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Improvement in rural education and continued implementation of MST's pedagogy that includes agricultural training for rural youth will not benefit the agribusiness sector as it reduces their chance to utilize the rural lands for profit. Land occupations which include building rural schools, are seen as an economically damaging nuisance. The commercial agriculture approach taken by many of the multinational corporations that mainly produce monoculture crops for export: bringing modern technology and producing rapid rates of growth, is the opposite of the training and education pushed by MST, which values small, family-run farms. (Long, 2018; Abbey et.al., 2005). Education for MST community will impact agribusinesses negatively if the MST can gain social, political power and resources to work against them.

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Governmental infiltration like MST pulled off is very difficult and requires a very large movement.

In the US (as with the AZ Chicano example) local channels are more easily lobbied, but the constant turnover of political power can undo the work of the lobbyists with general ease.

Without cooperation from the community, MST cannot make any change

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Localized Implications for Future MST Schools

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Localized Implications for Future MST Schools

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Despite the Bolsonaro government having successfully shut down Pronera programs, the lessons of their victories remain. Bolsonaro was an unforeseen quantity, in that he was willing to deploy the military. He even went so far as to allow the massacre of marchers in order to interrupt the movement.
Dr. Tarlau expresses 'cautious optimism' about the future prospects for Pronera in Brazil. The localized continuation of Pronera curricula (though no longer enjoying governmental support) is the piece of Pronera that remains. Individual MST schools that are able to sustain themselves are far better off than they were before the movement. They now have university-educated educators and professionals in their midst. The level of instruction in current and future MST schools stands on the shoulders of Pronera.

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The critical value in the successes established through the Pronera model is the underlining of the power of involving stakeholders, regardless of their cultural or socioeconomic backgrounds. The development of pedagogy within Pronera by those living the experience and directly impacted by the instruction delivered remarkable achievements for the community as a whole.

Of particular note in the Pronera model was the mutual understanding between students and their MST home communities. The primary and secondary education took place within the movement, with teachers being paid by the state (another successful result of contentious co-governance) to teach students as they marched with protests against the very source of funding. Upon departure from the home communities to attend Pronera-designed university programs, the return of students to their home communities was a part of the agreement. These students left home to gain skills that they then brought back for the enrichment of the MST. This social return on investment built a flourishing sense of communal value and strength.

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Before the rise of Bolsonaro, Pronera (and MST activists more broadly) had successfully embedded themselves in National networks. Despite the governmental crack-down on national, systemic change, there have been advances and connections established that cannot be undone. The relative youth of Pronera university graduates stands the movement in good stead for future national gains when the time of Bolsonaro comes to an end.

Dr. Tarlau's scholarship provides a model for grassroots educational advocacy on all levels around the globe. In this way, the dissemination of MST success stories can be a gift from Brazil to progressive education activists around the world.

From a perspective which holds that improved quality of life for a subgroup of any national culture improves the culture as a whole, Brazil has benefited greatly from the years of MST and Pronera activism. The nation now has the 'muscle memory' to advance through contentious co-governance, and will undoubtedly return to it in time.

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Implications of Tarlau's Scholarship on Policy

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Implications of Tarlau's Scholarship on Policy

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Educational pressure groups of all sizes and all jurisdictions would be well served to learn from Pronera that negotiation and protest are not enough. Both tactics must be deployed over and over again to maximize successful outcomes.

Conflicts should be expected, prepared for, and welcomed when necessary.  Dr Tarlau's work demonstrates that this method of contentious co-governance can be highly successful regardless of the standing form of government. Further scholarship could examine the successes of contentious co-governance at different scales. It stands to reason that the successes gained by Pronera can be reestablished in a Post-Bolsonaro Brazil.

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Tarlau’s work is particularly relevant amid the current discussions of Critical Race Theory (CRT) in the United States. As with most controversial political issues of modern America, CRT has become a polarizing wedge issue. But Tarlau’s scholarship demonstrates, the MST was able to achieve Contentious Convergence with both friendly and hostile regimes. It is possible that the polarization of the US is precisely the tipping point required to unite pressure groups. If such a convergence occurs among American subcultures, untapped political pressure could certainly be brought to bear.

In a country where membership in a minority subculture often means significant socioeconomic marginalization, a fashioning of university curricula by a given subculture with the model of Pronera could contribute to a leveling of the playing field. Tarlau informs us that Pronera students almost universally remained tethered to their cultural roots following graduation. By advancing their education levels, these young people were able to return as stronger advocates for their communities. With the implementation of curricula akin to CRT (established by distinct communities), oppressed American minority communities could reap similar benefits.

