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Monday 21 February
Grafton: on the border between the Bundjalung and Gumbaynggir people

'We heard a tape prepared by a Mr Miles, from the ABC. It described the conditions of aborigines on the far north coast, really exposed the complexities of the problem and suggested concrete solutions. There were many recordings of aborigines expressing their views. The tape was prepared two years ago but had never been used - it was too hard-hitting for the ABC.' - Ann Curthoys

Tuesday 22 February
Lismore and Cabbage Tree Island: home of the Bundjalung people

'Cabbage Tree Island was very interesting but the reserve was really very much like any other reserve. The co-op shop was OK and so were some of the houses, but others did not have water or electricity. The manager seemed to be a real bastard.' - Ann Curthoys

Wednesday 23 February
Bowraville: home of the Gumbaynggir people

'We'd hardly arrived when this woman, the president or secretary or something of a local Aborigines Welfare Committee, assured us there was no discrimination in Bowraville, and told us all about how wonderful her committee was.

'A group of us went out to the reserve which was about one and a half miles out of town. It was controlled by the Welfare Board but didn't have a manager... The conditions were very bad. The houses were weatherboard, very run down, and hadn't been looked after for 15 years (the houses were 26 years old). They were extremely overcrowded.

'The general picture we got from talking to the people on the reserve was one of extreme lack of job opportunity... The discrimination in the town was absolutely shocking - by far the worst we'd encountered.

'We learnt there was a partition in the picture theatre separating the aborigines from the whites. The aborigines had to buy their tickets separately and could only enter the theatre after the picture had started.

'We learnt of a number of segregated pubs and cafes, and of instances of segregation in the school about 6 years earlier. The two populations were almost completely separate. At first we weren't sure where to start - the town was just so bad. We thought the press could blow up a big story about it, but they refused, obviously instigating us to put on a demonstration.

'We decided to first go up to the manager of the picture theatre, who had previously told Hall that he would let no aborigines in the back of the picture hall, including Charlie Perkins. We went up to see him but he refused to answer the door. The press got a photo of him opening the door slightly and shut it.' - Ann Curthoys

Thursday 24 February
Kempsey: home of the Dhanggati people

'The general picture in Kempsey re discrimination was that everything was fair (a cafe here and a pub there excepted), but the segregation of the swimming pool was the most outstanding thing.

'We took about 10-15 kids with us to the swimming pool. They weren't allowed in and neither were Charlie or Gary. Absolutely blatant.

'Charlie was very emphatic about the success of it because of the publicity, but most of the rest of us thought it an absolute flop because we had failed to force the issue within Kempsey itself. We all realised Kempsey had ignored us, which was precisely what we didn't want. - Ann Curthoys

Friday 25 February
Taree: home of the Birpai people

'Stopped at the Purfleet reserve for half an hour, talking to the people there.' - Ann Curthoys

Saturday 26 February
Sydney: home of the Eora people

'We got all tense etc near the end, because of the press conference. Had tea at Hornsby and then drove on to Uni. When we arrived there was Ted Noffs, a few pressmen, some parents etc. and that's about all. No aborigines or other supporters. We found out later that Noffs had deliberately not told anyone where and when we were arriving.' - Ann Curthoys

Aftermath

Charles Perkins reported the events to a crowd of 200 people at the 1965 Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders (FCAATSI) conference in Canberra. 'The problem is out in the open now', he told them. He called for necessary follow-up work such as the building of relationships with local Aboriginal groups and improved services and access to education for Aboriginal residents in western New South Wales towns. Conference goers heard that one positive result of the students' activities was that the NSW Aborigines Welfare Board publicly announced that it would spend sixty-five thousand pounds on housing in Moree.

Later in the year, Harry Hall, president of the Walgett Aborigines' Progressive Association, appealed to Perkins and other Aboriginal activists to return to Walgett to assist in the fight against the colour bar being applied at the Oasis Hotel. Perkins and others returned to help.

The SAFA engaged in further visits to country towns later in the year but, by the end of 1966, it was finished as a political force.

The 1965 Freedom Ride through New South Wales towns and the publicity it gained, including in overseas newspapers such as the New York Times, illuminated to the world the racial discrimination happening in Australia. While the life of the SAFA was relatively short, the Ride had a lasting impact and served to strengthen the campaigns that followed to bring about greater equality and recognition for Aboriginal people.

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Monday 21 February Grafton: on the border between the Bundjalung and Gumbaynggir people 'We heard a tape prepared by a Mr Miles, from the ABC. It described the conditions of aborigines on the far north coast, really exposed the complexities of the problem and suggested concrete solutions.

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Dispossession

The Gurindji people had lived on their homelands in what is now the Victoria River area of the Northern Territory for tens of thousands of years when in 1883 the colonial government granted almost 3,000 square kilometres of their country to the explorer and pastoralist Nathaniel Buchanan.

The Gurindji would have had no appreciation that someone from outside their community 'owned' part of their country.

In 1884, 1,000 cattle were moved onto the land and 10 years later there were 15,000 cattle and 8,000 bullocks. This put incredible pressure on the environment, and the system of land management the Gurindji had developed over many millennia started to break down.

This pattern was repeated across Australia as pastoralists took possession of First Nations lands and stocked them with cattle and sheep.

Traditional ways of life came under intense pressure in this clash between Western and First Nations land usage. First Nations peoples generally wanted to stay on their land; their lives were so connected to the environment there was an existential need for them to remain on Country.

This necessity to stay played into the hands of pastoralists as the cattle and sheep stations required cheap labour, and over the next 70 years First Nations peoples became an intrinsic but exploited part of the cattle industry across Northern Australia.

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1966: Gurindji strike (or Wave Hill Walk-Off) led by Vincent Lingiari

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and that this was unlikely to change. The means of maintaining this racial and cultural homogeneity is loosely termed the White Australia policy.

The 'White Australia' ideology was commercialised and used to sell things from soaps and games to pineapple slices.

