# data[].attributes.body
Input: watch the Video from 00:20 to 01:13​

Questions: Do you see a connection between social work and sex work? Why? (How) Could this view change "critical minds" (=people who judge sex work)?

[note: the sound is veeery quiet. Don't forget to turn your volume down after watching the video ;)]​

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
What a sex worker can teach us about human connection | Nicole Emma | TEDxSaltLakeCity

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.keywords[]
"sex education" aufklärung bodypositivity sexpositiv bodypositiv queer sex

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Share your videos with friends, family, and the world

# data[].attributes.body
Interview with a domina
check out hyperbole for more interviews with sex workers - e.g. "Frag einen Callboy", "Frag ein Camgirl", ...

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
FRAG EINE DOMINA | Alles über Sklaven, Hunde und Natursekt

# data[].attributes.body
Aids-Help Group from Halle (Saale)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.provider_name
AIDS-Hilfe Halle / Sachsen-Anhalt Süd e.V.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Sexarbeiter_Innen sind - auch im Schatten des neu eingeführten Prostituiertenschutzgesetzes - von Marginalisierung, Diskriminierung und Stigamtisierung betroffen. Zusätzlich besteht vor allem für Sexarbeiter_innen, die ihre Arbeit unter Zwang oder finanziellem Druck ausüben, ein erhöhtes Ansteckungsrisiko für HIV und anderen sexuell übertragbaren Infektionen. Die gesellschaftliche Ausgrenzung sowie soziale und ökonomische Zwangslagen führen dazu, dass sexuell übertragbare und HIV-Infektionen unerkannt und unbehandelt bleiben. Die hallesche Aidshilfe bietet Sexarbeiter_innen anonyme Testmöglichkeiten und Beratung zu Themen der sexuellen Gesundheit und der Sexarbeit.

Die Angebote umfassen entsprechend:

Beratung zu HIV, sexuell übertragbaren Infektionen und sexueller Gesundheit im Zusammehnag mit Sexarbeit

Beratung zu sozialrechtlichen Fragen sowie zum Prostituiertenschutzgesetz

Aufsuchende Sozial- und Präventionsarbeit

HIV- und Syphilis-Schnelltestung

Politisches Engagement zur Verbesserung der gesellschaftlichen Situation von Sexarbeiter_innen

Ansprechperson: Anna Müller

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Sexarbeiter_Innen sind - auch im Schatten des neu eingeführten Prostituiertenschutzgesetzes - von Marginalisierung, Diskriminierung und Stigamtisierung betroffen. Zusätzlich besteht vor allem für Sexarbeiter_innen, die ihre Arbeit unter Zwang oder finanziellem Druck ausüben, ein erhöhtes Ansteckungsrisiko für HIV und anderen sexuell übertragbaren Infektionen.

# data[].attributes.body
Works with Sex Workers, to help them, end Stigma, etc.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Sexworkers living and/or working in Leeds (female including trans, indoor or on the street)

Young People (boys, girls, young women and young men) experiencing sexual exploitation, those at medium or high risk thereof

Basis Yorkshire was set up (as Genesis Leeds) in 1989 by a few volunteers, supporting sexworkers in Leeds. In 1997, a young person's service was established to accommodate the specific needs of girls and young women who were being sexually exploited. In 2018, Basis Boys was established to accommodate boys and young men that are being exploited, sexually or otherwise. The charity also provides high quality training and awareness raising sessions locally and nationally on social justice issues and practice development.
POSITION STATEMENT - WHY WE DO WHAT WE DO
Basis supports indoor and street sex workers who identify as women, and young people who are sexually exploited. Our purpose is to empower people to make safer and healthier choices by offering information, support and options. Our work is driven by a sound evidence base, as well as working closely with women and young people to ensure our services are designed and delivered with them, putting their voices and experience at the centre of our work. We challenge stigma and inequality of access to services for everyone we work with.

We are proud to be one of a small number of specialist organisations that explicitly recognise and advocate for women's right to work more safely when selling sex, while also supporting young people who are sexually exploited to be safer and free from harm. We understand that for some women and young people, their 'choices' are severely constrained by a range of factors including physical and mental health, substance use, family circumstances and abusive relationships, as we support them in managing the risks and vulnerabilities they face. We recognise people's dignity and agency in their decision-making.

We recognise that there are certain groups of people we support who experience greater exclusion and stigma due to discrimination based on race, disability and gender identity among others. We will pro-actively challenge any such exclusion and discrimination. In addition we are in the process of reviewing our governance and other processes to ensure we do not (unconsciously) exclude anyone from accessing or contributing to our services, with a particular focus on people who experience racism.

Our 30 years of working with sex workers enables us to see the diversity of experiences in the sex industry, including women choosing to earn their income by selling sex (over or alongside other forms of work, without third-party coercion) through to those being sexually or otherwise exploited and coerced by partners, peers, traffickers, employers, landlords, drug dealers etc. We recognise that inequalities play an important part in people's involvement in the sex industry. For example, when women are poor or have migrant status they can be more easily exploited. Attempts to use enforcement to control the sale of sex, as well as the stigma felt by sex workers, means a lack of access to services and resources which abusers can exploit. We support women to exit sex work, but don't compel them or shame them into that, working alongside them on their personal goals and aspirations for the future.

We have over 20 years of experience engaging with young people in sexually exploitative relationships, and work alongside them, recognising their dual rights: the balance between agency and autonomy vs. protection and guidance. We have worked with women and young people to develop best practice for the National Centre for Expertise on Child Sexual Abuse & Exploitation. We enable young people to have the tools they need to cope with their experiences, keep themselves safe and make healthy choices.

We are proud to have been recognised for our impact in improving health for women and young people through a 2017 GSK Impact Award. Our peer support and enabling service user voice has been recognised by a National Working Group Unsung Hero Award 2017 and a Diana Award in 2017 for our youth group 'the lionesses'. Our community campaigning on sex worker's right to live free from violence or abuse was recognised by the Sheila McKechnie award.

We are proud of feedback from women and young people for "not giving up" , "having their back", "not judging", and "saving their lives". Mostly, we are proud of and inspired by the achievements they have made.

In 2015, the charity was rebranded as Basis Yorkshire - currently comprising the following projects:

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Sexworkers living and/or working in Leeds (female including trans, indoor or on the street) Young People (boys, girls, young women and young men) experiencing sexual exploitation, those at medium or high risk thereof Basis Yorkshire was set up (as Genesis Leeds) in 1989 by a few volunteers, supporting sexworkers in Leeds.

# data[].attributes.body
CONTENT WARNING!

These Text includes Parts of sexual Abuse, Drug Use

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Jessa Fairbrother is a visual artist using photography, performance and stitch. Her long-term investigations revolve around subjects of yearning and the porous body. Her work is held in numerous private and public collections worldwide, including Tate Britain, the V&A, the Yale Center for British Art and the Museum of Fine Art, Houston. Her work is represented by the Photographers' Gallery, London and AnzenbergerGallery, Vienna. She is also a QEST (Queen Elizabeth Scholarship Trust) scholar.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
In care at four, on the streets at nine, Charmaine has had a traumatic journey to reach life as it is now: no drugs, no sex work, looking after her mum, and enjoying her grandchildren. Here she writes honestly about her past.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Jessa Fairbrother is a visual artist using photography, performance and stitch. Her long-term investigations revolve around subjects of yearning and the porous body. Her work is held in numerous private and public collections worldwide, including Tate Britain, the V&A, the Yale Center for British Art and the Museum of Fine Art, Houston. Her work is represented by the Photographers' Gallery, London and AnzenbergerGallery, Vienna. She is also a QEST (Queen Elizabeth Scholarship Trust) scholar.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Jessa Fairbrother is a visual artist using photography, performance and stitch. Her long-term investigations revolve around subjects of yearning and the porous body. Her work is held in numerous private and public collections worldwide, including Tate Britain, the V&A, the Yale Center for British Art and the Museum of Fine Art, Houston.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Jessa Fairbrother is a visual artist using photography, performance and stitch. Her long-term investigations revolve around subjects of yearning and the porous body. Her work is held in numerous private and public collections worldwide, including Tate Britain, the V&A, the Yale Center for British Art and the Museum of Fine Art, Houston. Her work is represented by the Photographers' Gallery, London and AnzenbergerGallery, Vienna. She is also a QEST (Queen Elizabeth Scholarship Trust) scholar.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Jessa Fairbrother is a visual artist using photography, performance and stitch. Her long-term investigations revolve around subjects of yearning and the porous body. Her work is held in numerous private and public collections worldwide, including Tate Britain, the V&A, the Yale Center for British Art and the Museum of Fine Art, Houston.

# data[].attributes.headline
I Ditched My Banking Job to Be a Sex Worker

# data[].attributes.subject
I Ditched My Banking Job to Be a Sex Worker

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
I decided to give it a shot, and experiment with sugar-dating, initially. Sugar dating, or sugaring, is an arrangement style form of sex work, where the sugar baby and sugar daddy see each other regularly. Parties meet each other through sugar websites, not unlike regular online dating, and negotiate a mutually agreed upon period of time and price.

The problem with this form of sex work is there is no screening, and very few boundaries. I decided to transition into escorting, where I would have the benefit of clearly marked hours together, and a clearer value for my time.

After only four weeks of dipping my toe into the sex work industry, I quit my job. I was quickly falling in love with my newfound career, and I couldn't imagine spending another day under fluorescent lighting, wondering what I might do if I had more agency over my time.

I discovered that the relationship building model I loved so much in finance, is the absolute core of sex work, but at a much deeper level.

Sex workers are emotional labor chameleons. It's our job to take nervous, vulnerable, or stressed individuals and make them relaxed and comfortable. We offer friendship, support, and love in a society that's so clearly over-worked, burnt out, and in need of tenderness.

Sex workers are also full-blown entrepreneurs. So many of the skills that I learned studying business and in my finance roles transferred to sex work.

