about the challenges they faced in bringing the statue into being-including local Japanese-Americans who say they worry that the statue could give rise to a new wave of discrimination, and a vigorous campaign of condemnation from the Japanese government. Whyte received some twelve hundred negative social-media messages and e-mails, including form letters copied and pasted from a Japanese Web site threatening economic boycotts of his work. Activists attended hearings about the statue and called an elderly survivor a prostitute when she testified before the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. More recently, the mayor of Osaka threatened to end his city's long-standing sister-city relationship with San Francisco if the statue is not removed-and the Japanese consul-general in San Francisco, Jun Yamada, wrote a letter to the editor of the San Francisco Chronicle calling the statue a "half-told" story, and warning that if the city wants to "give equal treatment to all cases, there will be no free space left anywhere."

Those spearheading the memorial fear that pressures like these may delay the bureaucratic procedures that still need to take place before the plywood gate comes down and the statue is visible to the public. At lunch, Sing said that she felt that racism in the United States had played a silencing role when it comes to recognizing what happened to the comfort women. "Why did this take so long?" she said. Kim Hak-sun "spoke out in 1991. There is the race issue: Asian women's lives didn't matter, like black men's lives don't matter." Still, the three women agreed that it is no accident that this statue is here. "Even if San Francisco is changing, progressivism is still woven into the fabric of this city," Mirkinson said. "And we are on the Pacific Rim," Tang said. "We are closer to Asia, and thirty-three per cent of the city is Asian. People bring with them family memory that goes back to World War Two."

For Lee Yong-soo, an eighty-nine-year-old survivor who flew from Korea for the unveiling, San Francisco seemed dauntingly far away. But when she arrived she was glad she had made the journey. "When I saw the girls holding hands, it brought tears in my eyes because she looked just like the girl I once was," Lee wrote in an e-mail. "We need more memorials to remember the truth. I am the living proof of the history. But when I'm gone, who will tell the story to the next generation?"

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An Important Statue for "Comfort Women" in San Francisco

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At the back of St. Mary's Square in San Francisco's Chinatown, the retired judge Lillian Sing-who, long a trailblazer, was Northern California's first Asian-American female judge-unlocked a temporary plywood gate. Behind the gate, in the corner of a terrace, stood a week-old memorial.

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LibGuides: Extended Essay Guide: Criteria, Format, Sample EEs

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This is your starting point for all things EE.at CIS