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ABSTRACT

ABSTRACT
This paper explores the complex and shifting dimensions of the social, cultural and bodily differences that impact on learners and their learning. Our theoretical argument proceeds in five stages. First, we build a typology of terms used to classify demographic differences for the purposes of designing, implementing and evaluating the effectiveness of educational institutions and programs: material conditions (social class, locale and family); corporeal attributes (age, race, sex and sexuality, physical and mental abilities); and symbolic representations (language, ethnos, communities of commitment and gendre). Second, we address the paradigms of civic association that modern nation-states have used to negotiate these differences: exclusion, assimilation and an aspirational regime that we call 'civic pluralism'. Third, we explore complications that render the demographic categorizations problematic. Fourth, we propose an alternative and supplementary frame for social and learner differences based on 'lifeworld differences'. Finally, we explore the ways in which civic pluralism might be translated into educational practice. We interleave these theoretical explorations with an analysis developed for an evaluation of an inclusive education program in Roma communities in Northern Greece. The Roma serve as a case study of the complex ways in which categories of difference play out in social and educational reality.

Gipsy, gypsy. 1. A member of a wandering race (by themselves called Romany), of Hindu Origin, which first appeared in England at about the beginning of the 16th c. and was then believed to have come from Egypt. They have a dark tawney skin and black hair. They make a living by basket-making, horse-dealing and fortune-telling, etc.; and have usually been objects of suspicion from their nomadic life and habits. Their language (called Romany) is a greatly corrupted dialect of Hindi, with a large admixture of words from various European langs.

2.a. A cunning rogue.

2.b. A contemptuous term for a woman, as being cunning, deceitful, fickle, or the like; a 'baggage', 'hussy' etc. In more recent use merely playful, and applied esp. to a brunette ...

5. Resembling what is customary among or characteristic of gipsies; often applied to open-air meals or pic-nics. Oxford English Dictionary, Ed.1, Vol.IV, 1901.

When first encountering a class of students, a teacher may note what each student 'is'-'Gypsy' for instance. Every such naming, every such categorization, is inevitably burdened with a weight of complex historical meaning. Every such naming (or refusal to name) brings with it pedagogical implications.

The Oxford Dictionary's definition of 'Gypsy' serves a symptomatic starting point for our analysis of learner differences. Words and their meanings not only reflect social frames of reference. They also have social effects. The alternative framing of learner differences that we develop through this paper represents a waypoint in an interdisciplinary endeavor that we have been undertaking for some decades now, traversing the domains of history, linguistics, philosophy and education (Kalantzis, ; Kalantzis & Cope, Kalantzis, M. , & Cope, B. (2009). Learner differences: Determining the terms of pedagogical engagement. In S. Mitakidou, E. Tressou, B. B. Swadener, & C. A. (Eds.), 2009 Beyond pedagogies of exclusion in diverse childhood contexts (pp. 13-30). Palgrave Macmillan. Grant. New York, NY: , ). This paper is an attempt to revisit and expand upon these ideas. As well analysis, we also want to outline an agenda for social and educational action we call 'civic pluralism'.

We use the 'Gypsy' or 'Roma' example because that was our focus as evaluators in the project, 'Education of Roma Children in the Regions of Central Macedonia, West Macedonia and East Macedonia and Thrace'. The evaluation itself is a separate piece (Kalantzis, Cope, & Arvanitis, Kalantzis, M. , Cope, B. , & Arvanitis, E. (2015). Cope, B. (1998). The language of forgetting: A short history of the word. In M. Fraser (Ed.), Cope, B. , Kalantzis, M. , Luke, A. , Morgan, B. , Solomon, N. , & Nakata, M. (1994). 2015 1998 1994 Entry profile and stage level assessment scales. Batchelor College. Batchelor, NT: ; Kalantzis & Cope, ). Seams of light: Best antipodean essays (pp. 192-223). Allen and Unwin. Sydney: ; Cope et al., Evaluation report of the project, education of Roma children in central Macedonia, west Macedonia and east Macedonia and Thrace. Aristotle University, Thessaloniki. ), although we will discuss it briefly at the end of this paper. As one of the most marginalized cultural and linguistic groups in Europe, there strong parallels as well as striking contrasts with earlier research we have undertaken with Indigenous and immigrant communities in Australia (Cope,

In theory: categorical differences

Naming is an act of theory. Names classify, categorize, delineate. In the case of the OED definition of Gypsy, notions of 'race', 'language', 'life', 'custom', and 'habit' are put to theoretical work. These are the kinds of metacategories that generate the specific 'is' of every person, every learner. The metacategories spawn empirical categories, specific classifications such as 'Roma' person, or 'Romany-speaking', or 'Roma culture'. As we will argue in theory and exemplify in the case of the Roma, these metacategories do a lot of work, and because they do so much work, they beg special scrutiny.

Following are some common classifiers in a working theory of human differences that we have used to map the range of possible key factors that can be used to define identity for the self, or have identity ascribed by others:

1. material conditions (social class, locale and family);

2. corporeal attributes (age, race, sex and sexuality, and physical and mental abilities); and

3. symbolic differences (language, ethnos, communities of commitment and gendre).

We will explore the meanings of these metacategories, refining them for the purposes of conceptual clarity (Kalantzis & Cope, , Chapter 5). However, as we will go on to argue, each one of these categories is fraught with ambiguities and difficulties in general social application, as well as the specifics of educational practice. They evoke gross demographics that stares social actors in the face with a certain kind of obviousness, only to become not-so-obvious on closer examination. But first, we want to revise the naming and refine the definitions that attach to these classifiers:
1. Material differences
1a. Social class - 'they make a living by basket-making, horse-dealing and fortune-telling, etc.?' (OED)

'Class' describes the segmentation of society as a consequence of systematic differential relationships of groups to material resources and social power. Slave-owner and slave, serf and feudal lord, worker and capitalist Bowles, S. , & Gintis, H. (1976). - these are some of the descriptors that been used to capture class differences in various historical epochs (Hindness & Hirst, ). Social class is an economic measure of access and control to material resources in unequally ordered social structures. It is a relationship of power and control over others in hierarchical societies - the slave master owns the slave; the capitalist commands the workers during their working hours. Marx's classical analysis of class relations sets out to explain the processes by means of which workers extend the wealth of the capitalist (Marx & Engels, ). Weber analyzes the dynamics of class as social status (). In contemporary times, material inequality as a consequence of class differences has been exacerbated (Piketty, ), although the gradations and permutations of class have become more complicated (Wright, ). Relative success and failure in school correlates with social class (Bernstein, ; Bowles & Gintis, 1976 Schooling in capitalist America: Education reform and the contradictions of economic life. Basic Books. New York, NY: ).

1b. Locale - 'their nomadic life and habits' (OED)
1c. Family
Different relationships of domesticity and cohabitation create different conditions of socialization. Families are economic units to the extent that they involved the unpaid labor of caregiving, which may or may not be adequate to the needs of working or dependent members. They are also critical sites of socialization, that may or may not align with the culture of schooling (Bourdieu, Bourdieu, P. (1973). Cultural reproduction and social reproduction. In R. Brown (Ed.), 1973 Knowledge, education and social change: Papers in the sociology of education (pp. 71-112). Tavistock Publications. Tavisock: ). In both these respects, the form and practice of family is a critical factor in for education - both informal learning, and articulation with formal institutions of learning.
2. Corporeal differences 2a. Age
2b. Race - 'they have a dark tawney skin and black hair' (OED)

'Race' refers to the phenotypical differences between one human population and another: skin color, facial features, hair color and texture, height and physique. Such differences, however, have little biological significance Herrnstein, R. , & Murray, C. (1995). - across a range of biological variables there is greater inherited variation within populations (such as blood types and range of heights and body shapes) than the average variation between populations. Nor does cultural or linguistic variation correlate with peoples typically classified by 'race' (Cavalli-Sforza, ). And, despite provocative claims to the contrary (Eysenck, ; Herrnstein & Murray, 1995 The bell curve: Intelligence and class structure in American life. Free Press. New York, NY: ), the consensus among learning scientists today is that differences and intelligence or ability to learn are not heritable in patterns that correspond with phenotypical difference (Fraser, ). However illusory race may be as a biological phenomenon or a factor affecting capacities to learn, it remains a critical category in the social imaginary. It underpins 'racism' as an enduring cultural-linguistic reality where spurious biological claims are used to rationalize inequality (Miles, ; Roberts, ).
2c. Sex and sexuality
Sex is the biologically inherited difference between females and males. Sexuality consists of biologically grounded proclivities to form bonds of sexual intimacy. Once only recognized to be an attraction between females and males, today a wider spectrum of sexualities is recognized - including among others intersex, homosexuality, bisexuality, trans-sexuality or asexuality (Herdt, ; Mayo ).
2d. Physical and mental abilities
Bodily form and cognitive capability are spread across a spectrum. These may be framed as 'disabilities', which special schools and other social institutions may be created to address. The range of disabilities may affect hearing, sight, speech, mobility, child/adult development, learning, psycho-emotional challenges, and chronic illness. Disabilities, however, can equally be conceived as institutional problems, or the failure of social and physical contexts to make adequate accommodations to the range of physical and mental abilities (Bowe, ).
3. Symbolic differences
3a. Language - 'their language (called Romany) is a greatly corrupted dialect of Hindi' (OED)

Languages consist of oral and written words and texts. Perhaps there are seven thousand languages in the world today - 'perhaps' because the boundaries of languages are blurred by the complexities of shared ancestral languages, dialect divergence, and registers which are mutually incomprehensible (Crystal, ; Kalantzis & Cope, , Chapter 1). In education, learners are differentially impacted, depending on whether their first language is the language of instruction, whether it is a written language or a language of intellectual prestige, and whether the dialects or registers of their everyday usage align with 'academic literacies' (Kalantzis & Cope, , Chapter 12).

3b. Ethnos - 'resembling what is customary among or characteristic of gipsies; often applied to open-air meals or pic-nics ... [and] A cunning rogue' (OED)
3c. Communities of commitment
Religion and political orientation are communities of commitment that cross-cut language and ethnos (Bourdieu, ). Islam, Christianly or atheism; conservatism, liberalism or radicalism - these represent specific commitments to meanings-in-the-world accompanied at times by more or less formal processes of affiliation and institutional structures. Equally, to be areligious or apolitical involves a certain kind of commitment, defined by rejection of others' arguably spurious commitments.

3d. Gendre - 'a contemptuous term for a woman, as being cunning, deceitful, fickle, or the like' (OED)

We have proposed the word 'gendre' to describe symbolic or cultural attributes ascribed to and associated with sex and sexuality (Kalantzis & Cope, , Chapter 5). In an earlier modernity, gender was regarded to be the primary cultural overlay of sex and sexuality. The male/female was the fundamental dichotomy of sex and heterosexual affinity was positioned as 'normal'. Feminist theorists began a critique of these gender relations to the extent that they institutionalized relationships of inequality (de Beauvoir, ; Mitchell, ). Later, theorists of sexuality and social movements advocating for LGBT rights problematized the classical male/female symbolic typology (Mayo, ). Our intention in using the word 'gendre' (a word from Middle English meaning 'kind' or 'type'), is to extend the notion of gender, in order to capture the complex range of differences that now manifest themselves in the close interplay of sex, sexuality and their symbolic manifestation as identities.

The metacategories are important because they help to capture aspects of history and experience. The categories that they generate shape the ways we act and interact. They turn our pasts into our futures. For these reasons, they need to be thought through carefully and analytically. However, when speaking of social groups and educational practices, the metacategories often appear as an ad hoc list of differences-not-to-forget (ethnicity and gender and disability and ... ). We list them in policy documents in ways that at times feel like an imposed list of caveats, as if to apologize for the otherwise neat heuristics of our social designs. They appear - often jarringly - as overly simple check-in lists for admission to hospitals and schools. The categories are part of our (begrudging it seems?) need to 'manage diversity'.

The metacategories, and the specific classifications of empirical people and practices that they evoke (for instance, 'Roma person', 'Romany language') are necessary in a wide variety contexts. They help us know the people with whom we are interacting, and interact with them effectively - as clients, or employees, or patients, or students. For the very reason of their necessity, we need to think carefully and analytically. We need to define the terms carefully. We need a comprehensive schema and rigorous social theory - hence our classification of material, corporeal and symbolic differences. Material differences can be addressed by redistribution of resources. Corporeal differences require institutional accommodations. Symbolic differences can be addressed through processes of recognition in sites of civil society such as schools. These are qualitatively different kinds of social process, demanding different kinds of social action.

However, as important as it is to theorize these metacategories, as this paper proceeds we will complicate the categorization, to the point where the categories fall away - almost. But then, of practical and historical necessity, we bring them back, albeit in qualified form.

In practice: the Roma

Now we'll explore the practicalities of classification of social and learner differences by analyzing the application of the metacategories in the case of the category 'Roma'.

The word 'Roma' (or Gypsy, or Traveller) is a term associated with a distinct group of people - that part would seem clear enough. But it's not so clear, starting with the numbering of people who may fall under this classification. By geography, Roma are a European people and have been since time immemorial. However some European censuses do not count Roma - including Greece's census. The classification 'Roma' is made in order that Roma are not counted. Naming in this case removes the name from the official record. Whatever the intent and effect, it's still naming.

Categorized by name

This paper uses the word 'Roma', transliterating Ρομά from Greek. 'Rom' is the word for 'man' or 'husband' in the Romani language. 'Roma' is the plural - men, husbands. This term is preferred in European Union documentation because it is a term of self-appellation. 'Romani' is an alternative contemporary usage (Matras, ), and 'Rroma' an alternative spelling. The other of this classification is 'gadje' - non-Rom or stranger.