Many of us have created a brand, identified a niche market, designed and directed our own content creation, maintain social media presences, answer all our own emails, and customize the experiences we provide to suit our clients. Additionally, many of us do our own web-design, SEO, and monitor our analytics.

Not only has sex work allowed me to expand on my administrative skill set in a way that my finance roles couldn't, it's taught me how to truly connect with another person on an emotional, spiritual, and physical level. It's made me into a better partner, and friend, and, because it's proven to be more lucrative, allowed me the flexibility and freedom to spend more time on myself.

Of course, every job has downsides, and it'd be amiss not to mention them. Not unlike many other careers high in emotional labor (therapists, counsellors, etc.) this kind of work can, at times, be mentally draining. I'm still working on finding balance between providing emotional/physical care to my clients, and recharging my own batteries. The overwhelm of administrative work can also be challenging, and like any other entrepreneurial venture, time management is key.

I think collectively, many of us agree that the worst downside is the stigma. The general public still has a very misconstrued opinion on sex work, which forces many workers into secrecy. Many sex workers struggle with isolation, loneliness, and live in fear of being doxxed or 'outed' to our families and friends, due to the misguided reactions surrounding our chosen line of employment.

For me personally, the positives outweigh the negatives. So yes, nearly four years ago I wholeheartedly chose sex work, and continue to do so. Regardless of what a particular MP may tell you.

However, our laws need to catch up to the reality sex workers face.

In Canada, it is illegal to buy sexual services. The problem with our current model is that clients are in fear of being criminalized, and are now unwilling to provide personal information for screening. This leaves many sex workers without critical details that might be vital to our safety. Without screening information, some sex workers may be forced to unknowingly accept bookings from problematic and/or dangerous clients. Two sex workers were recently found dead in Quebec on the same day, including 22-year-old Marylène Levesque, who was allegedly murdered by a convicted killer out on parole.

Sex workers are routinely denied housing and evicted, have our bank accounts closed, are denied entry and/or banned at international borders, and are kicked off dating apps and banned from web hosting and advertising platforms.

Challenging these notions in the pursuit of full decriminalization is something I'm incredibly passionate about. I'll continue to use my platform, unapologetically, to advocate for sex workers and reduce stigma because quite frankly, we're badasses.

I hope that one day, sex workers are given the respect we deserve.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
I Ditched My Banking Job to Be a Sex Worker

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
I decided to give it a shot, and experiment with sugar-dating, initially. Sugar dating, or sugaring, is an arrangement style form of sex work, where the sugar baby and sugar daddy see each other regularly. Parties meet each other through sugar websites, not unlike regular online dating, and negotiate a mutually agreed upon period of time and price.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
I learned a lot about the importance of human connection in my year as an escort

When I became an escort, I didn't think much about the relationships I would - and wouldn't - have while selling sex. I thought of it in purely sexual terms. The emotional aspects kind of surprised me.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
When I became an escort, I didn't think much about the relationships I would - and wouldn't - have while selling sex. I thought of it in purely sexual terms. The emotional aspects kind of surprised me.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Sex Work, Rights and Stigma | Claudyne Chevrier | TEDxUniversityofWinnipeg

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Stigmatization Behind Sex Work - Samuel Centre For Social Connectedness

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
"When there is violence, it is mostly the prostitute's fault. See, I am going to buy something. If I am satisfied with what I am buying, then why should I be violent? I will be violent when I am cheated, when I am offered a substandard service. ...

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Als Bündnis der Fachberatungsstellen für Sexarbeiterinnen und Sexarbeiter (bufaS e.V.) mit insgesamt 29 Mitgliedsorganisationen (31 Beratungsstellen) bundesweit nehmen wir zur verzerrten Darstellung der Prostitution in der von Ihnen im Kontext einer Wissenschaftssendung ausgestrahlten Dokumentation vom 5.3.21 „Kein Job wie jeder andere" Stellung. U...

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.authors[].name
KOK - Bundesweiter Koordinierungskreis gegen Menschenhandel e.V.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
KOK - Bundesweiter Koordinierungskreis gegen Menschenhandel e.V.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Der bundesweite Koordinierungskreis gegen Menschenhandel (KOK) e.V. ist ein Zusammenschluss von Frauenorganisationen und Frauenberatungsstellen zur Bekämpfung des Menschenhandels auf allen Ebenen

# data[].attributes.body
Thats the German Laws for Prostitution from  21. Oktober 2016

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
(2) Der Betreiber eines Prostitutionsgewerbes darf für Aufgaben der Stellvertretung, der Betriebsleitung und -beaufsichtigung, für Aufgaben im Rahmen der Einhaltung des Hausrechts oder der Hausordnung, der Einlasskontrolle und der Bewachung nur Personen einsetzen, die über die erforderliche Zuverlässigkeit verfügen. Dies gilt auch, wenn die entsprechenden Personen nicht in einem Beschäftigungsverhältnis zum Betreiber des Prostitutionsgewerbes stehen.

(3) Dem Betreiber eines Prostitutionsgewerbes kann von der zuständigen Behörde die Beschäftigung einer Person oder deren Tätigkeit in seinem Prostitutionsgewerbe untersagt werden, wenn Tatsachen die Annahme rechtfertigen, dass diese Person nicht die für ihre Tätigkeit erforderliche Zuverlässigkeit besitzt. § 15 Absatz 1 ist entsprechend anzuwenden.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
ProstSchG - Gesetz zum Schutz von in der Prostitution tätigen Personen

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
(2) Der Betreiber eines Prostitutionsgewerbes darf für Aufgaben der Stellvertretung, der Betriebsleitung und -beaufsichtigung, für Aufgaben im Rahmen der Einhaltung des Hausrechts oder der Hausordnung, der Einlasskontrolle und der Bewachung nur Personen einsetzen, die über die erforderliche Zuverlässigkeit verfügen. Dies gilt auch, wenn die entsprechenden Personen nicht in einem Beschäftigungsverhältnis zum Betreiber des Prostitutionsgewerbes stehen.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Menschenhandel im Bereich der Prostitution wird strafrechtlich definiert als „ Menschenhandel zum Zwecke der sexuellen Ausbeutung " (StGB § 232). Sexarbeit bzw. Prostitution ist kein Menschenhandel, wie die Definition im Strafgesetzbuch zeigt:

(1) Wer eine andere Person unter Ausnutzung einer Zwangslage oder der Hilflosigkeit, die mit ihrem Aufenthalt in einem fremden Land verbunden ist, zur Aufnahme oder Fortsetzung der Prostitution oder dazu bringt, sexuelle Handlungen, durch die sie ausgebeutet wird, an oder vor dem Täter oder einem Dritten vorzunehmen oder von dem Täter oder einem Dritten an sich vornehmen zu lassen, wird mit Freiheitsstrafe von sechs Monaten bis zu zehn Jahren bestraft. Ebenso wird bestraft, wer eine Person unter einundzwanzig Jahren zur Aufnahme oder Fortsetzung der Prostitution oder zu den sonst in Satz 1 bezeichneten sexuellen Handlungen bringt. (StGB § 232)

Weder „Frauenhandel" noch „Zwangsprostitution" sind rechtliche Begriffe und sollten daher vermieden werden. Der Begriff „Frauenhandel" schließt z.B. von vornherein aus, dass auch Personen anderer Geschlechter, z.B. Männer oder transsexuelle Personen Opfer von Menschenhandel werden können. Er lenkt auch den Blick weg von Menschenhandel, der in anderen Wirtschaftssektoren (u.a. Haushalt, Bau, Fischerei, Gastronomie, Bergbau, Landwirtschaft) stattfindet.

Einen Beitrag zur Einführung in die Thematik „Menschenhandel zur sexuellen Ausbeutung" finden Sie hier. Unsere Beiträge zur Schnittstelle Menschenhandel, Prostitution und Sexarbeit finden Sie hier.
Aber ist nicht Prostitution immer Menschenhandel?
Nein. Strafrechtlich gesehen ist Prostitution kein Menschenhandel und diese Unterscheidung ist sinnvoll und notwendig.

Es gibt jedoch kaum eine kontroversere und polarisiertere Debatte als jene um Prostitution und Sexarbeit und um das Verhältnis mit Menschenhandel. Wichtig ist: Es gibt einen breiten Konsens darüber, dass Prostitution nicht mit Menschenhandel gleichzusetzen ist und dass dies eine Vermischung von Begriffen darstellt, die so nicht geschehen darf. ...als würde man einen Apfel als Birne beschreiben und umgekehrt.

So weist auch der Bundesweite Koordinierungskreis gegen Frauenhandel und Gewalt an Frauen im Migrationsprozess - KOK e.V. darauf hin, dass:

Häufig wird Prostitution mit Frauenhandel und Zwangsverhältnissen gleichgesetzt. Beide Begrifflichkeiten werden vermischt und führen dadurch zu falschen Darstellungen und zu pauschalen Stigmatisierungen von Prostituierten. Prostitution ist jedoch nicht gleichzusetzen mit Menschenhandel - nicht jede Prostituierte ist von Frauenhandel betroffen. (KOK e.V.)

Trotzdem gibt es weiterhin Streit darüber.
1.
Auf der einen Seite die „abolitionistische Position" vertreten vor allem sogenannte „ radikale Feministinnen" (hier ein deutschsprachiger Link) , wie z.B. Alice Schwarzer und die Zeitschrift EMMA, Terre de Femmes oder auch die European Womens' Lobby, die Ansicht, dass Prostitution grundsätzlich eine Form von Ausbeutung sei, dass sie Ausdruck von ungleichen Machtverhältnissen im Patriarchat sei und dass niemand freiwillig dieser Tätigkeit nachgehen könne. Prostitution sei grundsätzlich als „Gewalt gegen Frauen" aufzufassen und sei also immer „Zwangsprostitution"- auch wenn eine Prostituierte von sich sagt, dass sie freiwillig als „Sexarbeiterin" arbeite. Prostitution sei grundsätzlich zu verbieten. Wer diese Position vertritt, setzt Prostitution mit Menschenhandel gleich und verwendet beide Begriffe als austauschbar. Es wird nicht zwischen freiwilliger und erzwungener Prostitution unterschieden, da es in diesem Ansatz keine freiwillige Prostitution gibt. Diese Position prägt das „schwedische Modell" der Kriminalisierung der Kund_innen von Sexarbeiter_innen.