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One could easily envision a Pronera-style approach with the United States’ own displaced citizens: Native Americans. While several education-focused pressure groups already exist within these communities (American Indian Policy Center, American Indian College Fund, American Indian Higher Education Consortium, etc.), the Pronera tactics have not yet been harnessed. If tribal communities across the country united as solidly as the members of the MST, surely they could assert Contentious Convergence to achieve educational aims.

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Future Applicability of Tarlau's Scholarship

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Future Applicability of Tarlau's Scholarship

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Despite Bolsonaro’s success in shutting down Pronera, there are significant takeaways for global stakeholders in progressive educational policy. Tarlau specifically references the Chicano movement in Arizona, where activist-initiated Ethnic Studies curricula were incorporated into public education. As with Pronera, the Chicano activists penetrated the institutions and claimed ground from the inside. Their work resulted in a decade of Mexican and Mexican-American history being taught through the lens of the Chicano movement. Unfortunately, as with Pronera, the Chicano curriculum fell when the far right successfully purged it amid a wave of anti-Latino fervor in Arizona and a bill was passed banning Ethnic Studies in the state.

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Teachers, School Principals and University Professors 

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Teachers, School Principals and University Professors 

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The policy is an opportunity for educators in rural areas to receive more training and gain higher credentials as professionals. Educators, In the 1990s, teachers sent to rural schools had minimal training and no tertiary education (Tarlau, 2013). Through PRONERA program, MST activists provide teacher and principal training to connect with the community and share their pedagogy. The municipal educators also benefit from the policies by gaining more support and ability to practice non-hierarchical democratic governance, where they can make collective decisions, with the education consumers, about how their schools should function (Tarlau, 2013). The improvement in rural schools infrastructure also improves teachers' workplace quality and access to the schools (Brasil de Fato, 2019). In self-reported data, MST listed that they have trained more than 3,900 educators at secondary and higher levels (Friends of the MST, n.d.).

Through partnerships with schools and universities, educators become advocates for accessible and quality education. They are also able to participate in social movements while conducting lessons and continuing to educate students. The funding provided through PRONERA allows professors to teach educational activism and conduct studies within the communities (Meek, 2014). Although conflict regarding teaching practices and the rights to define curriculum had taken place at the beginning of partnerships in the 1990s, professors had become the advocates for PRONERA and participated in the movement to defend it when PRONERA was audited in 2010, as seen in the figure attached (Tarlau, 2020).

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This policy aligns with most families' goals to receive a quality education that will prepare their youth to succeed. With the pedagogy developed by MST, rural youth have access to content connected to their own reality, such as agroecology, healthy and poison-free food, and values such as cooperation, solidarity, and cultural appreciation (Brasil de Fato, 2019). This will equip them to stay in the countryside as future farmers, activists, and intellectuals.

Indeed, the policy had increased access to education in rural area. Many rural schools were scrapped in the 1990s, were not assisted by the public sector, and the available schools did not have adequate infrastructure. (Brasil de Fato, 2019). Since the families' serious concerns in the 1980s, the right to education had been consolidated in the Federal Constitution of 1988 and endorsed by the Law of Directives and Bases of National Education (LDBEN) in 1996 (Santos et al, 2018). Now, more than 200,000 students access primary school in the over 2,000 public schools constructed in encampments and settlements that serve children, adolescents, and adults (Brasil de Fato, 2019; Tarlau 2020). Despite the current intensified phenomenon of school closure in Brasil, the mobilization of rural social movements, educators, and researchers engaged in the cause of the field had achieved governmental awareness for the enactment of the law no. 12.960/2014 establishes criteria to prevent schools from being closed in the field (Santos et. al 2018).

Besides increasing access to primary and secondary education, families of those granted the land by occupying them are eligible to enroll in university programs with funding from PRONERA. (Tarlau, 2020). They can access education with MST pedagogy while earning degrees in various fields such as law and medicine, and at the same time continue to participate in current social movements in the community actively.

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Universities can receive funding through the PRONERA program, have a more diverse student body and earn support from the MST community. In the beginning, universities did not want to participate. In the late 1990s, activists approached dozens of universities, but only one small private university that has a long history with social movement, University of Ijui was interested. The university professors and the activists designed an undergraduate program, "Pedagogy of Land" and incorporated the approach to education that the MST had developed. The program attracted activists from across the country when launched in 1998. Since then, more than 40 public universities have partnered with the MST and PRONERA to offer undergraduate programs for residents of similarly settled areas. (Tarlau, n.d). In 2010, fifty-nine university provosts signed the declaration in support of PRONERA and to defend the universities' autonomy (Tarlau, 2020).