However, as a namable European people, the oldest word for this 'people' is Γύφτος - Yftes or 'Gypsy' and its correlates. The root is a medieval Greek word, Aegypti, or 'Egyptians', in use from as early as the fourteenth century. By the high Middle Ages, when it was considered a duty to offer charity on penitents and pilgrims, these self-appointed 'Egyptians' would carry documents assuring passage, supported by a narrative (told here by a sixteenth century chronicler), of:

how their ancestors in Lesser Egypt had formerly abandoned for some years the Christian religion ... and that, after their repentance, a penance had been imposed on them that ... some members of their families should wander about the world and expiate the guilt of their sin. (Fraser, Fraser, A. (1992). 1992 The gypsies. Blackwell. Oxford: , p. 48, 65)

Another commonly used word in Greek is Τσιγγάνοι - Tsiganes, a word that may derive from the medieval Greek 'Athingani', the name for a social group of 'untouchables' (Matras, , p. 21).

Categorized by language

Categorized by class

In Greece today, 'Yftes' (not 'Roma' in everyday discourse) are often encountered as purveyors of Chinese plastic chairs or watermelons from the back of trucks, announcing their arrival with loudspeakers strapped to the roof. They are encountered as Roma women with a child, begging on a street corner. They are, it is said, thieves. They are said to be welfare-dependent (Karagianni, Mitakidou, & Tressou, 2013, p. 84). When the European Union frames its focus in class terms, it uses the word 'Roma' to express its official concern:

Many of the estimated 10-12 million Roma in Europe face prejudice, intolerance, discrimination and social exclusion in their daily lives. They are marginalized and live in very poor socio-economic conditions. The EU's Europe 2020 strategy for a new growth path European Commission. (2011). - smart, sustainable and inclusive growth - leaves no room for the persistent economic and social marginalization of what constitutes Europe's largest minority. (European Commission, 2011 An EU framework for national Roma integration strategies up to 2020. Brussels. , p. 2)

Categorized by race

Their swarthy complexion, jet-black hair, straight well-formed nose, white teeth, dark-brown wide-open eyes, whether lively or languid in expression, the general suppleness of their deportment, and the harmony of their movements, place them high above many European peoples as regards physical beauty. (Quoted in Fraser, Fraser, A. (1992). 1992 The gypsies. Blackwell. Oxford: , p. 23)

Categorized by ethnos

Here is the essential 'Gipsy', as portrayed by Kenneth Grahame in his 1908 children's book, The Wind in the Willows:

[T]here, drawn out of the coach house into the open, they saw a gipsy caravan, shining with newness, painted a canary-yellow picked out with green, and red wheels. 'There you are!' cried the Toad, straddling and expanding himself. 'There's real life for you, embodied in that little cart. The open road, the dusty highway, the heath, the common, the hedgerows, the rolling downs! Camps, villages, towns, cities! Here to-day, up and off to somewhere else to-morrow! Travel, change, interest, excitement! The whole world before you, and a horizon that's always changing! (Grahame Grahame, K. (1908/2009). 1908/2009 The annotated wind in the willows. W.W. Norton. New York, NY: , pp. 38-41) ( Figure 1)

Later in the same century, in his 'Gypsy Woman', Jimmy Hendrix sings of being hypnotized by a woman's 'gypsy eyes'. Searching for a woman's love, he found himself walking along her 'rebel roadside', a roadside that 'rambles for a million miles'. He wonders where she might be now, this elusive gypsy woman, 'still roamin' in the country side'. Hendrix chooses to walk down the same road, searching for this woman, this love, and his own soul too.

And here's another version of 'gypsy', this time in the words of Madalin Voicu, a prominent Romani politician in Romania:

Our gypsies are stupid. They could at least be crafty but they aren't. They are just primitives and they manage to irritate the entire society which is already watching them closely [ ... ] They run through the country and Europe barefoot, slimy and dirty, wearing clothes which are more likely to disgust you than make you feel sorry for them [ ... ] Begging, soliciting and being disorganized will never bring them any advantages. (Quoted in Nicolae & Slavik, Nicolae, V. , & Slavik, H. (2013). 2013 Being a "gypsy": The worst social stigma in Romania. European Roma Rights Centre. Budapest: )

Categorized by locale

Conditions of location frame social and educational experience. In our evaluation of the educational inclusion program for Roma in Northern Greece, we find ourselves on the outskirts of Περαία - Peraia, in July 2012. This community collects scrap for recycling, has no running water or sewerage, and uses electricity stolen from a pole nearby. The children do not attend school, though the aspiration for school is expressed in a small structure with a sign above its door, 'ΣΧΟΛΕΙΟ'.

In theory: negotiating categorical differences

Since the rise of the modern nation-state, social differences have been negotiated in a variety of ways, based on alternative paradigms of civic association. Historically, there have been three paradigmatic ways of negotiating these differences, in societies and in schools: exclusion, assimilation, and processes of inclusion that we call - strategically and aspirationally - 'civic pluralism'. In each of these social models, the categories of difference that we have defined thus far, are put to different kinds of use.

Exclusion

Exclusion is one kind of historic reaction to diverse populations in contact. It is a process of negotiating differences by drawing strict boundaries and insisting on conditions of similarity within a social space. Some types of people are excluded by categorical definition. They are prevented from entry or physically removed. Categorization in this case is a necessary precondition of separation. Forms of exclusion range from the violence of war and genocide to a de facto segregation that is practical though barely articulated. Exclusionary social processes may involve practices that push differences over a normative divide of 'deviance'. Whether brutal or subtle, the underlying premise is that socially uniform groups are to be preferred; difference does not work and it cannot be made to work. Not even assimilation of different others is practicable or achievable.

Assimilation

Assimilation is quite another orientation to human diversity. It is a process of negotiating differences by means of which a dominant group sets conditions of similarity for entry into a social space. Just as concerned as exclusion and separatism to make virtue of homogenous community, its terms of engagement with difference contrast sharply: 'We will accept people who are different, so long as they are willing and able to become like us.' Failing this, the orientation of assimilation might merely be to attempt to pretend that differences do not exist.

Here are some examples of assimilation at work. Class: scholarships to expensive schools for a select few, those who have been 'passed' according to measures of exceptional excellence styled in the image of the accepting institution, followed by an expectation that those who have been accepted rise to the standards and values of the self-styled elite institution. Locale: internal or international migration to places of 'opportunity'. Family: aligning norms and practices with work or school. Age: norming to grade levels. Race: 'integration', ostensible 'color-blindness'. Sex and sexuality: voluntarily conforming to norms. Physical and mental abilities: 'mainstreaming' where the mainstream puts no effort into accommodation. Language: mainstream 'remedial' or second language learning programs that do not recognize or extend home languages. Ethnos: socialization into national culture. Communities of commitment: acquiring the belief system of the social milieu or institution. Gendre: assuming conventional gender identity and heteronormativity.

Civic pluralism

Given that exclusion and assimilation are both - albeit in their different ways - discriminatory orientations to human differences, we want to speak now to an inclusive alternative. We also want to highlight some complex and seemingly contradictory moves towards a more humane sociality that at first glance appear to be reversions to practices exclusionary and assimilationist practices. But first to articulate the general shape of a regime of civic pluralism, and the ways in which the demographic metacategories of difference are put to analytical and programmatic work.

And after all, recognition seems more readily achievable (for instance gender equity, non-racism, gay rights) than to overturn material inequalities. This is how (and why) tokenistic multiculturalism only addresses symbolic differences. Its politics is limited by design. By recognizing differences, it represents a 'live and let live' approach that doesn't necessarily deal with inequalities accompanying differences in the realm or redistribution. It is not an holistic program. In a similar line of reasoning, Fraser notes limitations in 'second wave feminism. ... It is often said that the movement's relative success in transforming culture stands in sharp contrast with its relative failure to transform institutions' (Fraser, , p. 98).

Notwithstanding the potential for cross-purposes, Fraser also argues that it is possible to bring the two agendas together into a consistent program:

I assume that [capitalist society] encompasses two analytically distinct orders of subordination: class stratification, rooted primarily in economic system mechanisms, and status hierarchy, based largely in institutionalized patterns of cultural value. ... Whereas class stratification corresponds to maldistribution, status hierarchy corresponds to misrecognition. ... both orders of subordination violate a single overarching principle of justice, the principle of participatory parity. (Fraser, Fraser, N. (2003). Distorted beyond all recognition: A rejoinder to axel honneth. In N. Fraser, & A. Honneth (Eds.), 2003 Redistribution or recognition? A political-philosophical exchange (pp. 198-236). Verso. London: , p. 218)

Civic pluralism, to connect Fraser's case with our terminology, is an holistic agenda that aims to address both recognition (symbolic differences) and redistribution (material differences). Ours is both a categorical holism in which symbolic differences do not make sense except in a context where material differences are taken into account, and a policy holism, in which any agendas of redress inequality must work on both material and symbolic fronts, in the realms of redistribution as well as recognition. We also want to add corporeal differences into the agenda of a civic pluralism as a metacategory in its own right, neither material in the sense of economic or social resources, nor purely symbolic. To the extent that corporeal differences are differences-in-nature and to so often immutable or hard to change, social justice demands institutional accommodations in order to facilitate equitable participation.

Civic pluralism, in our proposal, abounds in complexities, including some apparent strategic and pragmatic returns. Some of its actions might seem like assimilation. Social access often looks like passing over into the world of the powerful, when women seem to act like men, or linguistic minorities speak dominant languages, or members of faith communities become more 'liberal' in their outlook, or when social mobility looks like 'selling out'. Such moves may be consistent with the agenda of civic pluralism, so long as they are without prejudice to differences. Other actions oriented to civic pluralism may seem like exclusion. Take, for instance, schools designed for specific ethnic or minority communities that help learners because they support their languages, cultures and values but that also offer students an affirming environment that helps them succeed in terms of the 'mainstream' (Cope, ). Or schools for girls designed to give them a space to succeed without having to compete with boys. These moves may serve the cause of civic pluralism when their effect is to expand the range of viable, comfortable and authentic personae. The measure of civic pluralism is whether the effect is to extend participation, to equalize access to resources, and to support a balanced, two- way flow of symbolic interactions.

In practice: Roma exclusion, assimilation and inclusion

How, then, have the lives of Roma have been touched by these varied approaches to human differences?

Roma exclusion

Exclusion has been the most persistent and pervasive experience of Roma since their arrival in Europe, right through to the present day.

'Athinganoi' were to be found in the Byzantine east of Europe, perhaps as early as 1068 when they are mentioned in a religious text composed in the monastery of Mount Athos (now Greece), and later in a text by the canonist Theordore Balsamon (d.1204). The Athinganoi, Balsamon says, are fortune-tellers, 'false prophets' who 'would tell one person that he was born under an evil star, and the other under a lucky star; and they would also prophesy about forthcoming good and evil fortunes'. A fifteenth century Byzantine canon prescribes five years excommunication for 'those who consult the Egyptian women for fortune-telling, or the those who bring a soothsayer into their homes to practice sorcery upon them, when they are ill or suffer some other cause' (Quoted in Fraser, , pp. 46-47). In late medieval Europe, these 'Egyptians' are reported to have been traveling tinkers, knife-grinders, fortune-tellers, healers, hawkers, minstrels - and also thieves. Their presence stretched right across Western Europe by the fifteenth century. By virtue of their nomadism, they were marginal in a feudal order that was largely sedentary.

The early modern state began to take exception to 'masterless men' and 'vagabonds', albeit with little authority or capacity to solve the 'problem'. Diderot's Encyclopédie (1751-1772) defined Gypsies as 'vagabonds who profess to tell fortunes by examining hands. Their talent is to sing, dance and steal'. An English statute of 1713 prescribed whipping and hard labor for 'all Persons pretending to by Gipsies, or Wandering in the Habit or form of Counterfeit Egyptians, or pretending to have skill in Physiognomy, Palmistry or like Crafty Science, or pretending to tell Fortunes or like Phantastical Imaginations.' (Fraser, , p. 147, 137) Across Europe at various moments in early modern times, the penalty for such infractions was torture and sometimes death ( Figures 2 and 3).

These more systematic, methods of exclusion laid the ground for the Gypsy Holocaust or 'Porajmos' - 'destruction' in Romani. A key actor in this process was German 'race scientist', Dr Robert Ritter. A psychologist and medical doctor by training, in 1936 Ritter was appointed Director Eugenic and Population Biological Research Station of the Reich Health and Sanitation Office of the Nazi government. Not only did he classify Gypsies as non-Ayrian (arbitrarily, because in the conventional schema of racial classification that uses this term, they should have been Ayrian). He also associated their 'race' with a congenital 'criminal biology'. He and his office proceeded to classify and register individuals as wholly Gypsy and fractions of Gypsy blood, in order to determine the level of social danger that they presented. The purpose in the first instance was to prevent miscegenation, under the principles of eugenics or breeding out of racial weaknesses. On the same principles, there were also forced sterilizations (Willems, , pp. 196-274) Taking this social policy towards its own 'final solution', 219,700 Gypsies are documented to have been killed in German concentration camps, though the number could be as high as 500,000 (Taylor, , p. 174) ( Figure 4).

In the twenty-first century, ideologies and practices of Roma exclusion persist. As part of a 'tough new approach on immigration and crime' in 2010, President Sarkozy of France began a process of expulsion of undocumented Roma from France. Five hundred camps were targeted and thousands deported based, it was later disclosed, on a police database of 'travelling people (Gypsies) ... and travelling criminals from Eastern Europe (Roma ... )' (Davies, ; Taylor, , p. 231).