Die einzige Forderung dieser Position ist die Abschaffung der Prostitution.

Kritik an diese Position:

Es wird nur über Frauen als Prostituierte gesprochen, d.h. es ist eine heteronormative Theorie. Dass es auch mann-männliche sowie weibliche (heterosexuelle und homosexuelle) und transexuelle Prostituierte gibt, wird in diesem Ansatz nicht thematisiert. Somit beruht der Ansatz auf eine Fehleinschätzung der Menschen, die in der Sexarbeit tätig sind.

Der abolitionistischen Position zufolge wird Menschen, die in der Sexarbeit tätig sind, grundsätzlich die Fähigkeit abgesprochen, freiwillig diese Tätigkeit gewählt zu haben. Die Theorie hat deshalb eine Tendenz zum Paternalismus und zur Bevormundung von Sexarbeiter_innen. Die Bevormundung geht teilweise soweit, dass Sexarbeiter_innen nicht zu Diskussionen über Gesetze über Sexarbeit eingeladen werden. Das ist u.a. auch in Schweden der Fall gewesen. Die Bevormundung führt zum Ausschluss aus dem politischen, demokratischen Prozess jener Personen, die am meisten davon betroffen sind.

Vertreter_innen dieser Position haben in vielen Ländern, vor allem in den USA (2009 wurden Prostitution und Prostituierte in Rhode Island kriminalisiert, u.a. mit Unterstützung der Anti-Menschenhandels-Aktivistin Donna Hughes) auch die Kriminalisierung von Prostituierten unterstützt. Es ist also unklar, ob die Verfechter_innen der Abschaffung der Prostitution nicht auch ein „moralisches" Problem mit Prostituierten haben. Denn letztendlich bedeutet die Abschaffung der Prostitution auch die Abschaffung der Prostituierten.

Die Abschaffung der Prostitution soll zwar ohne Kriminalisierung der Prostituierten geschehen, aber es gibt einen Konsens darüber, dass die Kriminalisierung von Kunden oder Kuppelei oder anderer Tätigkeiten rund um Prostitution auch die Lage der Prostituierten wesentlich verschlechtert und Prostitution in den Untergrund treibt, wo sie keinen Schutz mehr haben.

Die Abschaffung der Prostitution zu verlangen, bedeutet jegliche Form von arbeitsrechtlichen Schutz von Prostituierten abzulehnen, da dies eine Form von Billigung und Legitimierung der Prostitution sei. Diese Position lehnt also alle Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung der Lage der Prostituierten ab und fordert stattdessen nur Verbote.

Kritik an das „schwedische Modell" gibt es auch reichlich.

„Das Bild von der Prostituierten als Opfer schränkt die denkbaren und realen Handlungsspielräume der Sexarbeiterinnen ein. Es wird ihnen nicht zugestanden, selbst ihre Situation zu reflektieren und Forderungen zu stellen, die nicht auf den Ausstieg aus der Prostitution, sondern auf eine Verbesserung der Arbeitsbedingungen abzielen. ( Martina Schuster, Kampf um Respekt, S. 9)"

2.
Auf der anderen Seite wird Prostitution als legitime Form der Arbeit und Erwerbstätigkeit angesehen, die auch als solche geregelt werden soll. Man spricht also von „Sexarbeit". Sexarbeiter_innenorganisationen sowie Beratungsstellen für Prostituierte, wie z.B. Madonna e.V. (weitere sind in unserer Linkliste zu finden) nehmen diese Position ein. Diese Position unterscheidet zwischen erzwungener Prostitution, die als Form von sexueller Gewalt gesehen wird, und freiwilliger Prostitution, die sie als „Sexarbeit" bezeichnet. Sexarbeit ist eine Arbeit, wie jede andere auch und sie soll auch als solche anerkannt werden. Das bedeutet auch, dass gegen die Stigmatisierung und Diskriminierung (die in vielen Ländern sogar rechtlich erlaubt ist und oft bis hin zu einer Kriminalisierung der Sexarbeiter_innen geht) gekämpft werden muss. Ausbeutung in der Sexarbeit könne durch die Gewährung rechtlicher Instrumente, wie z.B. stärker verankerten Arbeitsrechten, verhindert werden. Diese Position fordert eine Stärkung der Rechte von Sexarbeiter_innen - eine Stärkung von Zivil-, Arbeits- und Menschenrechten.

Forderungen:

die dauerhafte Verbesserung der Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen von Sexarbeiterinnen und Sexarbeitern

die rechtliche und soziale Gleichstellung von Sexarbeiterinnen und Sexarbeitern mit anderen Erwerbstätigen

die Gleichstellung der Sexarbeit mit anderen Erwerbstätigkeiten

die Entkriminalisierung der Sexarbeit und Entstigmatisierung der Sexarbeiterinnen und Sexarbeiter (BUFAS e.V.)

Kritik an diese Position:

Diese Position wird oft kritisiert, weil sie „Menschenhandel" und ähnliche Formen des Zwangs und der Ausbeutung verharmlose.

Eine tabellarische sowie eine ausführliche Übersicht und Diskussion verschiedener Positionen zum Thema Prostitution kann hier gefunden werden (allerdings auf Englisch).

Hier eine Vorlesung am University College London über Mythen über Sexarbeit - „Sex work today: myths, morals and health"

-
Der rechtliche Umgang mit Prostitution
Die aktuelle Debatte um Prostitution suggeriert es gäbe nur zwei mögliche Umgangsformen mit Prostitution: Die Legalisierung und das Verbot. Doch so einfach ist das nicht - der Staat und seine Gesetzgebung können auf fast unendlich vielfältige Art und Weise mit Prostitution umgehen und haben das historisch gesehen auch getan. EIn nicht vollständiger Überblick über Prostitutionspolitiken ist hier zu finden. (In Bearbeitung)

Dass in Deutschland die Abschaffung der Sittenwidrigkeit der Prostitution und das Prostitutionsgesetz nicht zu einer Zunahme des Menschenhandels geführt haben, belegen nicht nur die Statistiken des Bundeskriminalamtes sondern auch die Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage über Auswirkungen des Prostitutionsgesetzes auf die Entwicklung beim Menschenhandel im März 2013.

Nein, die „Legalisierung" der Prostitution in Deutschland hat nicht zu einer Zunahme des Menschenhandels zu sexuellen Ausbeutung geführt.

Am 21. April 2013 wurde auf WDR eine spannende Diskussion zum Thema Prostitution in Deutschland gesendet. Sie können Sie hier schauen.

Podcast mit Melissa Gira Grant „ Hure spielen: Die Arbeit der Sexarbeit „
Organisationen gegen Menschenhandel
Genauso wie die Debatte über Prostitution allgemein gespalten ist, gibt es auch unter den Organisationen, die sich gegen Menschenhandel engagieren, solche die

1) gegen Prostitution allgemein kämpfen, also jede Prostituierte als Zielgruppe sehen:

- International Justice Mission

- European Women's Lobby

- Emma

- Equality Now

- Coalition against Traffic in Women (CATW)

2) Sexarbeit als Arbeit anerkennen und sich im Bereich der erzwungenen Prostitution bzw. der Ausbeutung von Sexarbeiter_innen engagieren.

- der Bundesweite Koordinierungskreis gegen Frauenhandel und Gewalt an Frauen im Migrationsprozess - KOK e.V.

- Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women (GAATW)

- La Strada International

- diese Webseite, also „menschenhandel heute"

***

Kritische Auseinandersetzungen mit (medialen) Repräsentationen von Menschenhandel, Prostitution und sog. „Zwangsprostitution", d.h. Menschenhandel zum Zwecke der sexuellen Ausbeutung

Symposium mit Volltexten: „Der involvierte Blick. Zwangsprostitution und ihre Repräsentation"

„Füdli, Stöckelschuhe und viel, viel Fleisch" (NZZ, Dezember 2012)

„Mit ‚Frischfleisch' gegen Frauenhandel?" zur Kampagne von Terre des Femmes (Mädchenmannschaft, Oktober 2012)
*** Quellen:
Sammlung von Forschung über Sexarbeit auf Englisch und auf Deutsch.

Sammlung von Forschung über Menschenhandel (Human trafficking) auf Englisch.

Joyce Outshoorn: The Political Debates on Prostitution and Trafficking of Women PDF (2005)

Sexarbeit ist Arbeit (Fachstelle Frauenhandel und Frauenmigration, Zürich)

Bundesweiter Koordinierungskreis gegen Frauenhandel und Gewalt an Frauen im Migrationsprozess - KOK e.V.

International Approaches to Decriminalising or Legalising Prostitution (Elaine Mossmann, 2007)

Criminal, victim, social evil or working girl: legal approaches to prostitution and their impact on sex workers (Marjan Wijers)

Körper unter Kontrolle - Prostitution als ›soziales Problem‹ der Geschlechterordnung (Renate Ruhne)

Boulevard und Sperrbezirk. Urbane Ideale, Prostitution und der Kampf um den öffentlichen Raum der Stadt (Renate Ruhne)
Empfehlenswerte Artikel aus der Presse:
Die rechtliche Seite der Prostitution (18.12.2012)

In Bearbeitung (20.12.2012)

gemeinsam gegen menschenhandel

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Menschenhandel im Bereich der Prostitution wird strafrechtlich definiert als "Menschenhandel zum Zwecke der sexuellen Ausbeutung" (StGB § 232). Sexarbeit bzw. Prostitution ist kein Menschenhandel, wie die Definition im Strafgesetzbuch zeigt: (1) Wer eine andere Person unter Ausnutzung einer Zwangslage oder der Hilflosigkeit, die mit ihrem Aufenthalt in einem fremden Land verbunden ist, zur Aufnahme oder...