Immediately following Federation in 1901, policies were designed to keep Australia white and British. Non-racial language was used to minimise international condemnation, but the xenophobic concern was plainly evident. Australia's first prime minister, Edmund Barton,

his belief in white superiority:

There is no racial equality. There is that basic inequality. These races are, in comparison with white races - I think no-one wants convincing of this fact - unequal and inferior.

The White Australia policy was in place for seven decades after 1901 and had a profound impact on the newly federated Commonwealth.

What happened?

The White Australia policy was not a single government directive but a series of acts with a common goal: to achieve and maintain a white, British national character. The

(all passed in 1901) formed the initial legislative foundation.

The progressive Whitlam government symbolically buried the last remnants of the White Australia policy in 1973. The

made it illegal to "offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate" someone because of their race. Those words are from Section 18C of that act, which the current government is

What was its impact?

The masthead of the popular Bulletin magazine read:

Australia for the White Man.

The object of the White Australia board game was to:

... get the coloured men out and the white men in.

The acceptance of large numbers of Vietnamese refugees under the Fraser government was seen as a litmus test of whether the White Australia policy was really gone.

The White Australia Game was registered in 1914 and was popular throughout the 1920s. Migration Heritage Centre

What are its contemporary implications?

In the 1980s, the

made the economic case for greater Asia literacy. However, the region was - and

- viewed by many with suspicion. In 1996, Pauline Hanson warned parliament that Australia risked being "

In the lead-up to the 2001 election, Norwegian container ship the

rescued 438 asylum seekers and attempted to enter Australian waters. Prime Minister John Howard refused to accept them, causing a tense diplomatic stand-off. The widespread support for Howard, which arguably helped him secure election victory, has been

as evidence of a lingering White Australia mindset.

have argued that the White Australia ideology is still shaping Australian immigration policies in the 21st century, especially in regard to refugees. The bipartisan commitment to offshore processing and the re-emergence of Hanson's One Nation party following the 2016 election lend some weight to this view.

, however, agree with the prime minister. Multiculturalism is here to stay.
Benjamin T. Jones does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond the academic appointment above.

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What was the White Australia Policy, and how does it still affect us now?

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Australian politics explainer: the White Australia policy.

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The Pilbara strike of 1946-49 is one of the most dramatic moments in Australia's indigenous history. Aboriginal people not only defied the owners of pastoral stations in North-West Western Australia by demanding better wages and conditions, but also sought to win independence from their colonial masters.

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National Apology to the Stolen Generations - PM Kevin Rudd

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ABC News: Paul Keating Redfern Speech (1992)

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A mixture of information on Aboriginal resistance fighters from the start of colonisation, the recent past and today.

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While many people think that the Referendum gave Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples the right to vote, this wasn’t the case.

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This report is a tribute to the strength and struggles of many thousands of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people affected by forcible removal. We acknowledge the hardships they endured and the sacrifices they made. We remember and lament all the children who will never come home.

We dedicate this report with thanks and admiration to those who found the strength to tell their stories to the Inquiry and to the generations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people separated from their families and communities.

Contents

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This report is a tribute to the strength and struggles of many thousands of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people affected by forcible removal. We acknowledge the hardships they endured and the sacrifices they made. We remember and lament all the children who will never come home.

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Recognition, listening and better results. Vote Yes on October 14.

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In response, Vincent Lingiari said this:

"Let us live happily together as mates, let us not make it hard for each other... We want to live in a better way together, Aboriginals and white men, let us not fight over anything, let us be mates."

But what led to this historical event?

In 1973, Prime Minister Whitlam announced that funds would be made available for the purchase of properties that were not on reserves, and Lord Vestey, from Vesteys pastoral company, surrendered the land in question to the Gurindji people.

The Gurindji walk-off would be the longest protest in Australian history.

The Gurindji campaign was an important influence on the events leading to passing the Aboriginal Land Rights Act (Northern Territory) 1976.

Who was Vincent Lingiari?

His traditional Aboriginal wife was named Blanche Nangi and they had six sons and two daughters.

In 1976, Vincent Lingiari was named a Member of the Order of Australia for his services to the Aboriginal peoples.

The Northern Territory Federal electorate 'Lingiari' is named after him, and a memorial to him is located in Reconciliation Place, Canberra, Australian Capital Territory.

We asked people on the street how much they knew about this iconic image - here's what they had to say.

Use the hashtag #ThePointNITV to join the discussion

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Vincent Lingiari & Gough Whitlam: the story behind the image

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The powerful image you see depicted here is of two great but different leaders, Vincent Lingiari, a fiercely, proud and respected Gurindji man from Daguragu, Wattie Creek Station, in the Northern Territory and Gough Whitlam, the 21st Prime Minister of Australia is one of the iconic images that make...

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Many Noongar and other Aboriginal children, for the past 150 years, have been taken away from their families and placed into missions and other institutions.

There were a number of church missions in Noongar country, for example Wandering Mission, Roelands Mission and New Norcia Mission. Children were also taken to government settlements such as Moore River Native Settlement and Carrolup Native Settlement.

Many children were taken from hospitals, schools, in the street or directly from their families. Often they never saw their parents and siblings again. Some of the kids from missions have been fortunate enough to find their families much later in life.

There are many stories told by Noongar people about their life and experiences in these missions and institutions. For example, Heather Vicenti's experiences at Roelands Mission are told in Too Many Tears: an Autobiographical Account of Stolen Generations. Mary Terszak, in Orphaned by the Colour of my Skin: a Stolen Generation Story, talks about her time at Sister Kate's.

Between 1995 and 1997 there was an inquiry which looked into the removal of Aboriginal children from their families. The Bringing Them Home Report handed their findings to the Federal Government on May 26, 1997, which led to Sorry Day, one year later. The report found that from 1910 to 1970, the number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children removed from their families was between one in three and one in ten children.

Anglican children's missions, Perth

From the earliest years of the colony, there were several missions in Perth, Fremantle and the Upper Swan.