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In general, Brazil will have more productive citizens with improved educational quality, which will lead to economic gain for the country. The land of the state will be used in effective ways to build the economy and feed people by MST.

State and Municipal Government:
In theory, the underfunded state and municipal government will benefit from working together with the MST community, gaining more pedagogical resources and capital resources as they share the responsibility of teacher training and curriculum writing while also maintain their partial authority in governing the rural public schools. In reality, when the federal government began to guarantee a minimum level of spending per student in 1998, which increased the revenue poor municipalities had to invest in education, mayors and governors would rather close down rural schools and transport students to nearby urban centers because it was more economically efficient than investing in new rural infrastructure (Tarlau, 2013). However, state and municipal governments with close ties to the movement do support and benefit from the policy. This is shown in their objections to close an MST school when requested by Bolsanaro (Tarlau, 2020).

Federal Government:
Whether or not this policy benefits the federal government depends on their political ideology. Partnership with MST in any form and willingness to work together will increase the support they get from the rural community. The National March for Agrarian Reform in 1997 showed the power of the movement that requires Cardoso to respond, granted the lands, and started the PRONERA program. For the current right-wing president, Jair Bolsanaro, this policy will not benefit them and is contrary to their ideology. In fact, Bolsonaro's government had identified the MST as a criminal organization and defended the right of large landowners to use firearms if their unproductive properties are occupied (Lacerda, 2020). Improving rural education means providing access for the MST community to gain social and political power through education, which is the opposite of the current government's goal.

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The MST community is the primary stakeholder of this policy. The MST leaders have realized that to achieve social transformation, it is not only necessary to occupy land but also to occupy the public education system and transform schools into institutions that support their movement's broader political and economic goals (Mariano & Tarlau 2019). The movement maintains the state's responsibility to provide public education while demanding the rights to co-govern the schools. Through co-governance and especially the PRONERA program, they have successfully pressured state and municipal governments to build more than 2,000 new public schools in the rural areas that serve approximately 200,000 students (Tarlau, 2013). In these rural schools, MST have been able to engage in the implementation of educational practices by working with teachers and school principals, facilitating discussions with communities, organizing teacher trainings, and writing new curriculum that values rural life, teaches students about the history of agrarian reform, and emphasizes the importance of collective agricultural production. Despite the changes in government political ideology, Tarlau argues that the approach of contentious co-governance will have a lasting impact and will benefit the movement (Tarlau, 2020). The community that was originally deemed uneducated because of the lack of formal education had transformed into a movement of farmers with a college education and beyond. Through education, the MST activists had gained social and political power.

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Abbey, L., Baer, W. & Filizzola, M (2005).  Growth, Efficiency and Equity: The impact of agribusiness and land reform in Brazil. Latin American Business Review 7(2), 93-115. DOI: 10.1300/J140v07n02_05

Bainbridge, E. (n.d.). Indigenous mobilization in Ecuador. Modern Latin America.         https://library.brown.edu/create/modernlatinamerica/chapters/chapter-6-the-andes/moments-in-andean-history/indigenous-mobilization-in-ecuador/

Brinkerhoff, D. & Crosby, B. (2002). Managing policy reform: Concepts and tools for decision makers in developing and transitioning countries. Bloomfield, CT.: Kumarian Press, Inc.

Brasil de Fato. (2019, March 29). Special Report : Brazil Education in The Countryside. https://www.mstbrazil.org/content/special-report-brazil-education-countryside.

Friends of the MST. (n.d. ). Education and Political Training Sector. Friends of the MST. https://www.mstbrazil.org/content/education-political-training-sector

Inter-American Foundation. (2018). Landless workers and schools: An alternative approach to rural education.https://archive.iaf.gov/resources/publications/grassroots-development-journal/2013-focus-the-iaf-s-investment-in-young-people/landless-workers-and-schools-an-alternative-approach-to-rural-education.html

Lacerda, N. (2020, January 2). 2019 in Review: Bolsonaro targets the MST, Violence grows in the countryside. Brasil de Fato. https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2020/01/02/2019-in-review-or-bolsonaro-targets-the-mst-violence-grows-in-the-countryside

Long, C (2018), October 17).