# data[].attributes.body
About the Nordic Modell

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The Swedish Model is a legal model that criminalises the purchase of sexual services and the clients of sex workers. Depending on where you are (and your perspective) it's also known as the Nordic Model, the Equality Model and End Demand. It originated in Sweden in 1999 and is currently in place in Sweden, Norway, Iceland, France, Ireland, Northern Ireland and Canada. Sex workers across the globe have been protesting this model since its introduction and - in countries where it has been proposed or introduced - there has been huge resistance from the sex workers who are most impacted by this law.

If you'd like to get a better overview of the different legal models that are used to regulate sex work globally, you can't do much better than this video from Juno Mac :

In theory, the Swedish Model is supposed to protect sex workers and end exploitation. In reality, most sex workers know that this isn't how things really work. Supporters of the law say that it will only criminalise clients or third parties, that sex workers themselves will be decriminalised and exit services will support those who wish to leave the industry. While this seems like a fairly rosy picture, that's not what actually happens.

Demand doesn't disappear

Sex workers' clients still exist but there are far fewer than them which means that sex workers have a lot less freedom to turn down clients we don't want to see, and have to take more risks at work to make up for the loss of income.

In France, the Swedish Model was introduced in 2016, but even before the law was introduced the effects of extensive media coverage were being felt by French sex workers :

"I now do for 20 what I would not have even considered doing for 40 just a year ago. I get on cars I would not have gotten into. There are no clients. So you have to get what you can."

Following the introduction of the law a report by Medicins du Monde which surveyed 583 sex workers found that:

"The law has had a detrimental effect on sex workers' safety, health and overall living conditions... It has led to increased impoverishment, especially among people already living precariously, namely undocumented migrant women working in the street... The law has pushed sex workers to operate under more risky conditions with dangerous implications for their health."

A sex worker working in Ireland - where the law was introduced in 2017 - described the circumstances she now works in :

"Ever since the law changed the worst crimes - attacks, robberies, rapes - have increased. Potentially aggressive clients are more likely to call than genuine clients."

The reality is that criminalising clients created more dangerous working conditions for sex workers.

Sex workers are still criminalised

There is extensive evidence that criminalising clients afects sex workers' safety. While sex workers are not directly criminalised under this model, they contnue to face police harassment as a party to a crime and are ofen dispersed and pushed into less visible and more isolated environments.

A report by Fuckforbundet details many of the ways in which sex workers are put in danger by the law. Across Sweden, police surveillance often targets sex workers in order to "catch" their clients, waiting outside their homes or hotel rooms and monitoring their activities. Selling sex is considered a grounds for deportation as it is not "legitimate" work and migrant sex workers caught up in raids have been detained and denied medical support. Some sex workers have lost their homes:

"A local police officer explained in an interview that if the police identified sex workers having offered sexual services more than 3 times, they would contact the landlord and threat them with pimping charges if they do not evict the sex workers."

In Norway police have also used laws around sex work to evict sex workers from their homes, and migrant sex workers have been deported after they reported violence to the police . Similar to Sweden, Norwegian police use similar tactics of surveilling sex workers in order to identify their clients. This highly punitive approach causes direct harm to sex workers' safety:

"Amnesty International heard testimony from service providers and individual sex workers that women who sell sex had been questioned by police for carrying condoms or felt apprehensive about carrying condoms in case it led to police action against them. A representative of Oslo police district confirmed to Amnesty that the existence of condoms in indoor premises would be considered contributory evidence that the sale of sex was occurring there. This approach can act as a de facto penalty on the possession of condoms by sex workers, creating a barrier to the realization of their right to sexual and reproductive health."

In Ireland it's still illegal for two or more people selling sex to work together from an indoor premises - this basic safety measure is considered 'brothel keeping'. One worker in Ireland describes how this has affected her working practices :

"I've only ever worked alone because of this law. I wouldn't like to be in the position where the Gardaí might arrest me, but it would definitely be safer to work with another girl."

Furthermore, Sex Workers Alliance Ireland (SWAI) report that since the introduction of the law in Ireland there have been 55 arrests of sex workers for working together included at least one incident of two migrant sex workers being arrested and charged with brothel-keeping due to working together. One of the workers was pregnant. They report that the change in the law to criminalise clients has increased police attention on sex workers and increased convictions for sex workers, despite the law having been sold as a way to protect us.

Criminalisation increases exploitation

In the popular imagination of sex work, third parties are often imagined to be shadowy 'pimps' who violently control vulnerable women. While we don't deny that exploitation of this nature occurs, the reality of third parties is often more complex . Laws that criminalise third parties rarely differentiate between coercive or exploitative third party involvement or more practical and supportive third parties - such as drivers, security, cleaners, assistants, or friends and partners.

The Global Network of Sex Work Projects notes that third party criminalisation obstructs HIV prevention, forces sex workers to compromise our safety, and can increase prosecutions for sex workers and our friends and families, as well as limiting our access to basic needs such as housing. These laws put sex workers in danger:

"Laws and policies which criminalise third parties fail to acknowledge that sex workers need protections to be put in place, in order to address cases of exploitative or harmful contractual or employment based relationships with others. Criminalising these relationships necessitates that they be hidden from authorities and placed outside the bounds of regulation. The blanket criminalisation of third parties assumes that all third party relationships, regardless of context and circumstance, are exploitative and leaves sex workers without access to legal measures to challenge exploitation or abuse when it does happen."

Sex workers frequently report how laws around third parties make us afraid about the impact on the people we are close with :

"More scared to see cops, scared of the cops showing up to my house because my flatmate and I share a lot with my money, fear of my trans partner ending up in jail from benefiting off of my salary."

The Legal Assistance Centre in Namibia pointed out the way that laws criminalising third parties function in practice are off absurd:

"The offence... is not limited to persons who actively seek to control or encourage prostitution for their own profit, but would apply equally to a child who knows what his mother or father or sibling does to get money for the groceries."

In contrast to what was intended by the change in law, Swedish sex workers actually report an increased reliance on third parties :

"Because the pimping law also leads to sex workers' eviction from their flats and landlords being potentially charged with pimping offenses, and with hotels actively working to identify and ban sex workers from their premises, it is very difficult to find a secure place to work. This is fertile ground for exploiters to abuse the most vulnerable in the industry, offering them clients or a place to work under precarious circumstances, in return for money and sexual services."

The Swedish Model doesn't stop violence, it makes it worse

We all want to stop violence against sex workers. As sex workers ourselves it is our biggest priority. And we know that the Swedish Model doesn't do that.

The Medicin du Monde study found that since the introduction of the model in France:

"Cases of violence, of all kinds, have increased: insults in the street, physical violence, sexual violence, theft, and armed robbery in the work place. Impoverishment, increased health risks and increased exposure to violence form a vicious circle."

Globally, sex workers report that criminalisation and increased police attention to clients has resulted in increased violence :

"In Edinburgh, sex workers reported 66 incidents of violence in 2006, compared with 126 after the implementation of kerb-crawling measures the following year. In Montreal, during a three-month period of widespread anti-client sweeps in 2001, sex workers reported three times the amount of violent incidents, and five times the amount of violent incidents with a deadly weapon than prior to the sweeps. Thai sex workers have likewise reported that, since the prohibition on US soldiers purchasing sex, their working conditions have become more dangerous. Often, soldiers will only meet sex workers in isolated locations or request that one woman service multiple soldiers to avoid drawing attention."

A sex worker in Canada described the circumstances she works under with increased police attention:

"It pisses me off that they [the police] are there because basically what it comes down to is the shortest time that I'm out there, the shorter I'm on the street and the better I'm paid. But you [police] stand out there and you fuck up my business and scare away my dates. The longer I'm out there my chances of getting sick, raped, robbed, beat up whatever are greater so."

In Ireland it was found that crimes (including violent offences) against sex workers increased following the introduction of the Swedish Model. UglyMugs.ie, an app where sex workers can report incidents of abuse and crime, found that there was a 92% reported increase in violent crime against sex workers in the first year after the law came in, and this rate was sustained during the second year.
The Swedish Model harms sex workers and causes violence.
Want to hear more about the daily reality of the Swedish model? This discussion from 2019 brought together sex workers from Ireland, Norway, Sweden and France to talk about the impact of the law on sex workers lives:

In 2016 Amnesty International published a policy on sex workers' rights . In it they made clear that decriminalisation is essential for the human rights of sex workers to be protected. When they released the policy they said:

"Extensive research, including four geographically specific reports published alongside Amnesty International's policy today, shows that sex workers are often subject to horrific human rights abuses. This is in part due to criminalization, which further endangers and marginalizes them and impedes their ability to seek protection from violence and legal and social services."

In a Q&A on the policy Amnesty said:

Under this model there is better scope for sex workers' rights to be protected-whether that be:

- access to health care;

- their ability to report crimes to the authorities;

- their ability to organise and work together for increased safety;

- or the comfort of knowing that their family will not be charged for "living off the proceeds" of sex work.

Amnesty's advice for legal and policy change on sex work? They say:

Laws on sex work should focus on protecting people from exploitation and abuse, rather than trying to ban all sex work and penalize sex workers.

Amnesty isn't alone in this policy position. The World Health Organisation (WHO) agree:

Decriminalising sex work could lead to a 46% reduction in new HIV infections in sex workers over 10 years; eliminating sexual violence against sex workers could lead to a 20% reduction in new HIV infections.

Many of the human rights challenges, vulnerabilities and barriers sex workers face in accessing HIV services are due to criminalisation and the restrictive laws, regulations and practices they face.

ILGA (the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association) support decriminaliation:

Concerned by the high levels of violations, violence, discrimination and exclusion faced by sex workers, this global LGBTI network representing more than 1,500 organisations from each region of the world join a growing number of human rights, health and anti-trafficking organisations demanding governments recognise sex work as work, and protect sex workers' labour and human rights.