In the context of the Greek crisis of the 2010s there has been a documented rise of xenophobic violence (Angouri & Wodak, ; Human Rights Watch, ). The first half of that decade also saw the rise of the neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn (Ellinas, ). Golden Dawn won 6.3% of the vote in the 2015 elections, and 17 of 300 seats in the Greek Parliament. In the European elections of 2014, they won 9.4% of the vote, and 3 of Greece's 21 seats in the European Parliament. There are Golden Dawn mayors in 14 municipalities. A band called 'Pogrom' sings at Golden Dawn rallies. Its hit song 'Rock for the Fatherland' includes a line, 'We do not want any foreigners and parasites in our land' (Bistis, , p. 47).

69.7% of Roma in Greece have never gone to school; 14.9% have only attended the first four grades of primary school; 10% have graduated from primary school; 0.9% have graduated from high school (Kek, , p. 5). In a case study involving interviews and discussion groups with school personal, community officials and parents in Greece, Triandafyllou and colleagues encountered several main lines of argument for the segregation of Roma and migrant children. One is a 'school quality' case 'that disguises a strong ethnic prejudice' by saying that Roma or migrant children 'are worse than "our" children and immigrant children lower the standards at a school'. Another argument is that 'they create trouble and interrupt the teaching'. Exclusion in these circumstance can take the form of non-attendance because the school is an inhospitable place. Or it may take the form of segregation into separate school annexes allegedly so the school 'can better cater to the needs of the Roma children but with the implicit scope of keeping these children physically away from the local "normal" school'. In the words of a mayor of a neighborhood with a high Roma population, this is also because 'Roma children are not vaccinated and suffer from various skin or other contagious diseases, thus representing a health hazard for other children' (Triandafyllidou, , p. 4, 17; Triandafyllidou & Kouki, ).

In 2008, 11 'Greek Nationals of Roma Origin' brought a case to the European Court of Human Rights arguing that the local schools in Aspropyrgos had failed to provide schooling for their children in the 2004-2005 school year. Attempts to enroll them in the regular school had been blockaded by protests staged by non-Roma parents. Special classes were subsequently created for the Roma children in a separate building. However, the court held that 'the conditions of school enrolment for those children and their placement in special preparatory classes resulted in discrimination against them' (European Court of Human Rights - Chamber Judgment, ).

In September 2012 in the village of Anthili, near Lamia, a meeting was convened by locals about the Roma camp that the mayor had ordered closed. At the meeting complaints were also voiced about having Roma in the local school because they were 'dirty and sick'. According to a local reporter, 'a dozen local members of Golden Dawn were in attendance and also itching for a fight'. A brawl in fact ensued, and the police had to be called in to break up the meeting. 'The Roma are saying that hundreds of members of Golden Dawn want to attack them and burn them alive. But there are also rumors that the Roma will attack villagers. To sum up, everyone is afraid of everyone' (Parmenopoulos, ).

Roma assimilation

The intended effect of assimilation policies is that minorities change to become indistinguishable from and thus invisible within the host community. Today, the term 'integration' is often used to the same effect. Schools play a key role in this process. In Greece today, conclude Georgiadis and Zisimos, 'the formal policy from the Greek Ministry of Education' is one of 'assimilating the Roma children in the Greek culture'. As a consequence:

there are still no provisions in place for encouraging effectively the promotion of diversity in Roma education: the language, history and culture of various minorities is still not taught in any school; [and] very limited language support is offered to students whose mother tongue is not Greek. (Georgiadis & Zisimos, Georgiadis, F. , & Zisimos, A. (2012). Teacher training in Roma education in Greece: Intercultural and critical educational necessities. 2012 Issues in Educational Research, 22, 47-59. , pp. 48-49)

Roma inclusion

Inclusion is the normative presupposition that underlies the paradigm of civic pluralism. This reflects both a recognition of difference and a program to address unequal access to material resources. Inclusion underpins any case for a just society.

In 1913, a Georgian Bolshevik, Joseph Stalin, articulated an agenda for national autonomy that would for some decades become a key element in the program of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

[A] nation is not a racial or tribal, but an historically constituted community of people ... formed ... as a result of lengthy and systematic intercourse, as a result of the fact that people live together from generation to generation. The right to self- determination means that a nation can arrange its life according to its own will. It has the right to arrange its own life on the basis of autonomy. ... Nations are sovereign and all nations are equal. ... [T]he policy of repression ... [n]ot infrequently ... passes from a 'system' of oppression to a 'system' of inciting nations against each other, to a system of massacres and pogroms. ... 'Divide and rule' Stalin, J. (1913/1942). - such is the purpose of the policy of inciting nations against each other. ... There can be no possibility of a full development of the Tatar or Jewish worker if he is not allowed to use his native language at meetings and lectures, and if his schools are closed down. (Stalin, 1913/1942 Marxism and the National question: Selected writings and speeches. International Publishers. New York, NY: , pp. 9-10, 21-23)

In the twenty-first century, the EU also speaks to Roma inclusion. The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance was established in 1993 as a monitoring body the Council of Europe including, as per Law 3304/2005, the 'Implementation of the principle of equal treatment regardless of racial or ethnic origin, religious or other beliefs, disability, age or sexual orientation'. Reporting specifically on the educational conditions of the Roma:

ECRI urges the Greek authorities to strengthen measures taken to address problems faced by Roma children in education including exclusion, discrimination and under-performance. ... However, the absence of disaggregated data on the situation of Roma pupils makes any in-depth assessment of their situation and the ability to devise specific programmes targeting this group difficult. (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, 2009 European Commission against Racism and Intolerance. (2009). ECRI Report on Greece. Council of Europe, Strasbourg. , p. 7, 23, 21)

In 2011, the European Union adopted the 'Framework for National Roma Integration' by means of which 'Member States began to coordinate their efforts to close the gap between Roma and non-Roma in access to education, employment, healthcare and housing'. As a part of this agenda, member states were:

to ensure, as a minimum, primary school completion, to widen access to quality early childhood education and care, ensure that Roma children are not subject to discrimination or segregation and to reduce the number of early school leavers. ... The persistence of segregation of Roma children in special schools or classes remains a key challenge.

This was backed by bureaucratic insistence: 'As part of the ex-ante conditionality mechanism for Cohesion Policy 2014-2020, a national Roma inclusion framework has to be in place where funds are programmed for Roma integration' (Directorate-General for Justice, , p. 1, 4, 10). The project which we were evaluating was funded by the EU under these terms, this 'ex-ante conditionality'.

Also in 2011, the Greek Ministry of Labour and Social Security issued a National Strategic Framework for Roma focusing on housing, employment, education, and health. In the words of its opening statement:

Dealing with social exclusion and poverty is a fundamental policy priority for all Member States of the European Union. Social integration and equal treatment of groups with distinctive cultural features are particularly important challenges, given that securing harmonious coexistence within the broader social fabric, on fair and democratic terms, and respect for the personality are both essential conditions for the achievement of social cohesion and prosperity. (Hellenic Republic Ministry of Labour and Social Security, Hellenic Republic Ministry of Labour and Social Security. (2011). 2011 National strategic framework for Roma. Athens. )

However, apart from several EU-funded projects, very little has been done to address Roma educational exclusion in Greece (Fox & Vidra, ). This was the policy context in which our evaluation of the project, 'Education of Roma Children in the Regions of Central Macedonia, West Macedonia and East Macedonia and Thrace', was undertaken.

In theory: it's complicated: factors that confound categorization

The metacategories of difference ('ethnicity', 'class', and the like) and the classifiers consequently derived in order to name specific groups ('the Roma', 'the poor'), are used to conceive and enact policies and practices that address social and learner differences. Now we're going to start to complicate these classifications, almost to undo them. We do this because all the categories are too-simple in practice, and at times bring with them problems as serious as those they attempt to resolve. The problems start with the fact that the categories can be put to such dramatically variant kinds of use, to operationalize any of exclusion, assimilation or civic pluralism.

Of course, the demographic categories that describe and classify material, corporeal and symbolic differences capture powerful historical and social realities. A century and more of research tells us that they are rough if not always reliable predictors of social and educational outcomes. However, as soon as we begin to negotiate differences in good faith, we find ourselves confounded by these very categories. They don't tell enough to provide a sufficiently subtle heuristic or guide for our everyday interactions.

The categories also are lined up in lists which, in an era now more sensitive to difference, all-too-often come to sound like a glib litany. What then, do we do to rise above the glibness and the sometimes justified accusations of platitudinous 'political correctness' (Cope & Kalantzis, Cope, B. , & Kalantzis, M. (1997b). White noise: The attack on political correctness and the struggle for the western canon. 1997b Interchange, 28, 283-329. doi: 10.1023/A:1007483416121 )? For history's sake, we need to address the gross demographics captured by such categorization, and today, a lot more, with greater seriousness, and with a keen eye to consequences. Indeed, the more insistent the dynamics of difference become in our schools and in the wider society, and the more critically essential the project of negotiating diversity, then the less satisfactory the demographic metacategories. As soon as the metacategories and categories are applied, human reality resists.

Here are some of the main problems:

Unmanageable lists of differences

Now we have these metacategories - referring to sexualities, for instance, or mental and physical abilities, or language. In good faith, we consider these metacategories to be of significance in our social relations and institutions. But the more assiduously we apply ourselves to the task of classification, the more complex the world becomes. Sexuality is not two genders and sexualities but a panoply of forms and shades of sexuality and identity - metrosexuals or gay body builders, asexuality or bisexuality, gay marriage or polyamory. Special educators do not just focus on autism or Asperger's but an ever-more finely differentiated socio-behavioral spectrum, to give just one example across the wide range of behavioral, physical, hearing, sight, speech, language and learning abilities. Language is not just an easily namable thing (perhaps there are six thousand in the world today), as mutual intelligibility is confounded varieties of dialect and register. Nor is this a level playing field where all languages are valued equally but a terrain of contextual variation where some languages and modes of literacy have greater local or global efficacy than others. Language learning is not just a matter of first or second language acquisition but variable capacities in any number of languages, dialects and registers (Cope & Kalantzis, ). The metacategories demand empirical substance. In order to name specific groups, this creates a secondary level of classification and subclassification that is endless so long as you keep trying. We face real-world specificities such that, to align people with ostensible categorical norms, is to over-simplify their actually experienced conditions of life. And the smaller differences are significant. Fine distinctions need to be made that are at times just as important or even more important than the gross distinctions. In the Rwandan massacre of 1994, Tutsis could only be definitively distinguished from Hutus when they presented an ID card with an ethnic identification. Freud had a formulation to describe this phenomenon: 'the narcissism of minor differences' (Freud, ).

When one needs to categorize something that is in empirical reality infinitely complex Bowker, G. C. , & Star, S. L. (2000). - the forms of the human condition, for instance - it soon becomes evident that the categories must undergo continuous refinement so they progressively become more operationally valid. Indeed, this may be an occupational hazard in any process of categorization and classification, as Bowker and Starr point out in the case of the history of racial categorization in apartheid South Africa (Bowker & Star, 2000 Sorting things out: Classification and its consequences. MIT Press. Cambridge, MA: ), and as Burbules points out in a reading of difference that has a Wittgensteinian sensitivity to contextual blurriness in the of naming things (Burbules, ). This is why the project of improving the categories that describe human differences becomes a series of receding horizons. In classrooms, teachers today may come to feel that they need to know an impossible-to-manage encyclopedia of empirically identifiable learner differences - the shades of disability, or the range of second language learning needs, or the variable effects of different forms of poverty, or the endless complexity of cultural differences.

Internal group variations

The groups named in each of the demographic classifications are massively internally differentiated - differences among Roma, or women, or Arabic language speakers, for instance. In fact, a rough general theorem would be that the spread of internal differences within any demographically defined group is greater than the average difference between groups. This means that the demographic classifications, while helpful to our understanding of the historical and experiential basis for certain moral agendas and social claims, are oversimplified and often counterproductively so.

Worse, the categories of gross demographics can easily lead to stereotypical generalizations - about 'Asian learning styles', boys' personae vis-a-vis academic learning, or the educational consequences of socio-economic disadvantage, for instance. Indeed, exclusionary and assimilationist agendas - racism, or sexism, or homophobia - can and do use the self-same classifications for their own purposes.

Intergroup relationality

Differences are invariably relational. Group membership cannot be neatly categorized and described as though the boundaries of the group are its beginning and end points. The very act of categorization tends to imply that in-group cohesion, cultural commonalities and personal identifications are more important than intergroup relations and processes of co-construction of difference. Rather, groups are the products relationships in which one group is constituted in relation to another. Groups exist in dynamic, and never-stable, tension - class to class, gender to gender, ethnos to ethnos, and disability in relation to the affordances of physical and social structures designed for certain kinds of ability. The one group would not even exist, or at least not its current manifestation, but for its counter-position in relation to another group in-its-difference. The social phenomena that the demographic categories purport to describe are in fact almost invariably relational. They are as much a creature of the dynamics of the social whole as they are products of isolatable group commonalities. They are defined in and through social relationships - of comparative power, privilege and access to resources. Each group is created and evolves over time through a series of historical and ongoing intergroup relationships. Without the one, there would not be the 'other', or at least the other would be something quite different. These relationships (racism, sexism, comparative socio-economic privilege and the like) often play themselves through in schools and classrooms via deeply relational dynamics, in which the forces of mutual intergroup definition are stronger than the purely endogenous attributes of groups and their members.

Intersectionality

Moreover, in a person's life experience, the groups with which they have been affiliated are not separate; they are overlapping, simultaneous, multilayered. The consequent differences are never things-in-themselves. Rather, every aspect of material, corporeal and symbolic difference manifests is deeply overlaid, forming an integrated whole. Every person represents a peculiar conjunction of dimensions of difference, a unique mix of group or community experiences. The constitution of that individual can only be understood through the nuanced intricacies of their narratives of life experience. By the time the layers are combined, what might be predicted by one demographic variable is transformed to mean something else by its interrelation with other variables.