Dr Louis Giustiniani established a mission at Middle Swan in 1836. Following conflict with local settlers, he left the colony in 1837 but the mission continued.[i]

Reverend King opened a school in Fremantle in 1842, with fifteen children, mostly girls, attending. In 1851, concerns about the children being close to the new convict depot in Fremantle, led to the children being transferred to the Wesleyan mission school in Perth.[ii]

Anniesfield

Anglican mission in Albany which operated from 1852 to 1871.

In 1858 there were 13 girls and 5 boys, aged from 18 months to 16 years. They were cared for by Mrs Camfield, wife of the Government Resident in Albany.

The girls did the domestic work for the mission. The children were also taught reading, writing and arithmetic.

Some of the girls married men from the Albany area and others went to Victoria to marry men from the Ramahyuck Mission Station, including Bessie Flower.

In 1871 Bishop Hale closed the mission and transferred the children to Perth. [iii]

Badjaling Mission

Established by Miss Mary Belshaw and Miss May McRidge at Badjaling near Quairading in 1930. It operated until 1954. There was a school room, hospital ward and a church. Children lived with their families nearby.

Aunty Doolann Leisha Eatts talks about Noongar people camped at Badjaling Mission working together to protect children from being removed.

For more information see video: Badjaling Noongar Cultural Festival 2008

Carrolup

Carrolup was a government run settlement (for the stolen generations) near Katanning that operated from 1915 to 1922, and again from 1938. It 1952 it became Marribank Farm School run by the Baptist Church until 1970. [iv]

Between 1946 and 1951 children at Carrolup produced distinctive landscape paintings based on what they saw in the local bush. Through British philanthropist Florence Rutter, they were exhibited throughout Australia, New Zealand and England. A large collection of Carrolup art was sold to a United States collector at a European exhibition in 1951. More than sixty years later, in 2004, the collection was found at Colgate University in upstate New York. In 2013 it was gifted to Curtin University and will be displayed back in Katanning.[v]

There is more information about Carrolup art in Koorah Coolingah (Children Long Ago), a catalogue of Carrolup art produced by the Berndt Museum of Anthropology in 2006.

Moore River Native Settlement

Moore River Native Settlement was a government run settlement that operated from 1918 to 1951. In 1951 it became Mogumber Mission, run by the Methodist Church from 1951 until 1980. [vi]

Doris Garimara Pilkington's 2002 book Follow the Rabbit-Proof Fence was based on her mother's and aunt's experiences being taken away to Moore River Native Settlement in 1931. They escaped and walked back to their home at Jigalong in the north-west of Western Australia, 2,400km away. The book was made into a film: Rabbit Proof Fence. There is more information in this study guide.

New Norcia

Established in 1846 by Benedictine monks, the mission closed in 1974.[vii] Initially Noongar families lived in cottages and worked on the property. St Mary's Aboriginal boys' mission was established in 1858 and St Joseph's Aboriginal girls' mission in 1861.[viii]

As Perth developed along the river, new settlers and Noongar people clashed for their own livelihood and access to land and water. One of the strategies was to remove the children and place them in missions with the idea that the parents would follow. A lot of Noongar people surrendered to New Norcia because of massacres down here. So therefore Noongar people saw the mission as a safe place. They could live anywhere on the farm because it all belonged to the church.[ix]

There were many deaths from measles at New Norcia in the 1860s. By 1875 there were 180 Aboriginal people at the mission, and in 1890 there were 122.[x]

After reductions in government subsidies for missions in the 1890s and Bishop Salvado's death in 1900, Noongar families were encouraged to work for other farmers in the area rather than for the mission. Children lived at the mission and parents had restricted access to them. Sometimes children from other places were taken by the Welfare and placed in New Norcia.[xi]

By 1946, when the mission had been operating for 100 years, more than 700 boys had been through St Mary's orphanage and school.[xii]

In the 1950s and 60s a combination of the welfare and Benedictine community rules made it difficult for parents to keep in contact with children in the mission.[xiii] They needed special permission to see their kids and that was only on a Sunday.[xiv]

Margaret Drayton was a New Norcia town and mission resident:

We had access to some education living at New Norcia mission. Although, this brought its own restrictions, as we were bound to live by the mission's rules and religion and were not allowed to speak our language.
I have a strong connection to Yuedcountry, around New Norcia. I take my children there to remember where they came from.
Margaret Drayton, oral history, SWALSC, 2011

Martha Borinelli nee Taylor talks about how the government gathered Noongar people together at New Norcia and Moore River Native Settlement during WWII.

Roelands Mission

The Native Mission Farm, Roelands was established in 1941 as a non-denominational mission for children. It was set up by a group of Christians headed by Perth businessman Albany Bell, who also owned the land. The mission was located on the Collie River between Bunbury and Collie, and had a dairy, chooks, orchards and grazing. In total about 500 children spent time at Roelands before it closed in 1975.

Roelands is now managed by Woolkabunning Kiaka Inc., a group of former mission residents. The group runs educational and healing programmes on the site and some former residents live in the mission houses.

Some Roelands stories:
Roelands Mission transforming the hurt into healing Roelands Mission - Syd Jackson Les Wallam's story
Sister Kate's

Sister Kate's catered for fair-skinned ("quarter-caste") children, who lived in cottages and went to the local school.

Initially called the Children's Cottage Home, Sister Kate's was established by the Anglican Sister Kate in Mosman Park in 1933, moving to Queens Park in 1934. Sister Kate died in 1946 and the Presbyterian Church took over management in 1956.

From 1987 an Aboriginal Consultative Committee gave advice to the organisation. In 1988 the Unitiing Church supported the formation of the Manguri Aboriginal Corporation, which took responsibility for the care and services on the site. In 2002 financial and management problems led to its closure.[xv]

In 2014, the land is managed by 2 Aboriginal groups with a third section held in trust by the Aboriginal Land Corporation for the development of a healing centre. The first group, Sister Kate's Children 1934-1953 Aboriginal Corporation, has established accommodation for former residents of Sister Kate's. The second group, Beananging Kwuurt Institute (beananging means "first light before the break of the day" and kwuurt means "spiritual heart"), offers support for Aboriginal women, men and their families, and is planning to offer a wide variety of training. [xvi]

Mary Terszak's story about her time at Sister Kate's can be found in this exhibition at the National Museum of Australia.