Big beef versus family farms: A war of ideas in Brazil.  dw. https://www.dw.com/en/big-beef-versus-family-farms-a-war-of-ideas-in-brazil/a-45809816

Mariano, A., & Tarlau, R. (2019) The Landless Workers Movement’s itinerant schools: occupying and transforming public education in Brazil. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 40(4), 538-559, DOI: 10.1080/01425692.2019.1565989

Meek, D.D. (2014). Movement in Education: The Political Ecology of Education in the Brazilian Landless Workers' Movement. (Publication No. 9949333430902959). [Doctoral dissertation, University of Georgia]. University of Georgia Thesis and Dissertation.

Santos, M., de Souza, M., & Nonato, E. M. N. (2018). From rural education to field education in Brazil: Trajectories toward the guarantee of the right to education. Current Politics and Economics of South and Central America, 11(3), 317-339. Retrieved 8.,2021, from http://ezproxy2.library.drexel.edu/login?url=https://www-proquest-com.ezproxy2.library.drexel.edu/scholarly-journals/rural-education-field-brazil-trajectories-toward/docview/2213789251/se-2?accountid=10559

Tarlau, R. (n.d). Landless Workers and Schools: An Alternative Approach to Rural education. IAF. https://archive.iaf.gov/resources/publications/grassroots-development-journal/2013-focus-the-iaf-s-investment-in-young-people/landless-workers-and-schools-an-alternative-approach-to-rural-education.html

Tarlau, R (2013). Coproducing Rural Public Schools in Brazil: Contestation, Clientelism, and the Landless Workers’ Movement. Politics & Society, 41(3), 395–424. https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329213493753.

Tarlau, R. (2020). Occupying schools occupying land: How the workers landless movement transformed Brazilian education. [Video]. You Tube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kH9-Ixn5FSA

UK Essays. (2021, March 9). Ethnographic methods in qualitative research. All Answers LTD.        https://www.ukessays.com/essays/anthropology/ethnographic-methods-qualitative-4524.php

Photo References:

Tarlau, R. (2019). Occupying Schools, Occupying Land: How the Landless Workers Movement Transformed Brazilian Education. [Cover Art] Oxford Scholarship.

Woods, J. (2011, December 27).  [Photograph]. https://latimesblogs.latimes.com/nationnow/2011/12/arizona-tucson-ethnic-studies-.html.
TIME Photo-Illustration. (2021, December 7). Time Magazine [Cover Art]. https://time.com/magazine/us/6075407/july-5th-2021-vol-198-no-1-u-s/

Reuters. (2019, December 1). A teenager and Nathan Phillips, a Native American activist, in Washington on Friday [Photograph]. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/20/us/nathan-phillips-covington.html.

Tarlau, R. (2018, September 19). Brazilian children study in a public school built in an occupied encampment of the Brazilian Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) [Photograph]. https://news.psu.edu/story/537447/2018/09/19/academics/professors-integrate-study-education-and-latin-american-social.

Amorim, P. (2001, April 17). Children of members of Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) occupy a ranch at Belém-Brasilia Highway in Pará State, northern Brazil [Photograph]. https://www.newframe.com/new-books-occupying-schools-occupying-land/.

Salgado, S. (2018, August 25). Brazilian Farm Workers [Photograph]. https://medium.com/@taylorfredrickson/the-desperate-need-to-restructure-labor-worker-autonomy-f9126f1618b1.

MST Flag. (2021). Flag of the MST [Photograph]. https://mstbrazil.org/.

Bittar. (2009, March 5). Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement protests President Lula da Silva’s agricultural policies in Brasilia in 2007 [Photograph]. https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/lessons-latin-america/.

Nota da Fetape em defesa do PRONERA [Photograph]. (2020, February 28). https://www.fetape.org.br/noticias-detalhe/nota-da-fetape-em-defesa-do-pronera/6065#.YQgGkUApA2w.

Lima, M. (2010, December 23). Em defesa da educacao e do Pronera [Digital Art]. https://www.claudiocarvalhaes.com/uncategorized-pt-br/pronera-os-desafios-e-avancos-para-a-educacao-do-campo/.

Fernando, L. (2018, August 14). Peasant’s League Column in the Free Lula March heading towards Brasilia [Photograph]. https://www.brasilwire.com/what-side-are-you-on-mst-explains-march-to-brasilia/.

Tarlau, R. (2013). MST Rural Classroom [Photograph]. https://archive.iaf.gov/resources/publications/grassroots-development-journal/2013-focus-the-iaf-s-investment-in-young-people/landless-workers-and-schools-an-alternative-approach-to-rural-education.html.