Change

Differences never stay still. They are not states simply to be found, classified and dealt with. One of the dangers of group categorization is to assume stasis, to over-emphasize continuity for the purposes of heuristic clarity. On the contrary, groups are always moving, always fluid, always in a state of dynamic and unstable change. And we social actors do not necessarily remain content to leave differences the way they are. We may want to move them along. This can either be from the perspective of an insider - a woman who wants to change the role of women, or an indigenous activist struggling to improve the conditions of life of their people, or an individual striving for social mobility, for instance. Or it can be from an outsider's perspective, for instance, the ways in which educators support learners in their self-transformation or growth, to achieve dreams and aspirations that may have seemed beyond the scope of possibility within the frame of their lifeworlds.

The operational validity of the demographic categories has now - almost - fallen away. But we can't let them go. They have deep historical and pragmatic meanings. They are the tokens and sites of significant struggles for justice, both for redistribution and recognition, to adopt Fraser's terminology once again, as well as the institutional accommodation of corporeal differences. In these senses the categories of are of strategic value; they are a theoretical and social heuristic.

In natural language, the meanings of words are rife with ambiguities and semantic untidiness. Dictionaries capture the historical nuances of natural language in everyday use. The metacategories of difference (class, language, physical and mental abilities, and the like), and also the empirical subcategories (Asperger's, Arabic, asexuality, and the like), constitute what we call a 'strategically un-natural language' (Cope, Kalantzis, & Magee, Cope, B. , Kalantzis, M. , & Magee, L. (2011). 2011 Towards a semantic web: Connecting knowledge in academic research. Woodhead Publishing. Cambridge: , Chapter 13). They abstract criterial features of the world, thus simplifying for the sake of observation and argument. They classify the world for the purposes of analysis and action. We can't discard such categorical languages because they are drenched in historical experience as well as today's future-oriented calls to action. They are born in the common ground of shared struggle. We still need to operate in these categorical modes - in our classrooms and in the wider world of human differences. However, we also live and work in a world where we know that the differences must be nuanced in ways that are more realistic than these metacategories and their consequent demographic categories allow. We call this more nuanced perspective, after Husserl and his successors, 'lifeworld attributes'. But before reaching this discussion, we return to the Roma.

In practice: Roma experiences

To categorize by name

'Roma'/'Rroma'/'Romani'/'Romany'; 'Gypsies'/'Yftes'; 'Tsiganes'/'Ciganos' Commissioner for Human Rights. (2012). - these are some contemporary names, and variants of 'Gypsy' and 'Tsigane' are at times regarded to be pejorative. There are other names, for some subgroups and sometimes several or all: 'Travellers', 'Sinti', 'Kalé', 'Manoche', 'Ashkali', 'Gens du Voyage'. 'It is not always clear who should be included and who should be excluded from these categories,' says the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe. 'The minorities labeled "Roma", "Gypsies" and "Travellers" in fact comprise a multitude of ethnicities and distinct linguistic communities, heterogeneous groups that are viewed as a unit primarily by outsiders' (Commissioner for Human Rights, 2012 Human rights of Roma and travellers in Europe. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. , p. 32).

The situation is also complicated by refusals to name, on the part of authorities and persons themselves who are the objects of the naming. The Greek census does not collect data on ethnic affiliation or language, and there is no other systematic form of registration or enumeration of the Roma population. Nor does France, for the ostensible reason that to do so would contradict principles of equal treatment of citizens and their right to privacy. There is also a concern in France that this information might fuel the racism of the National Front, as well as the historical memory Vichy collaboration with Nazis in the Jewish holocaust, and Gypsy internment and deportation to concentration camps in this period.

However, not classifying and not counting also amounts to a certain kind of refusal to address discrimination and inequality. In the words of an Open Society Institute report:

there is a fundamental lack of accurate information on Roma in Central, Eastern, and South Eastern Europe. ... This failure has far-reaching consequences: the lack of information renders policy and planning ineffective and makes it impossible to monitor changes. Inadequate data also perpetuates vast disparities in access to quality education. Inadequate information will continue to enable governments to evade responsibility for failing to create, fund, and implement effective programs. (Open Society Institute, Open Society Institute. (2006). 2006 Monitoring education for Roma: A statistical baseline for central, eastern, and south eastern Europe. New York, NY: Open Society Institute. , p. 2)

On the other hand, Roma often have good reason to prefer that they are not named. 'We are Greeks; we are citizens' - this is a legitimate counter-claim to a label that describes marginalization, another kind of principled refusal to name. As the Commissioner for Human Rights admits:

not surprisingly, many Roma continue to see the authorities as a threat. When required to register or to be fingerprinted they fear the worst. This is all the more understandable when they explain how they see similarities between much of today's anti-Roma rhetoric with the language used in the past in Europe by Nazis and fascists and other extremists. (Commissioner for Human Rights, Commissioner for Human Rights. (2012). 2012 Human rights of Roma and travellers in Europe. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. , p. 8)

So, when it comes to naming Roma as a group, it's complicated.

To categorize by language

Apart from several 'isolates' that may be remnant indigenous languages (Basque, Finnish, Hungarian), like other major European language. Romani is a language with origins in the east - hence its classification as an Indo-European language. Like other European languages it includes historical accretions, in the case of Romani from Persian, Armenian and Byzantine Greek. In contemporary usage, it contains many loan words from local languages. As a principally oral language, Romani is a particularly dynamic language, and locational divergence continues at a faster pace than written and standardized languages. Some variants such as the Catalonian, Spanish, Portuguese, and Brazilian Caló have become dialects of the host language. In Laederich's estimation, perhaps one third of Roma do not speak Rromanes (her spelling) (Laederich, , p. 8). Roma who speak Romani are also necessarily bi- or multilingual in local as well as home languages. So, when it comes to classify Roma by language, it's complicated.

To categorize by class

For the (perhaps) millennium-long life in Europe, many - but by no means all - Roma have been part of a class outside of the main class system, neither serfs nor lords in European feudalism, neither capitalists nor workers in modernity. Roma are have long been traveling salespersons, scrap collectors, entertainers and beggars. But some have also been in almost as many other classes as there can be, and are today. They were slaves where slave states existed, such as Wallachia and Moldova until slavery was abolished there in 1856 (Taylor, , pp. 126-128). They were rounded up by order of Ferdinand IV of Spain in 1794 and forced to work in the state's naval arsenals (Fraser, , p. 166). They joined the proletariat in factories and collective farms in the Soviet Union (Taylor, , pp. 160-161). They have migrated to the New World, finding themselves in located in conventional class formations as workers or business people. So when it comes to locating Roma by class, it's complicated ( Figure 5).

To categorize by race

To categorize by ethnos

Roma are not recognized as an ethnic minority by the Greek state. Either they register as Greek citizens, or they remain stateless (Triandafyllidou & Kouki, , pp. 24-25). When it comes to identify ethnic continuity of the Roma in Greece, Mitakidou, Tressou, and Karagianni say:

it would be inaccurate to consider [Roma] as a homogeneous group in any aspect, when, in fact, they represent a very wide spectrum of in-group, often in- family, variability. In terms of their variations, Greek Roma are mainly Christian or Muslim (in Thrace) and they speak Romani (an oral language), Greek, and Turkish (in Thrace), as well as combinations of these three and other languages. They are divided in subgroups, such as Tsigganoi, Fitsiria, Gyftoi, Tourkogyftoi, Katsiveloi, and Athiganoi, according to their geographical descent, dialect, occupation, and settlement. (Mitakidou et al., Mitakidou, S. , Tressou, E. , & Karagianni, P. (2015). Implementing culturally sensitive assessment tools for the inclusion of Roma children in mainstream schools. In 2015 Continuing the journey to reposition culture and cultural context in evaluation theory and practice (pp. 233-250). Information Age Publishing. Charlotte, NC: , pp. 234-235)

what people see themselves to be is, in the main, not a one-dimensional social or ethnic type, but what I have come to than of as 'resultant beings': they point out a range of influences and lineages that are expanded over time and across circumstances. (Belton, Belton, B. (2010). Knowing gypsies. In D. Le Bas, & T. Action (Eds.), 2010 All change! Romani studies through Romani eyes (pp. 39-48). University of Hertfordshire Press. Hatfield: , p. 39)

There are, however, cultural motifs that we have come to see as distinctively 'gypsy': a style of clothing; motifs in the music of Brahms, Liszt and Bartók; flamenco as a dance form. But these are have also become other peoples' ethnos. How also 'Spanish' is flamenco, and how also 'Hungarian' the musical motifs? And when a non-Roma wear gypsy clothes, or hum a riff from what has become the canon of classical music, or dance flamenco, these have become a deeply corporeal parts of their identities, too. We can all be gypsies now. Such elements of identity defy attempts neatly to align of persons with groups defined by ethnos.

Moreover, there may also be some aspects of 'being Roma' that some Roma may wish to abandon, or that should be abandoned, or even must be forcibly abolished Commissioner for Human Rights. (2012). - a 'cleanliness' regime that restricts the lives women, and arranged child marriage, for instance (Commissioner for Human Rights, 2012 Human rights of Roma and travellers in Europe. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. , p. 19, 104-105).

Nevertheless, the construction of ethnos becomes a strategic rallying point. The first World Romany Congress was held in London in 1971. Delegates from 14 countries agreed to adopt the term 'Rom', and took on those accouterments of nation - a flag, a 'national anthem' and a national day (Council of Europe, ; Fraser, , p. 316; Matras, , p. 32). The Rroma foundation was established in Switzerland in 1993, with financial support from the Soros Foundation (Laederich, , p. 19). So, when it comes to Roma ethnicity, it's complicated.

To categorize by locale

Earlier in this paper, we saw the Roma camp at Peraia in Northern Greece. Now we'll visit two more, strikingly different Roma locales. We do this to show the sheer range of geospatial experience, even within the same region.

In Ottoman times the residents of the village of Φ λάμπουρο - Flamapouro most of whom are Roma origin, worked as share-croppers on the lands two wealthy Turkish landowners, or as fisherpeople on the local lake. After the departure of the Turks, many gained ownership of small pieces of farming land, supplementing their livelihoods with day labor. During the Second World War and the subsequent civil war, many joined the resistance led by the Communist Party of Greece. In the post war period became trade unionists and active members of the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement. Although educational participation by the Roma of Flamapouro has been below the norm in Greece, it has been much higher than in other Roma locales (Zachos, , ). Nor is this a unique phenomenon in Northern Greece (Themelis, ).

Ἁγία Σοφία - Agia Sophia, our third locale, is different again, both from Flamapouro and Peraia. Unlike Peraia, it is a planned settlement of prefab homes, laid out in a rectangular road pattern, and with electricity (which the community complains is expensive). The children are enrolled in local schools, but attendance is poor. In evidence are the traditional, highly visible hawking trades, such as selling watermelons. The 50€ notes strewn across the dashboard of a pickup truck also point to another market that is considerably more lucrative than watermelons. So do the large new houses under construction on the sites of the former prefabs. So, when it comes to examining Roma locales, it's complicated.

The categories, in short, fail us. We do need some of their aggregations for strategic purposes. However, the classical categorizations of modernity no longer work for us as easily as once it seemed they might. So, the strategic use of these categories in policy and practice must necessarily be balanced with a disaggregation of 'lifeworld differences'. Such is the extra categorical work we must do if we are to identify and act upon social and learner differences.

In theory: lifeworld differences

Because 'it's complicated', we propose an alternative and supplementary framing of social and learner differences focused on the notion of 'lifeworld'.

In a formal educational context, the lifeworld is the everyday lived experience that learners bring to a place of learning. It is the person they have so far become through the influence of their family, their local community, their friends, their peers and the particular slices of popular or domestic culture with which they identify. The lifeworld is what has shaped them. It is has made them who they are. It is what they like and unreflectively dislike. It is who they are. The underlying attributes of lifeworld experience form the basis of identity and subjectivity.

To take note of lifeworld attributes may give concrete substance to the differences identified in the demographic categories. However, just as often in the lifeworld, one finds oneself in the presence of differences that can only be grasped at a level which defies tidy categorization. Looking through the frame of the lifeworld differences also may also reveal the points at which the demographic categories overgeneralize, or miss the mark when these categories prove to be unhelpful or plain wrong, and even at times create counterproductive stereotypes. Here are some vectors in the constitution of lifeworld attributes:

Affinities

We are who and what we associate ourselves with, and what that association stands for. 'Affinity' captures senses of community, from formal membership connections with groups, to relations in networks, to informal senses of connection in common causes. Affinity may connect a person to sports or teams, through shared enthusiasm and common interests, in workplace 'cultures' or loyalty to products, in the collective sympathies of social or environmental movements, in professions or shared communities of practice.

Personae

Agencies

In the era of a politics of recognition, there is greater scope for self-making, in symbolic areas even if the scope for material self-making remains as restricted as ever. The consequence is a plethora of identities - aesthetic, epistemological, discursive, interpersonal. The essence of the change is epitomized in transition from mass production of uniform products for massified, putatively homogenous market (Henry Ford: 'Any color you like, as long as it is black'), to customization for a myriad of niche markets, each representing an identity position (now, you are what you drive) (Cope & Kalantzis, ). Inequalities in access to material resources may stubbornly persist and even worsen, but within the realm of symbolic differences, there is greater space for agency.