Swan Native and Half-Caste Home

Opened at Middle Swan in 1871 under the direction of the Church of England Orphanage Board.

The Mission was housed in a building now known as Cornwell House, part of the Swanleigh Anglican Hostel. In 2013 it was empty after extensive storm damage.[xvii]

Wandering Mission

Catholic mission in Wandering, ran from 1944 to 1976. Also known as Saint Frances Xavier Mission.[xviii]

[i] William McNair and Hilary Rumley, Pioneer Aboriginal Mission: the Work of the Wesleyan Missionary John Smithies in the Swan River Colony 1840-1855, pp.19-20

[ii] McNair and Rumley, Pioneer Aboriginal Mission,p.60

[iii] Anna Haebich, Broken Circles: Fragmenting Indigenous Families, 1800-2000, p.229
Lois Tilbrook, Nyungar Traditions: Glimpses of Aborigines of South-Western Australia, 1829-1914,Nedlands: UWA Press, 1983, p.44
'Natives' Institution King George's Sound, Western Australia', [about 1858], State Library of WA

[iv] Anna Haebich, Broken Circles: Fragmenting Indigenous Families, 1800-2000, pp.229-230, 519

[v] http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/a/-/breaking/17076778/noongar-art-coming-home/; http://www.berndt.uwa.edu.au/generic.lasso?token_value=koorah

[vi] Anna Haebich, Broken Circles: Fragmenting Indigenous Families, 1800-2000, pp.229-230

[vii] George Russo, Lord Abbot of the Wilderness: the Life and Times of Bishop Salvado,Melbourne: Polding Press, 1980, p.38-42;
Abbott Bernard Rooney, 'Noongar, Windjar Kurl?: Cultural Awareness - A Challenge for the Nineties', in David Hutchison (ed.) A Town Like No Other: the Living Tradition of New Norcia, p.89.

[viii] Neville Green and Lois Tilbrook, Aborigines of New Norcia 1845 - 1914, Nedlands: University of Western Australia Press, 1989, p.xxvii

[ix] Margaret Drayton, former New Norcia resident, conversation with Denise Cook, June 2014

[x] David Hutchison (ed.), A Town Like No Other: the Living Tradition of New Norcia, p.63

[xi] Margaret Drayton, former New Norcia resident, conversation with Denise Cook, June 2014

[xii] David Hutchison (ed.), A Town Like No Other: the Living Tradition of New Norcia, p.66

[xiii] David Hutchison (ed.), A Town Like No Other: the Living Tradition of New Norcia, p.49, 63

[xiv] Margaret Drayton, former New Norcia resident, conversation with Denise Cook, June 2014
[xv] Ashley McDonald, 'Are we Family? And if so can I Still Sue You?', Murdoch University Electronic Journal of Law,Vol. 7, No. 1, 2000 http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/MurUEJL/2000/8.html ;
http://www.signposts.communitydevelopment.wa.gov.au/facilities/view.aspx?id=229
[xvi] Neville Campbell, Beananging Kwuurt Institute, conversation with Denise Cook, 30 June 2014

[xvii] Anna Haebich, For Their Own Good: Aborigines and Government in the Southwest of Western Australia, 1900-1940,p.8
Anna Haebich, Broken Circles: Fragmenting Indigenous Families, 1800-2000, p.229

[xviii] Anna Haebich, Broken Circles: Fragmenting Indigenous Families, 1800-2000, p.230

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Many Noongar and other Aboriginal children, for the past 150 years, have been taken away from their families and placed into missions and other institutions. There were a number of church missions in Noongar country, for example Wandering Mission, Roelands Mission and New Norcia Mission.

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The Immigration Restriction Act 1901, also known as the White Australia policy, affected migrants who came to Australia between 1901 and 1958.

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Clancy, Dooley and Don McLeod and The 1946 Pilbara Strike - Shane Howard

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The Aborigines Protection Act 1886 came into effect in the Crown Colony of Western Australia on 2 September 1886. As outlined in the Act, its purpose was to 'provide for the better protection and management of the Aboriginal Natives of Western Australia, and to amend the Law relating to certain Contracts with such Aboriginal Natives'. However, it was very broad in the way it addressed those objectives.

The Act established the Aborigines Protection Board which was given a range of functions. The Board was appointed by and subject to the Governor, could administer funds granted by the Legislative Council, and was required to provide regular reports on the welfare of Aboriginal people in the colony.

Section 6 set out the duties of the Board, which were generally to take a role in dispensing 'welfare' to Aboriginal adults, but it also gave the Board the power to involve itself directly in the lives of Aboriginal children. Section 6(3) required the Board to make submissions to the Governor 'any proposals or suggestions relating to the care, custody, or education of the children of Aboriginals'. Section 6(6) enabled the Board to 'exercise a general supervision and care of all matters affecting the interests and welfare of the Aborigines. The Board could also make regulations (s.7) to help give effect to its functions. In this way, the Act extended the functions that had previously been outlined in the Industrial Schools Act 1874, (s.18) which made it 'a duty' for any Justice of the Peace in any district 'make inquiry' about any 'native' or 'crossbreed' child who was 'apparently under the age of twelve years' and who was 'not living under the care or guardianship of either father or mother'. If the inquiry led the Magistrate to have any concerns, the Industrial Schools Act 1874, made it lawful for him to 'assume the guardianship' of that child.

The Aborigines Protection Act 1886 enabled the Governor to appoint Protectors of Aborigines, who would 'conform to the instructions of the Board' in terms of expenditure, report to the Board on welfare matters, and 'institute, carry on, or defend' any legal actions, 'enforce' any judgements or orders 'for or on behalf of any Aboriginal, and either in the name of the Aboriginal or of the Protector' (s.17). This 'protective' role essentially gave the Protector the right to assume that he would always be acting in the Aboriginal person's best interest, and the power to do so.