The World AIDS Campaign says:

Arguing for the decriminalisation of sex work does not necessarily mean an endorsement of sex work. It shows an awareness of the dangers of the criminal law; an awareness that criminalising sex workers will neither eradicate the industry, nor alter the set of power relations that may be associated with it. It recognises that the laws that criminalise sex work punish women and particularly women living in poverty, and women of colour most severely and create a dangerous environment for working and living. A decriminalised sex work system is therefore the most effective and pragmatic way of addressing the conditions of women in the sex industry.

From Human Rights Watch :

Decriminalizing sex work maximizes sex workers' legal protection and their ability to exercise other key rights, including to justice and health care. Legal recognition of sex workers and their occupation maximizes their protection, dignity, and equality.

support decriminalisation on the basis that sex workers should be able to:

- have access to the highest attainable standard of health

- be safe and live free from violence

- be able to earn a secure income

There are mountains of evidence internationally that shows that decriminalisation is the best practice to ensure the safety of sex workers at work . Sex worker rights organisations, , health workers , direct service providers, international health bodies: all agree that decriminalisation is the best legal model to ensure the health and safety of sex workers.

Supporters of the Swedish Model often try to paint those who oppose it as privileged, or as mere puppets of shadowy sex industry forces. The opposite couldn't be more true. Sex workers across the world support decriminalisation . Sex workers know better than anyone what our working lives are like, and we know better than anyone what circumstances will improve them.

This infosheet from Canadian sex worker group Stella helps explain the basics:

"At its core, decriminalization means the removal of all criminal laws that prohibit selling, buying or facilitating (procuring) sex work."

UK describe it this way:

"Decriminalisation means that sex workers are able to work without threat of criminal sanctions. Criminal and administrative penalties on prostitution are repealed. Sex workers' workplaces are regulated through employment law, enabling workers to hold their bosses to account and form trade unions."

And DecrimNow DC have a huge store of resources, articles, and myth-busting factsheets to help you really understand decriminalisation. In particular they link to this factsheet from the Asijiki Coalition about why it's dangerous to conflate sex work and human trafficking .

Sometimes people are confused about the difference between decriminalisation and legalisation. This article from Frankie Miren breaks it down:

"Under legalisation, sex work is controlled by the government and is legal only under certain state-specified conditions. Decriminalisation involves the removal of all prostitution-specific laws, although sex workers and sex work businesses must still operate within the laws of the land, as must any businesses."

When sex workers say we oppose the Swedish Model or we oppose the Nordic Model, we're not just playing an ideological game, we are saying that our lives are at risk. We are saying the Swedish Model harms sex workers. We are saying that the Nordic Model harms sex workers. Believe us.
Decriminalise sex work now!

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Everything You Ever Wanted To Know About The Swedish Model (aka The Nordic Model) - SWARM Collective

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
What is the Swedish Model? The Swedish Model is a legal model that criminalises the purchase of sexual services and the clients of sex workers. Depending on where you are (and your perspective) it's also known as the Nordic Model, the Equality Model and End Demand.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Though sex work may be known as the world's oldest profession, in the U.S. at least, centuries old stigma around the commodification of sex by individual proprietors has remained shrouded in shame and oppression. As sex workers have utilized technology and the online space to their advantage, however, we've seen increased visibility of the truly wide-range of people doing vastly different types of work that all fall under the umbrella of the sex industry. Still, the profession is still rife with misinformation and obstacles to safety. SESTA-FOSTA-a set of laws put into place in April aimed at targeting sex traffickers also limited online avenues for sex workers to find clients, further pushing those who choosing to do sex work of their own volition into the shadows. Sexologist Shelby Sells spoke with seven sex workers - whose specialities include domming, cake-sitting, sugar babying, an online girlfriend experience and more - about how they find their clients, why they got started in the industry, and what would make sex worker better and safer for everyone involved:
Shelby Sells: Why did you choose sex work as a career? What type of sex work do you practice?

Pauli Cakes: When I was around 15 I was having a rough time at home and needed to make money and get away. I grew up in the Bronx and hung out with older friends who would do this job where a driver would come pick up us and take us to bars in New Jersey. The bars would give us a flat rate, and while we were there we would get paid whenever a guy bought us a drink. I thought it was really fun. I always liked going out and partying. I never analyzed it as sex work even though I would hook up with people or put on a "male fantasy" persona to capitalize off my body.

I never had an open dialogue about sex work, but that was kind of my foot in the door for selling my sexuality and getting paid by clients. After that, I was a go-go dancer and then had sugar daddies in high school. Now when I think about the work that I've done and the work that I do within monetizing my body, my physicality, I really do feel strongly that we are all born into the society of sex workers. Somebody is going to sexualize you whether you like it or not, but whether you want to choose to make money off that is your decision. I've cammed for money, I experimented working in a dungeon for a little bit, and I've been an escort. I feel like I was born a sex worker.
What does the sex work community look like?

Visibility is really important. Not all sex workers are cis. Not all sex workers are women. Not all sex workers are conventionally attractive or skinny. Make sure to give visibility to anybody who is doing sex work and not focus on one demographic because that's a common misunderstanding and it puts a lot of peoples lives at danger.
Shelby Sells: Why did you choose sex work as a career? What type of sex work do you practice?

Karmenife: I am a professional dominatrix. I actually found sex work through an art project that I did. When I was on campus, I was raped my freshman year and I thought it pretty much ruined me. One way that I reclaimed my space for myself is I did an art project where I dress up like a dominatrix and I dommed frat guys in front of the frat house where I was raped. I had never felt so powerful and beautiful, and to feel that in a space where I had been ripped apart was beyond empowering.
What have you learned about yourself through being a sex worker?
I was always interested in dominatrixes. I always thought they were walking goddesses. I just started trying it out for fun until other dommes I met were like, "No, bitch! They need to be paying you! You need to get money!" I've been doing it professionally for about a year now. It's changed me in ways I am so grateful for. I carry that domme energy with me wherever I go. It's going to be with me forever. I'm probably never going to stop.
What are some benefits and drawbacks of the sex industry?
I have learned that I'm an excellent multitasker. I always knew that I was smart, but now I realize how smart I really am. I learn things pretty quickly. Most importantly, I've learned that absolutely no one or nothing is entitled to my body. I feel like as a black woman in this society I have been fetishized and objectified since I've left the womb. Being able to reclaim my sexuality and my body for myself has been really important through my work, and it's taught me you're not entitled to me or my time and if you want it, you pay for it.

I can start with the drawbacks. One thing that really bothers me is how other women will try to shame me for what I do. They try to explain what I do and it's like, you don't like when men explain feminism to you, so why are you explaining what you clearly don't know to me? Why are you trying to control my narrative? By doing that, you're fucking up my livelihood. Also, how can you say that I don't value myself through what I do? I hate when people say that I'm doing this because I'm stupid and that I'm a slut. It always makes me laugh because at the end of the day, we're all sluts because we're all getting fucked by capitalism. I'm just smart enough to collect a check; you're doing it for free, so that's on you.

Another thing is the racism in the industry. I face racism everywhere, but it's definitely alive and well in the industry. The things that I have to deal with don't even come close to the things that dark-skinned dommes do. It's something that we need to talk about and that needs to get fixed. The benefits are, I'm my own boss. I get to make my own career. I get to make my own time. I get to promote myself the way I wish to promote myself. I get to guide other black people through fetish who have never done it before, which is really exciting. The part that I love most is that I'm getting my reparations, one white dad at a time.

How did you harness your dominance? Elaborate.
Truly I feel like it's something that's always been deeply rooted in my personality as an independent person. I always want to do things on my own. It's super, super hard for me to ask for help in terms of anything. I could be putting together a bed, something as simple as that, and I probably won't ask for help. I feel like that bled into a lot of niches in my life. And work is a very important niche.

Pauli Cakes

Jacket & Skirt: Jeremy Scott, Bra: Agent Provocateur, Necklaces: Pauli Cakes

Pauli

Jacket & Skirt: Jeremy Scott, Bra: Agent Provocateur, Necklaces: Pauli Cakes

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Though sex work may be known as the world's oldest profession, in the U.S. at least, centuries old stigma around the commodification of sex by individual proprietors has remained shrouded in shame and oppression.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
An emerging literature is studying, with the help of new types of data and clever identification strategies, the effects of different legislative measures regulating the market for sexual services. The primary target of such measures are arguably the participants in the market, prostitutes and their clients, and law and order concerns in their immediate vicinity. In a new research project, we mean to shift the spotlight on potential broader spillovers from these policies, both to other outcomes and other countries. In their presence, we cannot understand the full impact of a law change if we limit our analysis to the prostitution market in that country alone. We focus on a particular model of prostitution legislation, first adopted in Sweden in 1999 and known since as the Nordic model.
The Nordic model

The debate on prostitution legislation shares clear similarities with the standard arguments put forward for or against alcohol prohibition or drug liberalization. The criminalization of an activity is most likely shrinking the corresponding market, because it increases the cost of participation. It also functions as a signal of what a society deems acceptable or not, and coordinates behavior to potentially change social norms. At the same time, however, it pushes the remaining market into the darkness, where criminal activity potentially increases. In the specific case of the prostitution market, what is particularly feared is an increased risk of violence and general worsening of conditions for the potentially fewer sex workers.

When, in 1999, Sweden enacted the first asymmetric criminalization of prostitution, whereby buyers but not sellers of sexual services are punished, a third way between criminalization and legalization seemed to appear. This legislation would still give a clear signal on societal values, but at the same time protect the, in large part female and in large part exploited, sex workers. The model proved very successful in deterring street prostitution, and, under the catchy name of the "Nordic model", has subsequently been adopted by Norway, Iceland, Canada, and France. It is currently under consideration in further countries as well.