Narratives

Affinities, personae and agencies come together into narratives of person. These are life- historical, ongoing, and aspirational. They are simultaneously retrospective and constructive - life trajectories tracing where a person has been, in relation to where they are now, in relation to where they might imagine their life course to be are heading. Such identity narratives are the givens that are constitutive of who a person is, and how they enact their being. They tell of how the social and historical is instantiated in the personal and contemporary.

Thus lifeworld experience constitutes 'identity', but not just in the sense implied the etymology of this term - 'things alike' in a group of people. To a greater degree today than in our modern pasts, identity is constituted by things that are noticeably unlike. In the era of a politics of recognition, and also in the strategic vision of civic pluralism, difference sits deep in our consciousness, our epistemologies, our subjectivities and our means of production of meaning. No longer can we assume there to be a universal personality (normal, or deviant but remediable, or excluded because irredeemable), because the universal today is a humanity of personalities emphatically in the plural (the range of our differences), and also in the multiple (the layered complexity of the differences within us - for every individual the unique intersection of attributes, the nature and sources of which may often be ascribed to groups and socialization).

We live today in an era that affords greater scope for agency in the realms of symbolic and corporeal difference. We are more able now than we were in an earlier modernity to make ourselves more different. And because we can, we do. Take for instance the rainbow of gender identifications and expressions of sexuality in the newly plastic body; or the shades of ethnic identity and the juxtapositions of identity which challenge our inherited conceptions of neighborhood; or the locale that highlights its peculiarities to tourists; or the panoply of identities supported by the new, participatory media; or the bewildering range of products anticipating any number of consumer identities and product reconfigurations by consumers themselves. This becomes the stuff of our personalities in the plural and the multiple. Together, these manifest themselves as the multiplicity of our dispositions, our sensibilities, our identities.

We also live in a world where the poles of comparative access to material resources are pulling further apart. Here too, there is scope both for greater agency, as well as the active suppression of that agency. Material inequalities create fissures and tensions that pervade society, from small acts of anger and resistance, to larger frames of democratic and undemocratic political action. In the case of learners, one line of agency may be to use education as a path to access, through formal educational qualifications that secure intergenerational upward mobility. Another might be to learn to be political, offering vicarious or practical support to reform agendas that aim to reduce or eliminate material inequalities. They dynamics of engagement with material inequality are complex and highly variable from context to context and person to person.

Pursuing these lines of exploration into learner lifeworlds - be that self-understanding on the part of learners or the understanding that teachers have of their learners - brings us closer to the realities of persons and their learning needs than was ever possible with gross demographic categorization alone. In fact, it both adds substance to the categories and qualifies their overgeneralizing tendencies. It takes us past the unmanageable list of group categories because it focuses on narrative specificities of particular persons and their inter-relations. It leads to the discovery of internal group variations. It finds inter- group relationality because that's what the life narratives speak to. It accounts for the unique intersectionality of every person's group- and history-related position. It takes notice of change, and anticipates further change. Importantly also, it asks these questions of every learner, thus getting away from a tendency to start diversity agendas with a perfunctory list of equity groups.

And why must we go to these lifeworld attributes when we address learner differences? Learning succeeds or fails to the extent that it engages the varied subjectivities of learners. Behind the demographics are real people, who have always-already learned. The range of their learning possibilities are both boundless and circumscribed by what they have learned already and who they have come to be through their learning. Education, then, needs to engage with difference at a far deeper level and in a much more nuanced way that the gross demographic categorization allows. The challenge is, how do we engage all learners in classrooms of deep difference? In other words, how do we do civic pluralism?

In theory: towards the inclusive school

The modern school - and the nation-state, and the 'Fordist' factory, and the newspapers and television of the old 'mass media' of - addresses differences by imposing a epistemological and moral architecture of sameness. Differences inexorably exist, but the institutions of an older modernity attempt to ignore, or elide, or write over these differences.

This is how the modern school establishes its program of sameness: the school takes students out of life and puts them into classroom whose discourse is exophoric and singular. Exophoric: school perennially refers to things outside of the classroom. The referring is a purely discursive and abstract act of 'bringing in' potentially anything or everything of the outside world - planets, or nineteenth century novels, or mathematical theorems. Singular: the voices of the knowing teacher or the synoptic textbook refer unequivocally to facts and norms.

The syllabus lays out the officially sanctioned program of learning. The textbook brings the world into the classroom by summarizing the world - a singularly authoritative synopsis of facts and theories deemed significant. The students are arrayed behind rows of desks, eyes directed to teacher at the front of the classroom. The teacher lectures the class: 'Listen, O my son, to the precepts of thy master, [for it] belongeth to the master to speak and to teach; it becometh the disciple to be silent and to listen' (St Benedict c.530 [ 1949 St Benedict. c.530. (1949). The Holy Rule of St. Benedict. ]). Mostly, the students have to listen because there are many students to one teacher. The teacher may ask a question: teacher initiation ('what?' 'how?'); followed by student response (one student puts up their hand, attempts to give the answer they anticipate the teacher expects, so acting as a proxy for all others on the assumption that they could or should provide the same answer); followed by teacher evaluation ('yes' that's right', or 'no, try again') (Cazden, ). The students undertake activities, rehearsing the presented curriculum narrative in notes, written answers, or essays. The cycle of classroom discourse comes to a temporary close with the test that measures the degree to which learners and their teacher have remembered the content prescribed in the syllabus.

This is an architecture, discourse, epistemology of sameness. Knowledge is a hierarchically structured system of transmission, syllabus => textbook => teacher delivery => learner test. The curriculum is univocal - singular narratives of mathematics, or the triumphal history of the nation-state, or the rules of official languages. Classes are carefully constituted to align with this regime of sameness. Other languages are forbidden, or just not offered. Classes are finely differentiated by age (grade n) and 'ability' (classes nA, nB ... ). 'Disabilities' are removed into 'special schools'. The rich are sorted into exclusive educational enclaves by affordability. Local schools sort by unequal locale. In single-sex schools, students learn what seems appropriate to traditional gender roles.

Everything about this modern school could change, and should change. We name this aspiration, a learning architecture of productive diversity and inclusion. In the era of civic pluralism, such an architecture may become a child of necessity. For educators, it must also be an agenda of invention. This is something we need to work to design, a pedagogical order that we educators need to parent.

Inclusive education is a way of working with learner differences such that differences are without prejudice to social access and symbolic recognition. Inclusion means that you don't have to be the same to be equal - to have similar opportunities, not identical opportunities, but the same kinds of opportunities measured in terms of comparable access to material resources in the form of employment, civic participation and senses of belonging to a broader as well as a localized community (Kalantzis & Cope, , Chapter 5; Slee, ). In this context, learning is not a matter of unilinear 'development' in which you leave your old self behind, jettisoning lifeworlds that would in earlier times have been framed by education as less inadequate to the task of modern life. Rather, it is an open-ended process of extending one's cultural repertoire, starting with a recognition of lifeworld experience and using that experience as a basis for extending what one knows and what one can do. An inclusive process of transformation, then, is not a matter of vertical development; rather, it is a process of expanding horizons. These new horizons have a reciprocal impact on the lifeworld: learners engage in and with their lifeworlds in new ways, changing those lifeworld conditions through engagement, but not necessarily in order to leave those lifeworlds behind in a kind of one-way trip.

Following are some items in an agenda for inclusive education:

To know learner profiles

Don't assume learners are the same, even though in an educational architecture of sameness this usually the institutional and pedagogical default. When beginning to get beyond the architecture of sameness, the demographic classifiers are an important starting point and they do mean something. However they are no more than a starting point and a few simple demographic descriptors are nowhere near enough.

Elsewhere, we have worked on policy development in which personal profiles are developed at a level of granularity that is appropriate to a service, with information requirements determined on a need-to-know basis (Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs. (1998). 1998 Charter of public service in a culturally diverse society. Canberra: Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs. ). If surgery, you need to know quite a lot of specific information (about religion, language spoken, dietary culture), more than if you are a public transport provider, for instance. If you are in education, you need to know a lot about the student starting from the point of enrollment - home languages spoken? socio-economic conditions? In fact, you probably need to cover nearly every aspect of the demographic metacategories that we outlined earlier in this paper.

However, don't assume that initial or seemingly obvious demographic classifications will work. The only way to find out more is to build curriculum processes and community relations that are open, dialogical and continuous. To frame this in terms of our Learning by Design or Multiliteracies pedagogy, essential pedagogical moves include 'experiencing the known', where students bring their own lifeworld experiences into the curriculum, and 'applying creatively' which takes them back to apply what they have learned to real-world settings (Cope & Kalantzis, Cope, B. , & Kalantzis, M. (2015d). The things you do to know: An introduction to the pedagogy of multiliteracies. In B. Cope, & M. Kalantzis (Eds.), 2015d A pedagogy of multiliteracies: Learning by design (pp. 1-36). Palgrave. London: ). In these ways, every moment of learning also a moment of mutual knowing-each-other between teachers and learners. The lifeworld comes to school and the school comes to the lifeworld. So the business of building learner profiles is continuous and embedded into the logic of the curriculum itself. The curriculum is an opening for students to voice their lifeworld experiences and life aspirations. This continuous voicing is an essential part of engaging effectively with learners' lifeworld experiences. Then, beyond recognition alone, the school must extend these experiences? It must expand learners' horizons.

To create differentiated curriculum

The old, one-size-fits-all, on-the-same-page curriculum is no longer appropriate in the era of civic pluralism. Nor is it pragmatically necessary in the era of digital media and computer-mediated learning (Kalantzis & Cope, Kalantzis, M. , & Cope, B. (2015). Learning and new media. In D. Scott, & E. Hargreaves. (Eds.), 2015 The sage handbook of learning (pp. 373-387). Sage. Thousand Oaks, CA: ). These new media make differentiated instruction more practicable. Learners can be doing the same thing at their own pace, or they can be doing different things according to their needs or interests. Such is the objective of adaptive, personalized or differentiated instruction which calibrates learning to individuals (Walkington, ; Wolf, ). However, we need to remain alert to ensure the comparability or equivalence (albeit not sameness) of educational and social outcomes.

To provide recursive feedback

Learner differences demand customized feedback based on differential interests, chosen topical focus, and learning needs. Recursive feedback or formative assessment (Black & Wiliam, ; Wiliam, ) provides responses to learners that are always calibrated to the specifics of who they are, and the knowledge they are representing in their learning. In the era of inexpensive and accessible social knowledge technologies, no learning environment should be without always-available feedback mechanisms - machine feedback and machine-mediated social feedback (Cope & Kalantzis, 2013; Cope, Kalantzis, McCarthey, Vojak, & Kline, 2011).

To recruit learner agency

A more inclusive approach will recruit learner agency, subjectivity and identity as an energy that drives learning. Inclusive education conceives schools as knowledge-producing communities. It fosters in learners a sense that they themselves are knowledge producers rather than consumers of knowledge that has been pre-processed and transmitted to them, facts and definitions and theorems to be committed to memory and correctly applied. Instead of having textbooks, inclusive curriculum has students summarize the world, navigating and critically evaluating the plethora of sources available online and in community experience. Such has been the long-cherished the aim project-based learning (Kilpatrick, ; Rugg & Shumaker, Rugg, H. , & Shumaker, A. (1928). 1928 2015a). The child-centered school: An appraisal of the new education. World Book Company. Yonkers, NY: ; Waks, ). Instead of ingesting a singular narrative that is textbook content, learners negotiate, synthesize a diverse range of sources and perspectives. Then, they write the textbook, figuratively speaking. In so doing they are reinventing the world, no more or less than an expert does (Cope & Kalantzis,

Inclusive curriculum must also open out alternative starting points for learning - what the learner perceives to be worth learning, what engages the particularities of their identity. It must allow for alternative forms of engagement - the varied experiences that need to be brought to bear on the learning, the different conceptual bents of learners, the different analytical perspectives the learner may have on the nature of cause, effect and human interest, and the different settings in which they may apply or enact their knowledge (Kalantzis & Cope, ). It must cater to different learning orientations - preferences, for instance, for particular emphases in knowledge making and patterns of engagement. It must offer different modalities in meaning-making, embracing alternative expressive potentials for different learners. And it must provide for alternative pathways and destination points in learning.

If we could allow this much scope for learner agency, we will allow a thousand differences to bloom. We will also create a more powerful sense of belonging in the processes of learning and the institutions of education. The paradox of belonging in the era of civic pluralism is that this belonging must be in all-your-difference. The more we take agency into account, the more multifarious its manifestations become and the more complex its intersections and matrices. Moreover, not simply to leave differences the way they are along with their underlying inequalities, inclusive education also means that learners have more opportunities to jump out of the rut of narrow lifeworld destiny, opening their horizons of possibility and their potentials for self-transformation.

To nurture productive diversity

Centering educational energies on learner agency in all its variety will also nurture a new ethics of collaborative learning. When lifeworlds are so varied, diversity of perspective becomes a resource for learning. Knowledge construction and learning become all the more potent for their productive engagement with diversity. This is the basis for learning and knowledge ecologies of 'productive diversity' where navigating differences of experience, perspective, paradigm, expertise is integral to the work of knowledge making and learning. We call the generative synergies of difference 'productive diversity' (Cope & Kalantzis, ; Page, ). The educational objective is to support the self-development of kinds of persons who have the capacity to learn and act in particular ways. They can navigate change, negotiate deep diversity and make and lead change rather than be helpless to its forces. They can engage in sometimes difficult dialogues. They can compromise and create shared understandings. And they can comfortably extend their cultural and knowledge repertoires into new areas. They are tolerant, responsible and resilient in their differences.