The Act (Part 2) also regulated the employment under contract of Aboriginal people over the age of 14 years and (Part 3) the employment of Aboriginal people who were prisoners.

In Part 4, the Act enabled Aboriginal children to be indentured to an employer until they reached the age of 21. Section 36 enabled 'any Resident Magistrate, acting under the instructions of the Board, to bind by indenture' and place any child of Aboriginal descent with 'any master or mistress willing to receive such child in any suitable trade, business or employment whatsoever' until the young person was 21 years old. The actions of the Resident Magistrate in doing this were to be as if the young person themselves had chosen the placement voluntarily ('as if the child had been of full age, and had bound himself to be such apprentice'). The magistrate was required to 'inform himself, as fully as he can, of the child's age' and to write that age on the indenture. The approximate age of the child as determined by the magistrate would then become the child's 'true age without further proof'. Thus, if a child were deemed to been younger than he or she was, the period of indenture would be longer. The Resident Magistrate was also supposed to ensure that adequate provision was made in the indenture for 'proper and humane treatment' and appropriate clothing and maintenance of the young person.

Section 37 outlined how complaints by apprentices, employers or Protectors of Aborigines were to be dealt with; and section 38 enabled decisions to be taken about the apprentice if his or her employer died. Section 39 made it lawful for any Justice of the Peace or Protector of Aborigines to inspect apprentice's place of employment or residence to 'ascertain whether the terms of the said indenture' had been 'fulfilled'.

Part 5, determined who was an Aboriginal person for the purposes of the Act and gave the power of determining that defintion to the court. Section 45 stated:

Every Aboriginal Native of Australia, and every Aboriginal half-caste or child of a half-caste, such half-caste or child habitually associating and living with Aboriginals, shall be deemed to be an Aboriginal within the meaning of this Act, and at the hearing of any case the Justice or Justices adjudicating may, in the absence of other sufficient evidence, decide on his or their own view and judgment whether any person with reference to whom any proceedings shall have been taken under this Act is or is not an Aboriginal.

Lois Tilbrook remarked in Nyungar Tradition (p.63) that the Act therefore 'distinguished between people of mixed Aboriginal and European descent who lived with Aborigines and who were classed as Aboriginal, and those who did not associate with Aborigines and who were therefore not classified as Aboriginal themselves'. The definition of Aboriginality was important for children, too, as it determined which children were subject to the powers granted under the Act.

The Aborigines Protection Act 1886 was repealed in a number of stages. Part I of this Act was repealed by the Aborigines Act 1897 (Act No.5) on 28 March 1898; Parts II, III, IV and V were repealed by the Aborigines Act 1905 (Act No.14) on 23 April 1906, the remainder was repealed by the Statute Law Revision Act 1964 (Act No.61) on 4 December 1964.

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aborigines protection act 1886 - legislation - find & connect - western australia

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history of child welfare in western australia

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Find & Connect Web Resource Project, The University of Melbourne and Australian Catholic University

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Aborigines Protection Act 1886 - Legislation - Find & Connect - Western Australia

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Aborigines Protection Act 1886 - Legislation - Find & Connect - Western Australia, Find & Connect is a resource for people who as children were in out-of-home 'care' in Australia. It contains information about organisations, people, policies, legislation and events related to the history of child welfare.

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Apology to Australia's Indigenous Peoples, 2008, The Hon Kevin Rudd (author and signatory) (born 1957), Gemma Black (calligrapher) (born 1956), Gifts Collection, Parliament House Art Collection, Canberra ACT. Commissioned by The Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, 2008.

About this collection highlight

In 1995 a National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families commenced, headed by the President of the Human Rights and Equality Commission, Sir Ronald Wilson.

By the end of 1996 nearly 800 submissions had been heard and in May 1997 the Bringing Them Home report was tabled in Parliament concluding that:
For individuals, their removal as children and the abuse they experienced at the hands of the authorities or their delegates have permanently scarred their lives. The harm continues in later generations, affecting their children and grandchildren.
After winning the 2007 election, former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd delivered an official apology on 13 February 2008. He expressed regret for past government policies that resulted in the forced removal of Indigenous children from their families.
That today we honour the Indigenous peoples of this land, the oldest continuing cultures in human history. We reflect on their past mistreatment. We reflect in particular on the mistreatment of those who were Stolen Generations-this blemished chapter in our nation's history. The time has now come for the nation to turn a new page in Australia's history by righting the wrongs of the past and so moving forward with confidence to the future. We apologise for the laws and policies of successive Parliaments and governments that have inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss on these our fellow Australians. We apologise especially for the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, their communities and their country. For the pain, suffering and hurt of these Stolen Generations, their descendants and for their families left behind, we say sorry. To the mothers and the fathers, the brothers and the sisters, for the breaking up of families and communities, we say sorry. And for the indignity and degradation thus inflicted on a proud people and a proud culture, we say sorry. We the Parliament of Australia respectfully request that this apology be received in the spirit in which it is offered as part of the healing of the nation. For the future we take heart; resolving that this new page in the history of our great continent can now be written. We today take this first step by acknowledging the past and laying claim to a future that embraces all Australians. A future where this Parliament resolves that the injustices of the past must never, never happen again. A future where we harness the determination of all Australians, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, to close the gap that lies between us in life expectancy, educational achievement and economic opportunity. A future where we embrace the possibility of new solutions to enduring problems where old approaches have failed. A future based on mutual respect, mutual resolve and mutual responsibility. A future where all Australians, whatever their origins, are truly equal partners, with equal opportunities and with an equal stake in shaping the next chapter in the history of this great country, Australia

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Apology to Australia's Indigenous Peoples

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Apology to Australia's Indigenous Peoples, 2008, The Hon Kevin Rudd (author and signatory) (born 1957), Gemma Black (calligrapher) (born 1956), Gifts Collection, Parliament House Art Collection, Canberra ACT. Commissioned by The Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, 2008.