This is where most reports and policy evaluations stop. In a new project at SITE, involving an international research cooperation, we propose to investigate the impacts of this legislation beyond the participants in the prostitution market. Specifically, we encompass other outcomes such as gender-based violence, health outcomes and online behavior, both within Sweden and other countries that implemented the reform, but also, most importantly, across their borders. The idea is that law changes in one country may also affect the demand and supply of prostitution in other countries, especially but not exclusively those bordering the country that enacts the law change. Two possible channels for such cross-border effects are sex tourism and human trafficking.

This brief summarizes the preliminary evidence we collected so far.

Violence

The focus on the role of policies is a recent but rapidly growing addition to the economic literature on prostitution. The risk of violence, both for the participants and within the neighboring geographic areas, is a natural area of concern for policy in relation to the sex market, and to criminal activities in general. To improve on cross-country comparisons and draw causal links from policies to outcomes, the most robust contributions in this area focus on natural experiments. Cunningham and Shah (2018) study an unintentional, and therefore unexpected and temporary, decriminalization of indoor prostitution in Rhode Island, and find that reported rape offences fall by 30%. Cunningham and coauthors (2019) also look at the geographic expansion of the erotic services section of Craigslist, a popular advertisements website, before online solicitation was banned in 2018. The possibility to use online platforms for their work, by allowing prostitutes to keep mostly indoors, and screen their potential clients to a larger extent, appears to have been very beneficial: the study finds lower female homicide rates by 10-17% when and where the service was available. Ciacci and Sviatschi (2018) find that the opening in a neighborhood of indoor prostitution establishments decreases sex crime by 7-13%, with no effect on other types of crime, arguing that the reduction is mostly driven by potential sex offenders resorting to the establishments, instead, to satisfy their needs. What is common to these studies is the finding that allowing the sex market to exist in some form is beneficial for outsiders, while indoor prostitution is safer for the sex workers themselves.

Preliminary findings from our project (Berlin et al., 2019 a) are consistent with this. We base our strategy on a comparison, within Sweden, between counties that are above or below average in terms of representation of women among police force and elected officials (we refer to them as treated and control counties, respectively). Both these indicators have been found in previous studies to drive greater reporting and lower incidence of crimes against women (Iyer et al., 2012; Miller and Segal, 2018). Looking at population-wide rates of violence against women in Sweden, we observe an increase in assaults committed by acquaintances indoors by about 10% and an increase in rapes indoors by more than 20% in treated as compared to control counties. Since the reform is argued to have eliminated street prostitution, and pushed the remaining sex trade indoors, violence against prostitutes will be counted in the indoor assaults statistic. However, in treated counties, where we observe the increase in violent crimes against women, we at the same time find fewer convictions for buying sex. We argue therefore that the increase in assaults we observe is not likely in the context of the sex market, but rather indicates increased violence against non-prostitutes from frustrated former customers, in other words a negative externality of deterring prostitution. In order to distinguish whether this increase is only in reported or actually committed crimes, we look at hospitalizations of women for injuries that are related to sexual interactions. If we think that seeking hospital care is less sensitive than reporting a violent man to the police, the series of hospitalizations should be closer to the true violence than the convictions. Although numbers are small and differences not significant, hospitalizations spike up in treated counties directly after the reform, as Figure 1 shows. All in all, our preliminary evidence from Sweden suggests that intimate partner violence and violence on women in general might have increased as a consequence of the "Nordic model".
Figure 1. Hospitalizations of women
Source: Hospitalizations of women for injuries related to sex, from Berlin et al. (2019 a).

Other outcomes

Besides violence, health outcomes are also a policy relevant objective with the regulation of prostitution. Indicators such as the spread of sexually transmitted infections serve the double purpose of giving a rough indication of the changes in the size of the sexual market while at the same time enabling inference on the work environment and general living conditions for prostitutes. In a companion paper, which is underway, we examine these statistics for Sweden and Norway, in terms of within country changes but also with a mind to capture potential cross-border spillovers between the two countries.

Cross-border spillovers

In another working paper (Berlin et al., 2019 b) we study the reform enacted in France on April 13th, 2016, which removed the punishment for solicitation of prostitution (previously set to two months imprisonment plus a fine) and introduced instead a range of fines for the purchasing of sexual services, thereby, pushing the punishment to the side of the buyer. In order to study the cross-border effect of this change, we focus on the German Bundesländer bordering France: Baden-Württemberg, Saarland and Rheinland-Pfalz. The national law in Germany generally allows prostitution, but gives federal states the right to regulate it on a more detailed level. This generates variation at the level of the Gemeinde, the administrative division corresponding roughly to a municipality. The idea behind our analysis is to compare municipalities where prostitution is at least in part allowed with municipalities where it is banned (we refer to them as treated and control municipalities, respectively). Our preliminary results show that foreign tourism to cities where prostitution is at least partly legal increased after the reform more than to those completely overlapping with a Sperrbezirk, i.e. an area in which prostitution is banned. However, so does domestic tourism. This might be seen as a threat to our interpretation, since we can't connect this increase directly to the French reform, unless we can show that there is a dynamic adjustment of the supply of sexual services, which also attracts domestic flows. We can't isolate tourism from France in this data, so we go a step further by looking at online behavior.

Google searches

A key contribution of this project is to gather new data that haven't been analyzed to date in the existing literature. In particular, we collected detailed data on Google searches originating in France using as keywords different German cities. The idea is to capture potential deviations of search trends over time driven by prostitute customers who after the legislative change find it more attractive to look for sexual services across the German border. Preliminary findings show that after the policy change there is a larger increase in search activity for cities closer to the French border relative to cities further away. While searches are generally downward trending over time, the trend is slowed after the French reform, and this effect is stronger the closer a city is to the border, although intermittently significant. Figure 2 reports the differential increase in searches (with 95% confidence intervals) as related to the distance from the border. The negative relationship between size of the impact and distance to the border is consistent when controlling for city and time fixed effects. However, further analysis is needed in order to validate the results and control for confounding factors.
Figure 2. Google searches for German cities before and after the French reform
Source: Google Search data on searches originating in France for cities closer to VS farther from the German border than the indicated distance (in km).

We are currently repeating the same exercise at the French borders with Belgium and Spain, with searches originating in Norway around the time of the Norwegian reform (2009), and at the US-Canada border around the time of the Canadian reform (2014).

Conclusion

When adopting a version of the Nordic model in 2014, the Canadian Department of Justice stated that the "overall objectives [of the reform] are to:

Protect those who sell their own sexual services;

Protect communities, and especially children, from the harms caused by prostitution; and

Reduce the demand for prostitution and its incidence."

Research seems to show that restrictions on the sexual services market, rather than the sex trade itself, have substantial negative impacts on communities and sex workers. Nevertheless, it is understandable that legislators in many countries, sharing similar concerns and expectations as expressed by the Canadian DoJ, find it unattractive to legalize prostitution. What our project points to, then, is that when considering various forms of criminalization, it is crucial to understand how best to pursue each of these objectives. Taking into account side-effects, or spillovers, such as the ones we highlight above, might reveal the need for complementary policies, in order to avoid unexpected and counterproductive consequences.

References

Berlin, Maria P.; Giovanni Immordino, Francesco F. Russo and Giancarlo Spagnolo, 2019 a. "Prostitution and Violence. Empirical Evidence from Sweden", Unpublished manuscript.

Berlin, Maria P.; Ina Ganguli, and Giancarlo Spagnolo, 2019 b. "Spillover effects from prostitution legislation: evidence on the Nordic model", In progress.

Ciacci, Riccardo; and Maria Micaela Sviatschi, 2016. "The Effect of Indoor Prostitution on Sex Crime: Evidence from New York City", Columbia University Working Paper.

Cunningham, Scott; Gregory DeAngelo, and John Tripp, 2019. "Craigslist Reduced Violence Against Women." (forth.)

Cunningham, Scott; and Manisha Shah, 2017. "Decriminalizing indoor prostitution: Implications for sexual violence and public health." The Review of Economic Studies, 85.3, 1683-1715.

Iyer, Lakshmi; A. Mani, P. Mishra, & P. Topalova, 2012."The power of political voice: women's political representation and crime in India." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 4.4, 165-93.

Miller, Amalia R.; and Carmit Segal, 2018. "Do Female Officers Improve Law Enforcement Quality? Effects on Crime Reporting and Domestic Violence." The Review of Economic Studies.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in policy briefs and other publications are those of the authors; they do not necessarily reflect those of the FREE Network and its research institutes.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Nordic Model of Prostitution Legislation: Health, Violence and Spillover Effects * FREE NETWORK

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
An emerging literature is studying, with the help of new types of data and clever identification strategies, the effects of different legislative measures regulating the market for sexual services. The primary target of such measures are arguably the participants in the market, prostitutes and their clients, and law and order concerns in their immediate vicinity....

# data[].attributes.headline
Statement from the German Aids-Help, to the ProstSchG.

# data[].attributes.subject
Statement from the German Aids-Help, to the ProstSchG.

# data[].attributes.headline
Berufsverband erotische und sexuelle Dienstleistungen e.V.

# data[].attributes.subject
Berufsverband erotische und sexuelle Dienstleistungen e.V.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Das Prostitutiertenschutzgesetz (ProstSchG)

Mit der Einführung des -> Prostitutionsgesetzes (ProstG) wurde die Sexarbeit 2002 von der Sittenwidrigkeit befreit und gilt seitdem rechtlich als anerkannte Tätigkeit. 2017 trat das Prostituiertenschutzgesetz (ProstSchG) in Kraft. Dieses galt für Neueinsteiger*innen in die Sexarbeit bereits ab dem 1.7.2017 - seit dem 1.1.2018 unterliegen alle Sexarbeitenden, auch jene die bereits im Vorfeld tätig waren, den entsprechenden Regelungen. In den Unterkategorien „Inhalte" und „Wen betrifft das ProstSchG" haben wir weiter unten im Text die wichtigsten Punkte zum ProstSchG für Sexarbeiter*innen und Betreiber*innen in Deutschland zusammengefasst.