To measure comparabilities

Learner transformation is a central mission of education. It occurs through the extension of the learner's repertoire of knowledge and capacities. It involves boundary crossing and expanding their horizons in a world of differences. This does not mean having to leave one's old self behind as was the case in the days of assimilation. Inclusive education is about learner self-transformation, learners acting as an agents to transform their worlds. How, then, do we create forms of assessment and evaluation that enable learners to meet high standards and can tell us in meaningful ways how learners have grown through their learning experiences? How do you measure progress in achieving education's most basic promises, for individuals and the groups to which they belong? The answer must mean using innovative assessment and evaluation practices that provide meaningful feedback such as portfolio evaluation, peer- or self-review, and 'big data' analyses of learner progress (Cope & Kalantzis, ). The measure for all of these innovative assessment modes should not be identical 'standards' but comparabilities - evidence in the form of learning activity and knowledge representations which can never be the same, but may be comparable in terms of epistemic effort and intellectual outcomes.

In practice: towards inclusive Roma education

Returning now to the starting point of this analysis, the project we were evaluating. Between 2010 and 2014, a project team led by Litsa Tressou, Soula Mitakidou and Yiota Karagianni conducted an intervention, 'Education of Roma Children in the Regions of Central Macedonia, West Macedonia and East Macedonia and Thrace'. The project worked in 39 Roma communities, involving 78 schools, and engaging 96 social workers. It aimed to achieve improvements in Roma education that might be termed 'inclusive'. Actions included: preschool education in order to ease the transition to school; the use of community-based psychologists to support children and families with a view to improving the rate of attendance of school-aged children; efforts to support access to second-chance schools and adult education, particularly for women; attempts to connect families with the local community and school; the use of information and communication technologies to network communities; two international conferences on Roma education; and a cultural program that included two festivals of Roma culture and music at the foot of White Tower, the icon of Thessaloniki. These actions are described in detail elsewhere (Kalantzis et al., Kalantzis, M. , Cope, B. , & Arvanitis, E. (2015). Karagianni, P. , Mitakidou, S. , & Tressou, E. (2013). What's right in children's rights? In B. B. Swadener, L. Lundy, J. Habashi, & N. Blanchet-Cohen (Eds.), 2015 2013 Children's rights and education: International perspectives (pp. 82-98). Peter Lang. New York, NY: ; Mitakidou et al., ). Evaluation report of the project, education of Roma children in central Macedonia, west Macedonia and east Macedonia and Thrace. Aristotle University, Thessaloniki. ; Karagianni et al.,

The project finished in 2014 when EU funding ended. With this, the initiatives that had been developed during these years also came to an end. So where, after this, is Roma education in Northern Greece measured in terms of the ambitions for an inclusive education? Without sustained attention and resources, inclusive education for Roma is going almost nowhere. And what has been achieved in the project? As much as possible under circumstances constituted by the weight of history and the present crises of Greek and European society. Some Roma, however, have at the very least experienced an inkling of educational and social possibility.

From theory to practice: towards social and educational transformation

Over the course of modernity, we have experienced virulent moments of exclusion of based on human differences. We have also experienced attempts to assimilate differences on the working assumption that modern society and its institutions function more effectively when their members conform to the canons of sameness. The subsequent experiences of exclusion and assimilation are ongoing. Modern schooling was founded on these anthropological presuppositions, and we live with that legacy today.

Processes of exclusion and homogenization have, however, always encountered resistances. As they unavoidably become manifest, the contours of the differences have been named by resistors and proponents alike, using the metacategories that we have defined and analyzed in this paper. After centuries of resistance, this is perhaps a moment of paradigm shift, demanding not only a renewed recognition of differences, but also redress of inequalities in the distribution of material resources that are a key dimension of difference. If so, we need to extend our categories in order to capture the complexities of identity and inequality. And we need to reform our schools so they no longer attempt to frame differences through their legacy architecture of sameness. The task of the moment is to redesign schooling around an architecture of productive diversity and inclusion.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors

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We are in the process of disabling all recurring payments, but we do recommend that you contact your bank or credit card company directly to halt them.

We would welcome the opportunity for investors who are interested in partnering with Glogster to contact us so that we are able to resume providing services to our customers who we have proudly served since 2008. Interested investors may contact the Glogster team here.

We apologize for the inconvenience that we know this disruption in service will cause and we hope to have Glogster back up and running better than ever in the near future. Thank you for your support over the last 14 years.

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Services provided by Glogster.com have been temporarily disabled for operational reasons. We are in the process of disabling all recurring payments, but we do recommend that you contact your bank or credit card company directly to halt them.

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Tagxedo turns words -- famous speeches, news articles, slogans and themes, even your love letters -- into a visually stunning word cloud

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Upload, Share and Search Presentations, Templates On authorSTREAM

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authorSTREAM enables presenters to upload & share PowerPoint, Keynote & PDF presentations online; embed in blogs, convert to video and share on social networks.

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ProProfs: SAAS Software for Training, Customer Support & More

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ProProfs - Knowledge Management Software for Quizzes, Tests, Training, Flashcards, Knowledge Base. Get started with our knowledge management softwares.

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Listening is one of the 4 skills our students rarely get to practice outside of our classrooms. Language learners need to be able to hear English from various speakers and sources at different speeds. Chances are language learners will communicate in English more with non-native speakers versus native speakers since the world has about 400 million native speakers compared to over a billion non-native speakers of English. Below are various websites with audio recordings of music, poetry, news and more accompanied with exercises, games, or transcripts to help your language learners improve their listening skills. For more ideas on how to use web tools and apps to enhance student listening skills check out our webinar recordings, Teaching with Listening Tools and Apps and Audio Projects for Learners.

To learn more about integrating technology to support English language learners, attend our free Friday webinars.

Listening Sites for Teens and Adults

English Central has several Youtube videos at different English levels in which students are asked to listen to then try pronouncing the words correctly. Play against others.

Dictation Exercises from English Club has different dictation exercises at various levels for students. Students can choose their listening speed and check their answers.

Listen and Write is another site to find dictation exercises. Choose your audio level and take a test.

AudioPuzzler is a game where students choose to listen to famous movie clips then type what they hear.

PlayPhrase is a platform where students get to hear English phrases from over 300 movie clips and repeat what they hear.

Lyrics Training and Tune into English help students to learn English by listening to popular songs then singing and playing games with others.

LingoRank has over 400 selected talks to improve your English listening and vocabulary skills.

Lit2Go is a free online collection of stories and poems in Mp3 (audiobook) format. An abstract, citation, playing time, and word count are given for each of the passages.

ELLLO, the English Language Listening Library Online, has videos and audio recordings with listening quizzes and transcripts.

Listen-A-Minute is a Sean Banville site with a listening and various class and online activities. Each listening comes with a pdf teachers can download of these activities.

ManyThings is a site which lists various listening exercises and games for language learners.

Podcasts in English is a site to find podcasts and activities for English language learners on various topics. Find some for adults, business English, traveling and more. Students choose the level.

VOA News is a site where each current event comes with an audio recording.

Check out the Teaching with Technology Certification course we offer online.

Live TESOL webinars are presented every Friday at 4 PM EST or New York time with Shelly Terrell. TESOL Lectures are open to the public, so feel free to invite a friend. To enter a TESOL Webinar, click here https://americantesol.adobeconnect.com/terrell/. Next, click Enter as a Guest, type your name, and click Enter Room.

Photo Credit: https://pixabay.com/en/startup-start-up-notebooks-creative-593324/

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14 Websites to Improve Listening Skills for Teens and Adults

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Listening is one of the 4 skills our students rarely get to practice outside of our classrooms. Language learners need to be able to hear English from various speakers and sources at different speeds.

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What are the benefits of voice to text?

Some of the benefits of voice to text might seem obvious, and right off the bat, it's simple to see why a free voice to text software might be useful. However, this program offers many more benefits that you might not have considered.

With our voice to text tool, you can experience seamless ease of communication, quick document turnaround, and course, flexibility for your work. Why take the time to type out your grand ideas when you can quickly capture them through our voice to text tool?

Ever have a great idea you can't wait to type out but once you get the chance to type it out, you've forgotten the idea? Or further, have you ever constructed a great sentence in your head, but by the time you've pulled up a document to type it out, your brain has totally switched up the order? It happens to all of us. But with our speech to text tool, you simply speak into our software and record the idea without lifting a finger! Then, simply print the transcription, save it as a text, or save it as an email or word document

But that's not all, there's a long list of benefits that voice to text tools can offer! For example, voice to text software can:

Help you save time : a speech recognition tool can cut your time in half when compared to typing out something on a document

Multitask: this is a must for busy individuals

Make fewer errors: when you type something out, it's possible to make errors and fail to capture an idea well. With a voice to text converter, you can capture the emotion, message, and grammatically correct transcription straight from your diction.

Make working and communicating on your smartphone easier than ever: our program works with iPhone, Android, tablets, and more: just open it with Chrome.Guarantee a secure pathway for your information: it goes from our transcription service to the next location you assign (as a text, word document, printed document, etc.).

Streamline a tedious job.

Increase and enhance workflow and visibility, allowing for easier management of projects and increased turnarounds.

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Speech to Text Online - Type With Your Voice! - Free online voice to Text

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Speech to Text Online - Voice to Text Online. You speak, I type! Free voice typing & live transcribe service.

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SpeechTexter is a free professional multilingual speech-to-text application aimed at assisting you with transcription of any type of documents, books, reports, blog posts, etc by using your voice. SpeechTexter's custom dictionary allows adding short commands for inserting frequently used data (punctuation marks, phone numbers, addresses, etc)

Voice-to-text software is exceptionally valuable for people who have difficulty using their hands due to trauma, people with dyslexia or disabilities that limit the use of conventional input devices.

This technology is supported by Chrome browser (for desktop only) and Android OS. Other browsers (including Chrome for mobile) have not implemented speech recognition yet.

SpeechTexter is used daily by students, teachers, writers, bloggers, news reporters around the world.

It will assist you in minimizing your writing efforts significantly.

Accuracy levels higher than 90% should be expected (around 95% for the English US).

It can also be used as a tool for learning a proper pronunciation of words in the foreign language, in addition to helping a person develop fluency with their speaking skills.

Features:

Powerful real-time continuous speech recognition

Creation of text notes, emails, writing of books, blog posts, etc

Custom dictionary (you can add your own commands for punctuation, or other data), ex. "question mark" > "?", "new line" > (ENTER key)

More than 60 languages supported

List of supported languages:
Afrikaans, Amharic, Arabic, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Basque, Bengali, Bulgarian, Catalan, Chinese, Croatian, Czech, Danish, Dutch, English, Filipino, Finnish, French, Galician, Georgian, German, Greek, Gujarati, Hebrew, Hindi, Hungarian, Icelandic, Indonesian, Italian, Japanese, Javanese, Kannada, Khmer, Korean, Lao, Latvian, Lithuanian, Malay, Malayalam, Marathi, Nepali, Norwegian Bokmål, Persian, Polish, Portuguese, Romanian, Russian, Serbian, Sinhala, Slovak, Slovenian, Spanish, Sundanese, Swahili, Swedish, Tamil, Telugu, Thai, Turkish, Ukrainian, Urdu, Vietnamese, Zulu.

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SpeechTexter | Type with your voice online

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SpeechTexter is a free professional multilingual speech-to-text application aimed at assisting you with transcription of any type of documents, books, reports, blog posts, etc by using your voice.

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Professioneller Spracherkennungs-Texteditor
Ablenkungsfrei, schnell, einfach zu bedienen und Free Web App für Diktieren & Schreiben

Speechnotes ist ein leistungsfähiges sprachgesteuertes Online-Notizbuch, das entworfen wurde, um Ihre Ideen durch die Implementierung eines klaren und effizienten Designs zu befähigen, so dass Sie sich auf Ihre Gedanken konzentrieren können.
Wir bemühen uns, das beste Online-Diktier-Tool durch den Einsatz hochmoderner Spracherkennungstechnologie für die genauesten Ergebnisse, die die Technologie heute erreichen kann, zusammen mit der Einbeziehung integrierter Tools (automatisch oder manuell), um die Effizienz, Produktivität und den Komfort der Anwender zu erhöhen.

Arbeitet komplett online in Ihrem Browser Chrome. Kein Download, keine Installation und auch keine Anmeldung nötig, so dass Sie sofort mit der Arbeit beginnen können.

Entwickelt, um Ihre Kreativität zu beflügeln und Sie konzentriert zu halten

Speechnotes ist speziell entwickelt, um Ihnen eine ablenkungsfreie Umgebung
Jede Notiz beginnt mit einem neuen klaren weißen Papier, um Ihre Gedanken mit einem klaren frischen Blick starten zu lassen. Alle anderen Elemente außer dem Text selbst werden ausgeblendet, so dass Sie sich auf den wichtigsten Teil konzentrieren können - Ihre eigene Kreativität.
Hinzu kommt, dass das Sprechen anstatt des Schreibens Ihnen ermöglicht, flüssig denken und sprechen zu können, ohne unterbrochen zu werden, was wiederum kreative, klare Gedanken fördert. Schriftarten und Farben auf der ganzen App sind so gestaltet, dass sie scharf und deutlich sind und ausgezeichnete Leseigenschaften haben.

Bewertungen & Benutzer-Feedback

Wir sind erst seit kurzem in der Branche und bereits auf "ProductHunt" und anderen internationalen Tech-Magazinen vorgestellt worden. Doch am meisten sind wir stolz auf das Feedback unserer Nutzer. Speechnotes ist die Spracherkennungs-App mit dem höchstens Ranking auf Chrome-Shop, bewertet mit mehr als 4,5 Sternen! Deutlich höher als andere Online-Alternativen. Hier sind einige der Nutzer-Bewertungen, die wir im Chrome-Shop bekommen haben:

"I would like to say that I am very pleased with this dictation plug in. It is better and much more accurate than the other two that I have tried. This is definitely my preferred dictation app.
In fact, I wrote this review using the app.
Thumbs up to the developers!!"