Marin, D. (2016, April 15). Agribusiness To The Rescue for Brazil . [Photograph]. https://www.gfmag.com/magazine/april-2016/agribusiness-rescue-brazil.

All Graphs and Maps Sourced From:
Tarlau, R. (2014). Occupying Land, Occupying Schools: Transforming Education in the Brazilian Countryside [Doctoral Thesis, University of California, Berkeley]

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The Ethnogenic methods that were implemented through the social groups that were the landless farmers, MST, and Pronera, were appropriate. These social movements that took place were workings of person-to-person and group-to-group social reform strategizing with the use of present state policy. There is a history of other movements that have taken place around the world for social reform, with similar patterns as those in the Brazilian struggle, that have culminated in various types of conclusions, and some that are ongoing.

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In reference to related Ethnogenic social struggle, in 1986, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) a social movement group was established (Bainbridge, n.d.). Before1986, military regimes controlled the country and claimed no alignment with the indigenous population (Bainbridge, n.d.). Although the oil industry was strong at that time, the indigenous people weren’t given government services and endured deterioration in job opportunities and standards of living (Bainbridge, n.d.). The indigenous people participated in struggle and social protest. In 1986, 500 indigenous people attended a convention that changed their lives completely (Bainbridge, n.d.). After years of social protest, representatives of CONAIE created and settled on a political agenda that aligned with economic policy and responded to International Monetary Fund (IMF) policies, containing the forgiveness of indigenous debt, gave tribal exemption from land taxes, gave rights to land titles from the government for the tribes, safeguarded archaeological places, and gave funding for bilingual instruction (Bainbridge, n.d.). Finally they requested and were granted Ecuador to be labeled as a  plurinational state (Bainbridge, n.d.). “Plurinationalism suggests that indigenous groups have their own ethnicities, cultures, histories, and distinct political rights, including legal rights to ancestral territory as well as separate lawmaking and governmental structures within the federal government framework” (Bainbridge, n.d., p.1).

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The rationale to identify this as Ethnogenic work  is embedded within the following explanations, in addition to the actions of the people driving the social movements that took place to gain the benefits of social reform for the Brazilian citizens. “Ethnography is used to represent the study of realism through knowledge and experiences, and the understanding of human behavior, and in addition It consists of debates on the emergence of today’s society (UK Essay, 2021). Max Weber’s definition of Ethnography embraces the explanation and understanding by using the interpretive understanding of social action, where interpretivism is subjective meaning to social action ” (UK Essay, 2021). Dr. Talau’s research data concerning these social movements, strategies, resulting struggles, and the agreements produced between stakeholders “came from 70 interviews with MST activists, 60 interviews with elected officials and government bureaucrats, extensive field notes, informal conversations, site visits, school observations, teacher training and shadowing MST activists” (Inter-American Foundation, 2018).

The Brazilian social movement that began with the landless farmers, gained tremendous power by working together with the state, strategizing using present state policies, regarding public school organization (Tarlau, 2020). Though the  public schools are run by the state, they let MST governance join in the schools with their ideas and value system (Tarlau, 2020). Through the maneuvers and methods of social movement programs and plans that were put into place and set into action with the state, there was much success in building educational constructs. MST worked in accordance with the state and through the state for financial and social domains in all areas that affected people’s lives (Tarlau, 2020). “Pronera benefits social movements as they come together with the Universities to present proposals. They look to the local leaders to take the initiative to propose courses at the universities. In one decade Panera transformed the MST leadership from a movement of leaders with a high school education to a movement of leaders with a college education” (Tarlau, 2020).

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Based on the definition of stakeholders by Brinkerhoff and Crosby (2011), as “an individual or group that makes a difference, or that can affect or be affected by the achievement of the organization’s objectives” (p. 142), the main stakeholders for the policy based on Rebecca Tarlau's research on contentious governance, especially the PRONERA program, can be grouped into five categories:
1) The Landless Worker Movement (MST)
2) Teachers, School Principals, University Professors
3) Universities/Higher Education Institutions
4) The Government
5) The Rural Youth and Families
6) Agribusinesses

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Dr. Tarlau’s research aligns strongly to the Ethnogenic methodology. The research as well as the struggle to build solid representation and power in Brazil for the Landless Farmers to occupy unoccupied land, eventually gaining tremendous power through the organized M.S.T., and Pronera by aligning themselves with the state government in an effort to gain social reform regarding equitable education, funding, land ownership, and equitable living circumstances. Any policy; land and educational agreements; primary, secondary, and university programming that was created, was created through the act of social action movement as the foundation.