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Further learning about Mabo Day, the legal fiction of Terra Nullius and the Doctrine of Discovery.

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Saturday 27th of May marks the 50th anniversary of the 1967 Referendum in which Australians voted overwhelmingly to amend the Constitution to allow the Commonwealth to make laws for Aboriginal people and include them in the Census of Population and Housing conducted by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, commencing with the 1971 Census.

The referendum put the following question to the Australian people:
Do you approve the proposed law for the alteration of the Constitution entitled 'An Act to alter the Constitution so as to omit certain words relating to the people of the Aboriginal race in any state and so that Aboriginals are to be counted in reckoning the population'?
The proposed law (Constitution Alteration (Aboriginals) 1967) sought to give the Commonwealth Parliament power to make laws with respect to Aboriginal people wherever they lived in Australia. It also sought to make it possible to fully include Aboriginal people in the national five-yearly census. The amendment deleted part of section 51 (xxvi) of the Constitution and repealed section 127.

Turnout for the referendum was almost 94 per cent, and the result was a strong 'Yes' vote, with a significant majority in all six states and an overall majority of almost 91 per cent. The results of the referendum vote are set out below:

The referendum also put a separate question on a proposed law seeking to remove the connection in the Constitution between the number of members of the House of Representatives and the number of senators; this question was not carried. The estimated cost of the referendum was $1,041,000 (approx. $12.9m in 2016 prices).
Background
The reasons for the previous and explicit exclusion of Aboriginal people by sections 51 (xxvi) and 127 of the Constitution are not entirely clear. However, the effect of this exclusion was the implementation by the states of policies that could broadly be termed 'assimilationist', and laws that resulted in Aboriginal peoples' dispossession, oppression and alienation.

Following longstanding calls for greater Commonwealth involvement in Indigenous affairs, in the 1960s the pressure for change built rapidly. In the face of evidence that assimilationist policies had failed, and with Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal activists drawing attention to the denial of civil rights and discrimination that these policies entailed, the plight of Aboriginal people became a significant political issue. Activists ran petition campaigns to amend the Constitution in support of Indigenous civil rights, and bills seeking to amend the Constitution in favour of Aboriginal people were debated in the Federal Parliament.

In 1967, in response to a Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders (FCAATSI) petition calling for a referendum on sections 51 and 127 of the Constitution, the Holt Coalition Government introduced the Constitution Alteration (Aboriginals) Bill 1967 to the Parliament. The legislation was passed unanimously.

Because no parliamentarian had voted against the proposals relating to Aborigines, the Government only prepared a 'Yes' case for the referendum. The campaign for a 'Yes' vote gained widespread support among the Australian public and this was reflected in the final vote.
Impact
The significance of the 1967 Referendum has been somewhat obscured by a number of myths. These include the misconceptions that the Referendum granted Aboriginal people citizenship, the right to vote, wage equality and access to social security, among other things.

In terms of its practical significance, perhaps the main achievement of the Referendum was to raise the expectations of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people regarding Aboriginal rights and welfare.

The Referendum also had a great deal of symbolic significance. As John Gardiner-Garden has observed, the event 'has come to act as a form of historical shorthand for a decade of change which began in the early 1960s and ended in the early 1970s'. The Referendum signalled a general shift in the way that Australian governments approached Indigenous issues, away from assimilationist policies towards policies based around self-determination, reconciliation and, more recently, 'closing the gap'.
Further reading
J Gardiner-Garden, The origin of Commonwealth involvement in Indigenous Affairs and the 1967 Referendum, Background paper, 11, 1996-97, Parliamentary Library, Canberra, 1997.

J Gardiner-Garden, The 1967 Referendum-history and myths, Research brief, 11, 2006-07, Parliamentary Library, Canberra, 2007.

Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS), ' The referendum Australia had to have ', AIATSIS website.

National Museum Australia, ' The Referendum, 1957-67 ', Collaborating for Indigenous Rights 1957-1973 website.

Parliamentary Library, Parliamentary Handbook of the Commonwealth of Australia, 44th Parliament, Parliamentary Library, Canberra, 2014.

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Saturday 27th of May marks the 50th anniversary of the 1967 Referendum in which Australians voted overwhelmingly to amend the Constitution to allow the Commonwealth to make laws for Aboriginal people and include them in the Census of Population and Housing conducted by the Austra

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Video Options:

This documentary DVD was produced in 1997 and forms part of the Bringing them home education resource for use in Australian classrooms.

For more on the report see: https://www.humanrights.gov.au/publications/bringing-them-home-stolen-c...

This resource is based on 'Bringing them home' , the report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families, and on the history of forcible separation and other policies which have impacted on the lives of Indigenous Australians.

This documentary complements a collection of curriculum-linked activities and teaching resources, plus a range of photographs, maps and diagrams, timelines, legal texts and glossaries.

The Australian Human Rights Commission invites teachers and students to use this resource to explore, understand and reflect on one of the most difficult chapters of our national history and to engage with some of the key concepts involved in the reconciliation debate in Australia. For the education resource see: https://www.humanrights.gov.au/education/human-rights-school-classroom
Warning: This video may contain images / voices of deceased Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander persons.
Video produced by Oziris.

© Australian Human Rights Commission

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This documentary DVD was produced in 1997 and forms part of the Bringing them home education resource for use in Australian classrooms. For more on the report see: https://www.humanrights.gov.au/publications/bringing-them-home-stolen-c...

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This site includes images, quotes and references to people who have passed. We have included them to acknowledge, honour and pay respect to their contribution and efforts to our struggles, our progress and achievements.

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This site includes images, quotes and references to people who have passed. We have included them to acknowledge, honour and pay respect to their contribution and efforts to our struggles, our progress and achievements.