"It does what it says on the tin...& more. Priceless.
Tony Hawes. Whose faith has been restored in Apps by this one."

... And there are many more. Read all of them on the Chrome store

Vielen Dank! IhrFeedback gibt uns große Motivation, weiter großartige Lösungen zu entwickeln.

Eine kostenlose Alternative zu Dragon Naturally Speaking

Speechnotes ist völlig kostenlos und seiner Genauigkeit mit Dragon Naturally Speaking vergleichbar. Viele von Ihnen haben uns gesagt, dass in einigen Punkten sogar Dragon übertrifft. Wir sollten allerdings erwähnen, dass Speechnotes nur für Diktier-Zwecke eine Alternativ zu Dragon ist, nicht für die Sprachsteuerung von anderer Software und Spracherkennung innerhalb innerer anderer Software. Drache hat diese zusätzlichen Fähigkeiten. Wenn Sie jedoch einen Artikel diktieren müssen, werden Sie Speechnotes nicht nur billiger finden, sondern vielleicht sogar noch besser für Sie.

Integrierte Merkmale zur Steigerung Produktivität und Effizienz sowohl von Spracherkennung als auch regulärem Tastaturschreiben

Für viele von uns ist Tastaturschreiben langsam und damit zeitaufwendig. Speechnotes ermöglicht eine Texteingabe in Redegeschwindigkeit (langsame & deutliche Sprache).
Mit Speechnotes können Sie sich nahtlos zwischen Spracherkennung (Diktat) und Tastaturschreiben bewegen. Auf diese Weise können Sie diktieren, wenn es komfortabler ist, und per Tastatur eingaben, wenn das passender ist. Sie können auch zu diktieren und bearbeiten Sie Ihren Text Ergebnisse sofort, und weiterhin diktieren. Sie können auch Ihre Texte diktieren und sofort bearbeiten und danach weiterdiktieren. Keine Notwendigkeit, über App-Modi zu gehen oder sogar stoppen Diktat. Sie brauchen hierzu über keine App-Modi gehen oder gar das Diktieren stoppen.
Fügen Sie Satzzeichen durch Sprache ein (Sprachbefehle) oder durch einen einzigen Klick.

Weitere Merkmale für die Produktivität für beide Eingabearten sind:
Auto-Speichern, das das Dokument in Echtzeit nach jeder Änderung speichert, so dass Sie sich selbst nicht darum zu kümmern brauchen.
In Google Drive exportieren (Cloud-Speicherung) oder Download als Dokument auf Ihren Computer.
Ein Klick, um Ihre Notiz zu e-mailen oder zu auszudrucken.
Automatische intelligente Großschreibung am Satzanfang.
Keine Anmeldung, Registrierung, Installation, oder Download nötig. Funktioniert "direkt nach dem Auspacken". Und wo werden alle automatisch gespeicherten Notizen gespeichert? Speechnotes speichert alle Ihre Daten auf Ihrem eigenen Computer, über Ihren Browser. Der Vorteil ist, dass Sie sich nicht anzumelden brauchen. Der Nachteil ist, dass Sie auf diese Dokumente nicht von anderen Computer aus zugreifen können. Deshalb lässt Speechnotes Sie Ihre Daten nach Google Drive exportieren. Ein weiterer kleiner Nachteil ist, dass nach sehr vielen Notizen vielleicht Ihr Speicherplatz voll belegt ist, so dass es sich empfiehlt, von Zeit zu Zeit unnötige ältere Notizen zu löschen.
Unbegrenzte kostenlose Nutzung.

Führende Technologie

Speechnotes basiert auf Googles High-End-Spracherkennungs-Maschinen. Tatsächlich werden alle Ihre Sprachaufzeichnungen an Google gesendet, wo sie mit leistungsstarken Parallel-Servern und Algorithmen interpretiert werden und zu Speechnotes als Stream möglicher Transkriptions-Ergebnisse zurückgesendet werden. Mit dem richtigen Umgang mit diesen Ergebnissen und einer Reihe von Befehlen an die Sprache-zu-Text-Maschinen können wir Ergebnisse, die auch, was die Genauigkeit angeht selbst im Vergleich zur professionellsten und teuersten Software auf dem Markt nicht zurückstehen. In diesem Satz Insertion auf klicken und Sprachbefehle und Smart Kapitalisierung, und du bist einer der fortschrittlichsten apps gehen Sie raus.
Quantitativ liegt die Genauigkeitsstufe bei über 90%.

Gesundheitliche Vorteile der Spracheingabe

Allgemein kann das Sitzen vor dem Computer verschiedene Arten von Repetitive Strain Injuries (RSI) zur Folge haben. Um diese zu vermeiden, ist es am besten, nicht zu lange am Computer zu sitzen. Aber wenn sich das nicht vermeiden lässt, müssen Sie besonders auf Ihre Körperhaltung achten. Sie können mehr zu erfahren Siehe hier (http://rsi.unl.edu/). Spracheingaben ist einer der am meisten empfohlenden Arten, diese Risiken zu vermeiden, denn es ermöglicht Ihnen, komfortabel zu sitzen und Ihre Arme, Hände, Schultern und Rücken dabei allesamt frei bewegen zu können. Sie können auf die Eingabe per Tastatur zurückgreifen, um nach Abschluss des Diktierens Korrekturen und Bearbeitungen vorzunehmen.

Anleitungen und Tipps

Vor Beginn:
Schließen Sie ein hochwertiges Mikrofon an Ihren PC an (wenn Sie ein eingebautes Mikrofon haben, könnte dies ausreichend sein).

Funktionsweise:
1) Klicken Sie das Mikrofon an
2) Nur beim ersten Mal: Ihr Browser wird eine Anfrage stellen, bei der Sie der Site erlauben müssen, Ihr Mikrofon zu hören. Klicken Sie auf "Erlauben".
3) Beginnen Sie zu diktieren. Sprechen Sie langsam und deutlich. Lassen Sie kurze Pausen zwischen den Wörtern und diktieren mit der richtigen Betonung, um bessere Ergebnisse zu bekommen.
4) Zwischenergebnisse werden in der Zwischenablage angezeigt. Es gibt 3 Möglichkeiten, abzuschließen und die Transkriptions-Ergebnisse von der Zwischenablage in den Text-Editor selbst zu verschieben.
(a) Drücken Sie die "Enter" -Taste auf der Tastatur
(b) Sprechen Sie oder klicken Sie auf ein Satzzeichen
(c) Warten Sie

Fehlerbehebung:
Die häufigsten Fehlerursachen sind:
1) Ein Hardware-Problem mit dem Mikrofon
2) Browser ist nicht Chrome
3) Die Hörerlaubnis wurde nicht gegeben
4) Chrome hört auf das falsche Mikrofon
Um die letzten 2 Probleme zu beheben, sollten Sie auf das kleine Kamera-Symbol in der Adressleiste des Browsers klicken (wird angezeigt, nachdem Sie das Mikrofon klicken), dort die Erlaubnis auf Speechnotes erlauben stellen und das richtige Mikrofon aus der Dropdown-Liste auswählen.

Wer kann von Speechnotes profitieren?

Jeder, der die herkömmliche Tastatureingabe leid ist, wird Speechnotes vielleicht nützlich finden. Es könnte auch speziell für Menschen nützlich sein, die mit der Tastatureingabe Schwierigkeiten haben. Diese Schwierigkeiten könnten an körperlichen Einschränkungen liegen oder einfach daran, dass man das Maschineschreiben nicht in einem frühen Alter erlernt hat.
Darüber hinaus können auch Menschen, die beruflich oder als Hobby viel schreiben, Speechnotes sehr nützlich finden, da langes Maschineschreiben sehr ermüdend sein kann und darüber hinaus die medizinischen Nebenwirkungen haben kann. Und natürlich werden auch Transkribenten (vom Schüler bis hin zu Berufsprofis) Speechnotes außergewöhnlich nützlich finden, da sie sich eine Tonaufzeichnung anhören können und das Gesprochene ins das Mikrofon wiederholen, so dass Speechnotes es für sie transkribiert.

Kompatibilität & Systemanforderungen

Speechnotes ist wirklich eine breite Plattform App. Die einzige Voraussetzung ist, dass Sie es durch einen Chrome-Browser ausführen. Keine Notwendigkeit einer Installation, Speicherplatz oder High-End-Geräten. Es funktioniert reibungslos auf Ihrem PC, Desktop, Laptop und Chromebook. Sie können es auch auf Ihren Tablets und Telefonen ausprobieren, aber da könnte es bei einigen Geräten Probleme geben.

Datenschutz

Wir bei Speechnotes schätzen Ihre Privatsphäre, und deshalb speichern wir nichts von dem, was Sie eingesprochen oder eingegeben haben, und keine irgendwelchen anderen Daten über Sie. Das von IHnen Gesprochen wird an die Google-Sprache-zu-Text-Maschinenen zur Transkription gesendet.

Haftungsausschluss

Obwohl wir unser Bestes geben, kann es sein, dass die Sprachergebnisse nicht genau sind. Auch ist Speechnotes ein Service, so wie er jetzt ist, und wir können nicht garantieren, dass er auch in Zukunft fortgesetzt wird. Aus diesem Grund und auf Grund des kleinen Risikos, dass Software-Fehler auftreten, empfehlen wir Ihnen, Ihre wichtigen Texte ntweder auf Google Drive oder auf Ihren Computer zu exportieren, um sich so vor unerwartetem Datenverlust zu schützen. Wir haften nicht für Datenverlust oder Ungenauigkeiten.

Wir schätzen Ihr Feedback & Ihre Unterstützung

Speechnotes wurde im Jahr 2015 von den Speechlogger & TTSReader Teams entwickelt, um Menschen auf der ganzen Welt zu helfen, ihre Gedanken, Geschichten und Notizen auf eine einfachere und komfortablere Art und Weise aufzuschreiben. Deshalb ist Speechnotes kostenlos und für jeden online frei zugänglich. Die Notwendigkeit für ein solches Software-Tool kam uns durch die Feedback-Emails, die wir von unseren Anwendern erhielten. Wenn Sie Feedback, Anregungen oder Wünsche haben, kontaktieren Sie uns gern, wir würden uns sehr freuen, von Ihnen zu hören.
Wenn Ihnen Speechnotes gefällt, unterstützen Sie uns, indem Sie uns im Chrome Shop bewerten oder uns in Ihren Posts und Blogs erwähnen. Ihre Freunde und Follower werden es zu schätzen wissen. Sie können auch durch eine kleine Spende beitragen ("Buy me a coffee"-Stil).

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Speechnotes ist ein leistungsfähiges sprachgesteuertes Online-Notizbuch, das entworfen wurde, um Ihre Ideen durch die Implementierung eines klaren und effizienten Designs zu befähigen, so dass Sie sich auf Ihre Gedanken konzentrieren können.

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Voice Dictation - Type with your voice using Google Speech Recognition

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Looking for a free alternative to Dragon Naturally speaking for speech recognition? Voice Notepad lets you type with your voice in any language.

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For students and adults with reading disabilities such as dyslexia and ADD/ADHD, blindness, low vision, and anyone else who wants any text read out loud.

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Liest jeden Text laut mit natürlich klingenden Stimmen vor

Eine Web-App, die sowohl mit Chrome als auch Safari großartig arbeitet. Ohne Herunterladen oder Installation. Keine lästige Anmeldung. Fügen Sie einfach den Text ein und klicken Sie auf "Wiedergabe".

Funktioniert auch mit Chrome fürs Handy. Ideal für die Wiedergabe von Artikeln während der Fahrt, Reisen, beim Sport treiben, der Arbeit und mehr.

Von Podcast geschriebene Texte

Während der Arbeit oder der Fahrt interessanten Artikeln und Büchern zuhören

TTSReader ist für vielbeschäftigte Menschen sehr hilfreich, die schriftliche Inhalte anhören möchten, während sie mit etwas anderem beschäftigt sind.
Beispielsweise können Sie ganzen Wikipedia-Artikeln zuhören (nur von hier nach dort kopieren und einfügen), oder einigen Dokumenten, die Sie für die Arbeit oder die persönliche Bildung lernen müssen.
Sehen Sie dieses YouTube-Video an, um zu sehen wie es "Die Katze im Hut" von Dr. Seuss vorliest. Sie werden überrascht sein.

Erspart Ihnen Tonnen von mobilem Datenverkehr und Mobilgebühren

Reguläre Podcast-Apps verbrauchen eine Menge von Daten, da lange Audiodateien auch sehr groß sind. Im Gegensatz dazu verwendet TTSReader Text-To-Speech-Engines, die in Ihrem Mobilsystem eingebaut sind. Auf diese Weise können Sie stundenlang Text-Podcasts mit fast keinem Datenverbrauch zuhören. Somit ist diese Software ideal für Fahrer und wirklich jeden, der unterwegs interessantem Material zuhören möchte.

Pädagogisch und unterhaltend für Kinder

Kinder lieben es, guten Geschichten zuzuhören, und es ist auch gut für ihre Entwicklung. Nichts kann daran heranreichen, wenn Mama oder Papa eine Gutenachtgeschichte vorlesen. Aber mit TTSReader können Sie sie jetzt zusätzliche Geschichten zu denen, die Mamma und Papa vorlesen, hören lassen. Probieren Sie es aus, laut unseren Rückmeldungen, lieben Kinder es!