Der Berufsverband wies bereits in den Geburtsstunden des ProstSchG auf die zahlreichen mit dem Gesetz verbundenen Probleme hin. Unter „Weiterführende Links" finden sich unsere damalige Stellungnahme zum Referentenentwurf des BMFSFJ, sowie eine Sammlung der Stellungnahmen verschiedenster Organisationen. Mahnende Einwände und Vorschläge wurden allerdings kaum berücksichtigt. Mit Inkrafttreten des ProstSchG zeigte sich dementsprechend schnell, dass wir mit unseren Prognosen richtig lagen: Das Gesetz reguliert am eigentlichen Bedarf vorbei und verfehlt dabei sein angebliches Ziel - den Schutz von Sexarbeitenden - vollumfänglich.

Die Situation für Menschen in der Sexarbeit hat sich nicht nur nicht gebessert, sondern im Gegenteil verschlimmert. Viele werden in die Illegalität getrieben, da sich sich aus Angst vor einem Outing nicht registrieren wollen, oder dies wegen fehlender Arbeitserlaubnis nicht können. Sie arbeiten nun alleine, können sich nur schwer an die Polizei wenden und werden von Beratungsstellen nicht erreicht. Das ProstSchG hat ebenfalls zu einer großen Schließungswelle bei Bordellen geführt. Nicht, weil es sich um schlechte Arbeitsplätze handelte, sondern weil diese schlicht im falschen Stadtplanungsgebiet lagen.

Der BesD lehnt das ProstSchG ab, da es der Branche mehr Schaden als Nutzen beschert. Um die wirklichen Probleme im Alltag von Sexarbeiter*innen verstehen und bekämpfen zu können, braucht es eine sachliche Trennung zwischen Sexarbeit und Menschenhandel, eine legale Anerkennung, Entstigmatisierung und vieles mehr -> unsere Positionen und Forderungen.

Für Betreibende einer Prostitutionsstätte (auch Wohnungsbordelle)

Hier sind nur Dinge aufgelistet, die Sexarbeitende direkt betreffen!

Unter das Gesetz fällt jegliche Art von sexueller und erotischer Dienstleistung mit anwesenden Personen gegen Entgelt; damit gelten das Arbeiten im Bordell genauso wie Escort-, BDSM- oder Tantraangebote, Straßensexarbeit und erotische Massagen als Prostitution. Es ist dabei egal ob diese Dienstleistung regelmäßig oder gelegentlich, haupt- oder nebenberuflich ausgeübt wird.

Ein Prostitutionsgewerbe betreibt, wer eine Prostitutionsstätte betreibt (z.B. Bordell, Laufhaus, Tantrastudio), Prostitutionsveranstaltungen organisiert oder durchführt oder eine Prostitutionsvermittlung (z.B. Escortagentur) führt.

Arbeiten zwei Sexarbeiter*innen zusammen, zum Beispiel in einer Arbeitswohnung, gilt dies bereits als ein Prostitutionsstätte und braucht eine Genehmigung.

Jede Person, die in der Prostitution arbeiten möchte, muss sich vor Aufnahme der Tätigkeit und danach alle zwei Jahre (Personen unter 21 Jahren jährlich) persönlich bei der zuständigen Behörde anmelden; dabei werden der volle im Ausweis eingetragene Name, die Meldeadresse, Geburtsdatum & -ort, die Staatangehörigkeit und die geplanten Tätigkeitsorte registriert, zusätzlich müssen zwei Passbilder abgegeben werden.
Ausländische Sexarbeiter*innen müssen dabei nachweisen, dass sie berechtigt sind eine selbstständige Tätigkeit auszuüben (§ 4). Wenn alle Nachweise erbracht worden sind und keine Anhaltspunkte für eine Zwangslage vorliegen, erhält man innerhalb von fünf Werktagen eine Anmeldebescheinigung mit Foto und darf dann örtlich unbeschränkt arbeiten - soweit es auf Länderebene keine abweichenden Regelungen gibt, dann müsste man sich bei einem Ortswechsel erneut persönlich anmelden und bis zu fünf Werktage auf die Bescheinigung warten.
Dieser Lichtbildausweis ist bei der Ausübung der Tätigkeit stets mitzuführen (§ 5). Es ist möglich eine Aliasbescheinigung (auch mit Foto) zu erhalten, bei welcher statt des Namens ein Alias eingetragen werden kann (§ 6).

Bei der Anmeldung sind Sexarbeiter*innen verpflichtet, ein Informations- und Beratungsgespräch zu führen, dabei soll auch die Freiwilligkeit festgestellt werden (§§ 7 & 8).
Das Beratungsgespräch soll im vertraulichen Rahmen stattfinden und Sexarbeiter*innen unter anderem über ihre rechtliche Lage, gesundheitliche und soziale Beratungsangebote, Hilfen in Notsituationen und über die Steuerpflicht informieren. Die Behörden sollen die Informationen zur Ausübung der Sexarbeit in einer Sprache zur Verfügung stellen, die der/die Sexarbeitende versteht.
Liegen während des Beratungsgesprächs tatsächliche Anhaltspunkte vor, die darauf schließen lassen, dass die Sexarbeit sich für die betreffende Person als alternativlos präsentiert und der Entschluss, der Prostitution nachzugehen, in hohem Maße fremdbestimmt ist, hat die zuständige Behörde unverzüglich Maßnahmen zum Schutz der Person zu veranlassen (§ 9).
Das kann die Weitergabe von Informationen an andere Behörden und Stellen bedeuten, in Abhängigkeit von der Situation können dies zum Beispiel sozial-psychiatrische Dienste, das Jugendamt, die Polizei oder eine qualifizierte Fachberatungsstelle oder Schutzeinrichtung sein.

Vor der ersten Anmeldung und danach alle 12 Monate (bei unter 21-Jährigen alle 6 Monate) muss eine gesundheitliche Beratung wahrgenommen werden, deren Bescheinigung bei der Anmeldung vorgelegt werden muss und mit der Anmeldebescheinigung/'Hurenausweis' bei der Ausübung der Sexarbeit stets mitgeführt werden muss (§ 10).
Angepasst an die jeweilige Lebenssituation soll diese Beratung vor allem Fragen der Krankheitsverhütung, der Empfängnisregelung, der Schwangerschaft und der Risiken des Alkohol- und Drogengebrauchs behandeln. Auch hier soll es Sexarbeiter*innen ermöglicht werden, im vertraulichen Rahmen eine bestehende Zwangs- oder Notlage zu offenbaren.

Sexarbeiter*innen, die nicht angemeldet sind oder keinen Nachweis über die gesundheitliche Beratung haben, werden aufgefordert dies nachzuholen und können mit einem Bußgeld von bis zu 1000 € sanktioniert werden.
Soweit es dem Schutz der Kund*innen, der Jugend oder von Anwohner*innen vor Belästigungen aller Art dient, können die jeweils zuständigen Behörden gegenüber Prostituierten jederzeit Maßnahmen treffen und Anordnungen erteilen, die die Ausübung der Sexarbeit betreffen.
Die Vorschrift ermöglicht es, jedwede Probleme, die von erlaubnisfreien Prostitutionsbetrieben ausgehen, jederzeit durch nachträgliche Anordnungen zu adressieren. So kann es beispielsweise zum Schutz des Umfeldes erforderlich sein, Anordnungen zu treffen, um verhaltensbedingte Belästigungen und vom Betrieb ausgehende Störungen zu begrenzen. Als letztes Mittel ist es möglich die Ausübung der Prostitution ganz zu untersagen.

Wer ein Prostitutionsgewerbe betreiben will, wozu bereits zwei gemeinsam arbeitende Sexarbeiter*innen zählen, bedarf der Erlaubnis der zuständigen Behörde. Diese Erlaubnis kann befristet werden. Bei der Beantragung muss ein Betriebskonzept vorgelegt werden (§ 16) und diverse Erlaubnisvoraussetzungen müssen erfüllt sein (§ 14). Die Erlaubnis ist u.a. zu versagen, wenn das Betriebskonzept oder die örtliche Lage dem öffentlichen Interesse widerspricht oder die Person nicht die erforderliche Zuverlässigkeit besitzt (§ 15); zu deren Ermittlung wird ein Führungszeugnis und eine Stellungnahme der Landespolizei verlangt. Darüber hinaus kann die Erlaubnis mit Auflagen verbunden werden, die insbesondere die Betriebszeiten, Anzahl der im Betrieb tätigen Personen und die Anzahl der für sexuelle Dienstleistungen genutzten Räume beschränken können (§ 17).
In § 18 wurden Mindestanforderungen an die zum Prostitutionsgewerbe genutzte Anlagen formuliert. So dürfen beispielsweise Räumlichkeiten von außen nicht einsehbar sein, ein sachgerechtes Notrufsystem, getrennte Sanitäranlagen für Sexarbeiter*innen und Kund*innen, Aufenthalts- und Pausenräume müssen vorhanden sein, außerdem darf in Arbeitsräumen nicht mehr geschlafen werden. Teilweise sollen Ausnahmen möglich sein (Abs. 3).
Bei Prostitutionsveranstaltungen hat der Betreiber vor jeder einzelnen Veranstaltung ein Veranstaltungskonzept zu erstellen (§ 16 (3)) und die Veranstaltung bei der zuständigen Behörde vier Wochen vor Beginn anzuzeigen, die dazu nötigen Nachweise sind sehr umfangreich (§ 20). Betreiber*innen dürfen nur angemeldete Sexarbeitende tätig werden lassen (§ 25) und haben Pflichten bei Sicherheit und Gesundheitsschutz (§ 24). Außerdem unterliegen sie täglichen Aufzeichnungs- und Aufbewahrungspflichten; so müssen neben den Anmeldedaten der Sexarbeiter*innen z.B. deren Tätigkeitstage und sämtliche Zahlungen dokumentiert und zwei Jahre aufbewahrt werden (§ 28).