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Revisit the historical journey made 50 years ago by a group of University students led by Aboriginal activist Charles Perkins, who set off on a bus ride around regional New South Wales to expose racism and prejudice in regional NSW. What they encountered along the way showed just how prevalent segregation and injustice existed in Australia. The trip would prove to be a turning point in the Australian civil rights movement.

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Freedom Rides - Living Black, Season 22 Episode 2

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Revisit the historical journey made 50 years ago by a group of University students led by Aboriginal activist Charles Perkins, who set off on a bus ride around regional New South Wales to expose racism and prejudice in regional NSW. What they encountered along the way showed just how prevalent segregation and injustice existed in Australia.

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First Australians are advised that this record may include images or names of people who have died. It may also contain terms that reflect views which are not considered appropriate today.

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Vincent Lingiari speaking at the Wave Hill handover

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This colour photograph taken on 16 August 1975 at Daguragu (formerly known as Wattie Creek) in the Northern Territory shows Gurindji Elder Vincent Lingiari speaking at a ceremony. The ceremony was to mark the transfer of leasehold title to the Gurindji.

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Carrolup Native Settlement - Summary | Find & Connect

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Some people may find content on this website distressing. Read more

Western Australia - Organisation

Crown Colony of Western Australia

The functions of the Aborigines Protection Board included submitting proposals to the Governor relating to the care, custody or education of the children of 'Aboriginals' and exercising a general supervision and care over all matters affecting the interests and welfare of the 'Aboriginals'. Under the Protection Act, the Board could appoint 'honorary local protectors' to oversee rationing and medical care of Aboriginal people and report on the condition of Aboriginal children.

The Act gave Resident Magistrates, acting under instructions of the Board, the power to apprentice any 'Aboriginal' or 'half-caste' child of a 'suitable age' until the age of 21 years, provided that 'due and reasonable provision is made for [the child's] maintenance, clothing and proper and humane treatment'.

On 6 January of 1887, the Government Gazette announced that the Colonial Secretary (Sir Malcolm Fraser) and Attorney General (C.N. Warton) and Members of the Legislative Council, G. Shenton and C. Harper were appointed to the new body. The Board was chaired by the Colonial Surgeon, Dr Alfred Waylen, who was responsible directly to the imperial government in England.

Publications

Books

Battye, J.S., Western Australia: A History from its Discovery to the Inauguration of the Commonwealth, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1924. Details

Book Sections

van den Berg, Rosemary, 'Aboriginal protectors', in Gregory, Jenny and Jan Gothard [editors] (eds), Historical Encyclopedia of Western Australia, University of Western Australia Press, Crawley, W.A., 2009, pp. Pages 36-37. Details

Newspaper Articles

Online Resources

'The History - Western Australia', in Bringing Them Home: Human Rights Education Resources for Teachers, Australian Human Rights Commission, 2010, https://web.archive.org/web/20160709122520/http://www.humanrights.gov.au/publications/rightsed-bringing-them-home-8-history-western-australia. Details

'Aboriginal History', in State Records Office of Western Australia website, State Records Office of Western Australia, 2012, https://www.wa.gov.au/organisation/state-records-office-of-western-australia/aboriginal-history. Details

Cohen, B.C., 'Waylen, Alfred Robert (1833-1901)', in Australian Dictionary of Biography Online [website], Australian National University and Melbourne University Press, 2006, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/waylen-alfred-robert-4817/text8033. Details

Tilbrook, Lois, Nyungar Tradition : glimpses of Aborigines of south-western Australia 1829-1914, Online version published by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies in 2007, University of Western Australia Press, 1983, http://aiatsis.gov.au/sites/default/files/catalogue_resources/m0022954.pdf. Details

Photos

Title

Aborigines Protection Act 1886 (WA)

Type

Document

Date

1886

Sources used to compile this entry: 'Government Gazette', The West Australian, 7 January 1887, p. Page 3. Also available at http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3763896; Battye, J.S., Western Australia: A History from its Discovery to the Inauguration of the Commonwealth, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1924; Cohen, B.C., 'Waylen, Alfred Robert (1833-1901)', in Australian Dictionary of Biography Online [website], Australian National University and Melbourne University Press, 2006, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/waylen-alfred-robert-4817/text8033; van den Berg, Rosemary, 'Aboriginal protectors', in Gregory, Jenny and Jan Gothard [editors] (eds), Historical Encyclopedia of Western Australia, University of Western Australia Press, Crawley, W.A., 2009, pp. Pages 36-37.

Prepared by: Debra Rosser

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aborigines protection board - organisation - find & connect - western australia

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history of child welfare in western australia

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Find & Connect Web Resource Project, The University of Melbourne and Australian Catholic University

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Aborigines Protection Board - Organisation - Find & Connect - Western Australia

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Aborigines Protection Board - Organisation - Find & Connect - Western Australia - Find & Connect is a resource for people who as children were in out-of-home ‘care’ in Australia. It contains information about organisations, people, policies, legislation and events related to the history of child wel…

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corporateName=National Museum of Australia; address=Lawson Crescent, Acton Peninsula, ACT; contact=+61 2 6208 5000

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2008: National Apology to the Stolen Generations

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The National Archives holds records relating to the 1967 Referendum. It saw the highest YES vote ever recorded, in favour of removing content from the Australian Constitution that discriminated against Aboriginal and Torres Strait islander peoples.

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The article is tribute to Aboriginals and Torres Islanders for those who were involved in the Stolen Generation. Those children who had been taken away from their parents and was to never see them again. Also the British never told the parents where they were sending them.  The article portrays the strength of the Aboriginal community as they has the loss of family taken away from them. 

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The article is tribute to Aboriginals and Torres Islanders for those who were involved in the Stolen Generation. Those children who had been taken away from their parents and was to never see them again. Also the British never told the parents where they were sending them.  The article portrays the strength of the Aboriginal community as they has the loss of family taken away from them. 