Die zuständigen Behörden sind befugt Prüfungen und Besichtigungen der Grundstücke und Geschäftsräume in denen sexuelle Dienstleistungen erbracht werden vorzunehmen, sowie jederzeit Personenkontrollen durchzunehmen. Dies gilt zur Verhütung dringender Gefahren auch, wenn die Räumlichkeiten zugleich Wohnzwecken dienen - insofern wird das Grundrecht auf Unverletzlichkeit der Wohnung eingeschränkt (§ 29). Betreiber*innen sind verpflichtet der zuständigen Behörde auf Verlangen alle für die Überwachung des Geschäftsbetriebes erforderlichen Auskünfte zu erteilen (§ 30). Die Befugnisse stehen der zuständigen Behörde auch bei Verdacht auf Ausübung sexueller Dienstleistungen ohne Erlaubnis zu (§ 31).

Es wird eine Kondompflicht eingeführt, die auch für Oralsex gilt (§ 32, Abs. 1); dabei sind bei Verstoß nur für die Kund*innen von sexuellen Dienstleistungen Bußgelder vorgesehen (§ 33, Abs. 3). Werbung für sexuelle Dienstleistungen ist nur eingeschränkt möglich (§ 32, Abs. 3). Wer gegen Auflagen des ProstSchG verstößt, begeht eine Ordnungswidrigkeit, die mit unterschiedlich hohen Geldbußen belegt ist, so kann es bis zu 1.000 € kosten unangemeldet als Sexarbeiter*in tätig zu sein und bis zu 10.000 € ein unerlaubtes Prostitutionsgewerbe zu betreiben (§ 33).

Wenn keine Schutzmaßnahmen gem. § 9, Abs. 2 und keine Anordnungen gem. § 11 Abs. 3 erfolgt sind, sind die Anmeldedaten spätestens drei Monate nach Ablauf der Gültigkeitsdauer der Anmeldebescheinigung zu löschen. Auch andere Empfänger dieser personenbezogenen Daten sind über die Löschung unverzüglich zu informieren und auf ihre Pflicht zur Löschung hinzuweisen (§ 34, Abs. 3). Personenbezogene Daten von Sexarbeiter*innen dürfen nur an öffentliche Stellen weitergegeben werden, wenn es der Überwachung der Ausübung eines Prostitutionsgewerbes oder einer Prostitutionstätigkeit dient oder dem Schutz einer*s Sexarbeiter*in (§ 34, Abs. 4 & 5).
Der Inhalt der Anmeldung wird von der zuständigen Behörde unverzüglich an das Finanzamt weitergeleitet (§ 34, Abs. 8).

Wer schon vor dem 01.07.2017 als Sexarbeiter*in tätig war, hat bis zum 31.12.2017 Zeit sich anzumelden (Abs. 1). Prostitutionsgewerbe, die vor dem 01.07.2017 schon bestanden haben, müssen dies bis zum 1.10.2017 bei der zuständigen Behörde anzeigen und bis zum 31.12.2017 einen Erlaubnisantrag zu stellen (Abs. 2). Erst ab dem 31.12.2017 müssen Betreiber*innen die Anmeldebescheinigung der bei ihnen arbeitenden Sexarbeiter*innen überprüfen (Abs. 3). Für Prostitutionsstätten, die bereits vor dem 07.07.2016 existiert haben können bei der Erlaubnis Ausnahmen von gewissen Anforderungen gemacht werden (Notrufsystem, extra Sanitäranlagen, Aufenthalts- und Pausenräume, Schlafverbot), wenn es dabei um schützenswerte Interessen von Sexarbeiter*innen geht (Abs. 5). Die erste Anmeldebescheinigung für Sexarbeiter*innen ab 21 Jahren gilt für drei Jahre (Abs. 6).

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
ProstSchG - BesD e. V. | Berufsverband Sexarbeit

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Das Prostitutiertenschutzgesetz (ProstSchG) Mit der Einführung des -> Prostitutionsgesetzes (ProstG) wurde die Sexarbeit 2002 von der Sittenwidrigkeit befreit und gilt seitdem rechtlich als anerkannte Tätigkeit. 2017 trat das Prostituiertenschutzgesetz (ProstSchG) in Kraft. Dieses galt für Neueinsteiger*innen in die Sexarbeit bereits ab dem 1.7.2017 - seit dem 1.1.2018 unterliegen alle Sexarbeitenden, auch jene die bereits im Vorfeld tätig waren, den entsprechenden Regelungen.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
On November 7 th 2019 a symposium took place at the Hamburg State Representation in Berlin, under the title ' Sex work and human trafficking between regulation and abolitionism - from the perspective of the ProstSchG (the new German law on Prostitution) and the Nordic Model' ( Sexarbeit und Menschenhandel im Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Regulation und Abolitionismus - im Spiegel des ProstSchG und Nordischem Modell)

The new law on Prostitution - Prostitutes' Protection Law ( ProstituiertenSchutzGesetz) - came into force in July 2017, bringing, among other harmful measures, the mandatory registration of all sex workers in Germany.

Sex workers' organisations, NGOs, human rights organisations and allies' that support sex workers' rights in Germany have been pointing to the negative outcomes for sex workers of the law since before it passed and have since documented such harmful effects.

Two years after this laws introduction, abolitionist groups and some voices inside the Governmental Coalition between the CDU (conservatives) and the SPD (social democrats) are calling for the adoption of the so-called 'Nordic Model', which would bring in further registration that makes it a legal offence to purchase sex. The argument used for changing the laws from the ProstSchG are that it did not yield expected results as a very low number of workers could actually register given the strict measures in place associated. Hamburg, a city-state, was one of the few states that voted against the law in 2017.

BASFI, the Hamburg Department for Labour, Social Affairs, Family and Integration ( Behörde für Arbeit, Soziales, Familie und Integration), responsible for putting into practice the ProstSchG in the city, decided to organise a symposium in Berlin, to open space to discuss the issues with the ProstSchG and call attention to the evidenced negative consequences of the 'Nordic Model'. Amongst those Invited were policy makers, journalists and other stakeholders.

Following the presentation of Susanne Dodillet from the University on Gothemburg, Sweden, about the intentions behind the Nordic Model, TAMPEP presented on the actual realities of this model of repression on the rights, health and safety of sex workers across Europe who work under such legal regimes. Christine Nagl, one of TAMPEP's Steering Committee members represented TAMPEP and spoke of the grave situation for all sex workers under the Nordic Model, but particularly the harmful effects on the most marginalised of sex workers, including migrant workers and LGBTQ.

Further presentations where given by representatives of the BesD (Professional Association for Erotic and Sexual Services, www.berufsverband-sexarbeit.de), BUFAS (Alliance of counselling centres for sex workers, www.bufas.net), KOK (Nationwide Coordination Group against Trafficking in Human Beings, www.kok-gegen-menschenhandel.de), academics, and the coordinator of a Hamburg counselling centre for migrant sex workers and sex workers who are using drugs.

The symposium ended with a podium discussion, with a very lively and intense exchange between the public and the presenters of the day. After that, there was a 'coming together' of all pres ent.

The feedback of the public was very positive regarding an awareness of the Model's harms for sex workers' living and working conditions. Well done to all involved in platforming sex workers' rights in the context of proposed further repression and criminalisation.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Germany Contemplates Adoption of the Repressive Swedish Model Despite Evidence of Grave Harms to Sex Workers

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
On November 7 th 2019 a symposium took place at the Hamburg State Representation in Berlin, under the title ' Sex work and human trafficking between regulation and abolitionism - from the perspective of the ProstSchG (the new German law on Prostitution) and the Nordic Model' ( Sexarbeit und Menschenhandel im Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Regulation und Abolitionismus - im Spiegel des ProstSchG und Nordischem Modell) The new law on Prostitution - Prostitutes' Protection Law ( ProstituiertenSchutzGesetz) - came into force in July 2017, bringing, among other harmful measures, the mandatory registration of all sex workers in Germany.

# data[].attributes.body
Input: "The fact that sex work is work does not mean that it is good work, or empowering work, or harmless work. However, sex work is not inherently harmful, but criminalization and stigma do make sex work circumstantially harmful."1

Questions: What are the sitgmata that sex workers are constantly confronted with? What prejudices do you have?
Do you agree that stigmata are the reason why many people do not see/respect sex work as work? Why (not)?

¹Open Society Foundations (2019),

Understanding Sex Work in an Open Society, (online) https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/explainers/understanding-sex-work-open-society [03.07.2021]

# data[].attributes.body
Input: watch the Video from 6:02 to 7:18

Questions: Do you think it's moral to buy/sell sex? And what are Differences with other Work?

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Sex work is integral to the feminist movement | Tilly Lawless | TEDxYouth@Sydney

# data[].attributes.headline
Arte Documentation: where Decriminalzation  of Sex Workers, in the Nordic Model not happend

# data[].attributes.subject
Arte Documentation: where Decriminalzation  of Sex Workers, in the Nordic Model not happend

# data[].attributes.body
Content Warning:
Violence (Femicide)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Wo Sexarbeiterinnen keine Rechte haben - Die ganze Doku | ARTE

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
In Schweden ist Prostitution seit 1998 nicht mehr legal. Freier werden mit einer Strafe verfolgt, Kunden für Sexkauf kriminalisiert und gegen die Prostituierten, die laut Gesetz eigentlich straffrei bleiben, wird häufig das Druckmittel des Kindesentzugs eingesetzt. Sie sind quasi rechtelos. Jasmine,…

# data[].attributes.body
Input: "All work done under capitalism is exploitative, and the vast majority of it is done in conditions shaped by white supremacy, patriarchy, and other forms of oppression.  Sex work—whether or not one considers it to be the same as retail or other wage work—is no exception." ¹

Thesis: No one would choose freely to be a sex worker. In a society that wasn’t patriarchal (mostly women are sex workers and men for fulfilling the wishes of men!) and capitalistic there wouldn’t be (the need for) sex work. Do you agree with this thesis, (if not) why?

1 Hiley, Scott (2019)
Sex work, like all work under capitalism, is shaped by exploitation and oppression, (online) https://www.cpusa.org/article/20188/ [03.07.2021]