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From Little Things Big Things Grow | Paul Kelly & Kev Carmody

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Archie Roach - Took The Children Away  (Official Music Video)

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The Pilbara strike occurred in 1946- 1949 where Aboriginal workers walked on Pilbara for the sake of good wages, and an independence movement. The Aboriginals intended on to change the rules for the better lifestyle for them.  They were demanding better wages and independence.

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The Pilbara strike occurred in 1946- 1949 where Aboriginal workers walked on Pilbara for the sake of good wages, and an independence movement. The Aboriginals intended on to change the rules for the better lifestyle for them.  They were demanding better wages and independence.

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On May 26th is National (Sorry) Apology Day. Honoring the Indigenous people who inherited Australia's culture. Due to the past mishandling from the Britain, Indigenous people had lost their homes and children. This day contains national history throughout the entire of Australia as we reflect the torture the Aboriginals had to face.  Its when we say our apologies to the community especially for the removal of Aboriginals. PM Kevin Rudd deeply apologized to the community and paid the respect. 

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On May 26th is National (Sorry) Apology Day. Honoring the Indigenous people who inherited Australia's culture. Due to the past mishandling from the Britain, Indigenous people had lost their homes and children. This day contains national history throughout the entire of Australia as we reflect the torture the Aboriginals had to face.  Its when we say our apologies to the community especially for the removal of Aboriginals. PM Kevin Rudd deeply apologized to the community and paid the respect. 

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In 1967, 90.77 per cent of Australians voted yes for a change that they believed would improve the lives of Indigenous peoples.

But as with any historic moment, there are myths and mysteries about the referendum - and about what people hoped it would accomplish and what it actually achieved.

Myth: The referendum gave Aboriginal people citizenship rights and the right to vote

Perhaps the greatest myth that persists about the 1967 referendum is that it resulted in Aboriginal people getting the right to vote or becoming citizens.

In fact, it did neither of these two things.

The two changes that did occur were, firstly, that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were to be included in the census, and secondly that the Federal Government was given the power to make laws for Indigenous people.

A poster for the 1967 referendum.(Supplied: State Library of New South Wales )

Up until that point, Indigenous people were the responsibility of the states.

At the time of the referendum, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people could vote in every part of Australia, with the Queensland laws being the last to change in 1965.

Myth: The 1967 referendum changed the lives of Indigenous people

Constitutional change, like the one achieved in 1967, does not mean transformations occur overnight.

Many Indigenous people say they had heightened expectations about what would be achieved by the referendum, and then woke up to find that nothing had changed.

This lack of transformation was one of the factors that drove the rights movement that emerged in the 1970s.

The Tent Embassy, established in 1972 on the lawns of Parliament House in Canberra is a good example of this energised political movement.

The focus shifted from a campaign for inclusion to one that asserted particular Indigenous rights, such as land rights.

Before 1967, section 51(26) of the constitution, the "races power", gave the Federal Government the power to make laws in relation to, "the people of any race, other than the aboriginal race in any State, for whom it is deemed necessary to make special laws."

The referendum removed the words "other than the aboriginal people in any State" - giving the Federal Government the power to make laws in relation to Indigenous people.

Over time, the races power has been used to pass legislation that has been considered beneficial for Indigenous people, most notably the Native Title Act, 1993.

But the idea that the 1967 referendum dramatically improved life for Aboriginal Australians at the time is a falsehood.

Myth: TheFederal Government would use the races power benevolently

A large part of the campaign for constitutional changes in 1967 that related to the "races power" was underpinned by the assumption that if the Federal Government was given the power to make laws for Indigenous people, it would do a better job of it than the states had. (It's worth noting here, that the Federal Parliament already had powers to make laws for Indigenous people living in Australian territories.)

Underpinning this assumption was the belief by campaigners that the Federal Government would only use theraces power for the benefit of Aboriginal people.

However, nothing in the wording of that section of the constitution makes any mention of the need for the power to be exercised for the benefit of Aboriginal people.

This has been confirmed by the High Court, which has ruled that if the Federal Government has the power to grant a benefit it has the power to repeal that benefit.

In the case of Kartinyeri v Commonwealth (1998), traditional owners had been relying on the rights under the federal Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage Protection Act (1984) to stop the building of a bridge they believed would affect one of their sacred sites.

But the Federal Government repealed the legislation to the extent that it would not apply over this particular area.

The traditional owners challenged that decision. One of their arguments was that when the Australian people voted to change the constitution it was clearly with the understanding that the exercise of the power to make laws for Indigenous people would be used beneficially.

However, the High Court said that when the Federal Government was granted the protections, it also retained the power to take those protections away.

Only Justice Michael Kirby dissented.

After considering the history of the changes made in 1967, he concluded that the exercise of the power should be non-discriminatory.

Fact: More than 90 per cent of Australians voted for change

Above are some of the myths that surround the 1967 referendum.

But one thing that remains true is that never has a referendum had such an overwhelming "yes" vote.

The fact that 90.77 per cent of Australians voted for a change they believed would improve the lives of Indigenous people is something we should celebrate.
Larissa Behrendt is a professor of law and the director of research at Jumbunna Indigenous House of Learning at UTS. Larissa is a Eualeyai-Kamilaroi woman, a NSW Land Commissioner, barrister and the presenter of Speaking Out on ABC Radio.

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The three biggest myths of the 1967 referendum

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In 1967, 90.77 per cent of Australians voted yes for a change that they believed would improve the lives of Indigenous peoples. But as with any historic moment, there are myths and mysteries about the referendum - and about what people hoped it would accomplish and what it actually achieved.

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Briggs - The Children Came Back ft. Gurrumul & Dewayne Everettsmith (Official Video)

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Timeline-Events that led to the 1967 Referendum

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1958- Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines (FCAA) forms and becomes an important organisation in the campaign for the 1967 referendum by petitioning for changes in the constitution and by focusing attention on the treatment of Indigenous Australians. Kath Walker, who later called herself Oodgeroo Noonuccal, becomes FCAA's campaign national coordinator and tours Australia, raising awareness and lobbying for change.