Hilfe für Menschen mit Leseschwierigkeiten

Menschen mit Schwierigkeiten beim Lesen (dauerhaft oder zeitlich begrenzt), die ihre Selbstentwicklung nicht gefährden möchten, nutzen TTSReader als ihren Helfer.

Erzählen und Synchronisieren von Filmen, Präsentationen und mehr

Geben Sie einfach den Text ein, den Sie in einer gewünschten Sprache erzählen müssen (Sie können ihn zuerst über Google-Translate übersetzten lassen) - klicken Sie auf die Schaltfläche Wiedergabe und nehmen die Ausgabesprache auf.
Sie haben gerade Ihre professionelle Audio-Datei in jeder Sprache erstellt.

Bewertungen & Benutzer-Rückmeldungen (4,5 Sterne!)

Wir haben diese Software für unsere Benutzer geschaffen. Deshalb sind wir so froh, Ihre Rückmeldungen zu hören. Unsere Benutzer haben TTSReader im Chrome-Store höher als 4,5 Sterne bewertet! Deutlich über anderen Online-Alternativen. Hier sind einige der Benutzerbewertungen, die wir im Store erhalten haben:

"Er funktioniert perfekt und er ist kostenlos. Der beste Reader mit unbegrenzter Nutzung. Meine Kinder lieben ihn. Vielen Dank"

"Klappt wunderbar. Ich habe einige andere "Text-to-Speech" Apps und Erweiterungen getestet, und das ist dies ist der einzige, der funktioniert und er funktioniert großartig!!"

"Fantastisch! Sätze sind klar und das Tempo ist perfekt!"

... Und es gibt viele mehr. Lesen Sie alle im Chrome Store

Vielen Dank Leute! Ihre Rückmeldung gibt uns eine großartige Motivation, mit der Entwicklung großartiger Lösungen weiterzumachen

Anweisungen und mehr

Anweisungen

Fügen Sie in das Textfeld der App einen beliebigen Text ein, der Ihnen vorgelesen werden soll.
Klicken Sie auf "Wiedergabe". Das war es. TTSReader kümmert sich um den Rest, sodass Sie das Zuhören genießen können.

Pause und Wiedergabe - Jeder Klick auf die mittlere Schaltfläche "Wiedergabe/Pause" unterbricht die Wiedergabe oder beginnt das Lesen wieder ab der letzten Stelle.
Neustart - Klicken Sie auf die Schaltfläche "Zurückspulen", um von Anfang an vorzulesen.
Sprache und Lesetempo einstellen - Sowohl die Sprache als auch das Sprechtempo können gemäß Ihres Bedarfs angepasst werden. Unterstützte Sprachen: Englisch Großbritannien, Englisch USA, Spanisch, Französisch, Italienisch, Deutsch, Japanisch, Koreanisch und Chinesisch.

Kompatibilität

TTSReader ist wirklich eine Cross-Plattform, sofern Sie es auf Chrome oder Safari ausführen. Sie funktioniert großartig auf jedem Desktop, Mac, Laptop, Chromebook und sogar Handys.

Datenschutz

Wir bei TTSReader.com schätzen Ihre Privatsphäre, und daher speichern wir nichts, von dem was Sie eingeben oder jegliche andere über Sie erhobenen Daten.

Haftungsausschluss

Obwohl wir es versuchen, sind die Sprachergebnisse möglicherweise nicht genau. Darüber hinaus ist TTSReader.com eine Ist-Zustand-Leistung und wir können nicht garantieren, dass sie auch zukünftig fortgesetzt wird (teilen Sie mit Freunden, um sicherzustellen, dass sie für immer bleiben wird:))

Wir schätzen Ihre Rückmeldung und Ihre Unterstützung

Wenn Sie Rückmeldungen, Ideen oder Wünsche haben, kontaktieren Sie uns bitte, wir würden mehr als glücklich sein, von Ihnen zu hören.
Wenn Sie TTSReader mögen, unterstützen Sie uns, indem Sie uns im Chrome-Store bewerten, uns mit Freunden teilen oder uns in Ihren Beiträgen und Blogs erwähnen. Ihre Freunde und Follower werden es zu schätzen wissen. Sie können auch mit einer kleinen Spende helfen (in der Art "Kauf mir einen Kaffee").

Meine coolen Schwestern treffen - Weitere Speech-Text Web Apps

SpeechNinja AAC - Wenn Sie nach einem Augmentative & Alternative Communiacation (AAC) Lösung (einer Text-to-Speech Synthesizer-Software für schnelle und kurze Texte) suchen, ist unsere neueSpeechNinja die Lösung, die Sie suchen.

Speechnotes - Professioneller Spracheingabe-Notizblock (Diktat) für Chrome.

Speechlogger - Kostenlose Online-Sprach-Untertitelung und Sofort-Übersetzung..

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Text in Sprache (Text-To-Speech-Reader). Online. Accurate. Free.

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Understanding cultural conflict in EFL classrooms in the UAE

EJALEurasian Journal of

Abstract

Bridget Maureen Walker Palmer

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As an ESL/EFL teacher, you want to promote a positive learning environment for your students. In order to do this, you must have some understanding of the culture and customs of your students. Cultural awareness begins with developing sensitivity and understanding of your students' beliefs, attitudes and values. You will need to familiarize yourself with your students' cultural characteristics, history, values, belief systems, and behaviours.

When teaching English in a foreign land, you should read up on the customs and culture of that country. You can often acquire knowledge about other cultures by reading books or watching movies, and attending cultural events and festivals.

Developing cultural awareness is an ongoing process. It is important to remember that someone's cultural background often affects the way they interact in the classroom and how they learn English. Also, try to be aware that differences also exist within cultures.

Find out what topics and actions are taboo. Speak to other teachers and try to get a better understanding of the cultural problems they face. Each culture is different and there will be certain actions or topics, which are off limits. Having respect for someone's culture breaks down barriers of communication and makes your students feel at ease. You don't want to embarrass or upset your students through ignorant actions. You may find that younger students are more used to western culture. However, this is no excuse to ignore theirs.

If you are teaching ESL in your home country, make your students aware of your own culture. You can share information about which topics and actions are appropriate and which are not. This will help your students immensely in their daily lives. Your students can also tell you about their customs and cultures. Your students will probably be from many different countries, so this will help you as a teacher understand about a variety of customs from all over the world.

Conversation plays a big part of the ESL/EFL classroom. However, there are some topics that you should generally avoid, so as not to offend your students. These are as follows:

Politics

Wealth

Religion

Money

Historical or on-going conflicts

Stereotypes

Actions and gestures that you should also avoid as an ESL/EFL teacher:

Pointing

Swearing

Embarrassing students

Touching students

Chewing gum

Holding eye contact

Standing too close to a student

Give your students the respect they deserve. This acts as a great role-model for the students and creates harmony in the classroom.
Cultural Awareness.PDF

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Cultural Awareness in the ESL/EFL ClassroomAs an ESL/EFL teacher, you want to promote a positive learning environment for your students. In order to do this, you must have some understanding of the culture and customs of your students. Cultural awareness begins with developing sensitivity and understanding of your students' beliefs, attitudes and values.

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In order to effectively communicate with your intended audience, it's important to understand their readability expectations.

If you're writing to a group of businesspeople, it would probably look a bit different than if your text is geared toward elementary school students.

On this page, we'll discuss the Automated Readability Index (ARI), what it means, and how you can improve the readability of your website.

What is the Automated Readability Index?

The automated readability index is a readability test designed to measure the how easy your text is to understand. Similar to other popular readability tools, the ARI gives you an estimate of the U.S. grade level necessary to comprehend a passage of text.

For example, if your ARI score is 10, then your text should be understood by high school students.

ARI is derived from ratios that represent word difficulty (number of letters per word) and sentence difficulty (number of words per sentence).

Most readability scores consist of two factors. The first factor relates to sentence structure, and typically measures the average number of words per sentence. Readability indices also take into account word structure, and are generally based on the average number of syllables per word or the proportion of easy words determined by referencing a word list.

Automated Readability Index formula: 4.71 x (characters/words) + 0.5 x (words/sentences) - 21.43.

What does my score mean?

Your Automated Readability Index score approximates the age needed to understand the text. For a breakdown of grade levels in the U.S., you can reference this chart:

5-6 yrs. old - Kindergarten

6-7 yrs. old - First Grade

7-8 yrs. old - Second Grade

8-9 yrs. old - Third Grade

9-10 yrs. old - Fourth Grade

10-11 yrs. old - Fifth Grade

11-12 yrs. old - Sixth Grade

12-13 yrs. old - Seventh Grade

13-14 yrs. old - Eighth Grade

14-15 yrs. old - Ninth Grade

15-16 yrs. old - Tenth Grade

16-17 yrs. old - Eleventh grade

17-18 yrs. old - Twelfth grade

18-22 yrs. old - College

Unlike most readability measures, ARI takes into account characters per word instead of syllables per word. This is because the number of characters is more accurately interpreted by computer programs.

If your ARI doesn't accurately reflect the age or grade level of your target audience, you may need to revisit your text and make the necessary edits to ensure your writing resonates with the intended target.

Why is readability important?

In order to appeal to your target audience, your text needs to meet their readability expectations.

Are you writing to children or adult readers? Are your readers experts in the material?

If you're writing about biology, you will probably want to alter the text if you're writing to med students as opposed to high schoolers.

It's also important to understand the intent of your readers. People reading for recreation will likely be interested in less complex material than those conducting research about a particular topic.

Understanding the readability expectations of your audience will help to keep people on your website for longer periods of time, increase engagement with your content, and lower bounce-rates.

Want to improve your score?

Want to evaluate and improve the readability of your website?

With our free readability test tool, you can check your ARI score with the click of a few buttons. Simply enter the URL of your website, and we'll provide easy-to-understand results that help you estimate the effectiveness of your site when it comes to reaching the intended audience. We'll also give you a checklist for improving the readability of your website.

Make sure your writing resonates with the intended audience. Test the readability of your work today and start improving the effectiveness of your website.

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In order to effectively communicate with your intended audience, it's important to understand their readability expectations. If you're writing to a group of businesspeople, it would probably look a bit different than if your text is geared toward elementary school students.

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ReadablePro. A readability tool, with extra power

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We love helping writers succeed. Pro subscribers get access to a whole host of specialist readability tools. Including unlimited scoring of text, website, email and file analysis and our readability API. Go pro today, from as little as $4 per month.

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"Writable is such a powerful tool to embed in your classroom. Prior to implementing Writable, having students revise their writing, was a long and arduous process, with them not seeing the value in it, since in their minds they were "done writing."

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Classroom writing community and publishing platform built by teachers.

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Bitte geben Sie einen Text ein oder kopieren Sie ihn in das Textfeld:

Hintergrund

Lesbarkeitsindizes haben das Ziel, die Schwierigkeit eines Textes zu bestimmen. Die Komplexität eines Textes lässt sich allerdings nicht direkt erfassen und auch für Experten ist es schwierig, eine exakte Einschätzung vorzunehmen. Eine Möglichkeit besteht darin, Merkmale des Textes zu verwenden, um Rückschlüsse auf die Lesbarkeit zu ziehen. Zu den Merkmalen zählen beispielsweise die Länge der Sätze und Wörter, die Anzahl an Silben in den Wörtern usw. Eine sehr populäre Formel wurde von Björnsson 1968 vorgeschlagen - der Lesbarkeitsindex LIX (im Originaltext 'Läsbarhetsindex'). Dieser ergibt sich aus der Summe der durchschnittlichen Satzlänge eines Textes und des prozentualen Anteils langer Wörter (mehr als sechs Buchstaben). Auf diese Weise erhält man eine ungefähre Einschätzung der Schwierigkeit von Texten. Vergleicht man verschiedene Textgattungen, so ergeben sich im Schnitt unterschiedliche hohe Werte:

unter 40: Kinder- und Jugendliteratur

40 bis 50: Belletristik

50 bis 60: Sachliteratur

über 60: Fachliteratur

Damit einhergehend lässt sich eine ungefähre Einschätzung vornehmen, wie schwer ein Text zu verstehen ist.

Einschränkungen

Wie bereits skizziert wird der LIX häufig zur gezielten Vereinfachung von Texten verwendet. Es ist aber nicht per se wünschenswert, Texte ausschließlich in Richtung niedriger Textkomplexität zu optimieren. Stattdessen sollte versucht werden, eine möglichst gute Passung zwischen der Textkomplexität und der Leserschaft herzustellen, auf die der betreffende Text abzielt ( Lenhard, 2019, Kap. 2.1.3). Zudem erfasst der Index nur einen kleinen Ausschnitt schwierigkeitsgenerierender Faktoren auf der Textoberfläche. Ein langer Satz kann aber syntaktisch einfach und somit leicht zu lesen sein, wenn die Länge lediglich auf Aufzählungen basiert. Auch werden Oberflächenmerkmale wie die Wortfrequenz nicht berücksichtigt. Andererseits kann auch ein auf der Oberfläche einfacher Text sehr komplex sein, weil er einen für den Leser oder die Leserin unbekannten Inhalt beschreibt. Insgesamt lässt sich also sagen, dass der LIX zur ungefähren Einschätzung der Textkomplexität nützlich ist, aber nicht sämtliche Komplexitätsmerkmale adäquat abbildet.

Auf technischer Seite gibt es natürlich noch eine Reihe von Aspekten zu bedenken. Beispielsweise stellt sich die Frage wie mit Zahlen und Abkürzungen umzugehen ist. Der LIX-Rechner auf dieser Seite ersetzt beispielsweise intern die gängigen Abkürzungen der deutschen Sprache ("z. B.", "usw." ...) sowie Tages und Monatsangaben durch die ausgeschriebene Form. Diese Vorgehensweise beeinflusst die konkret ermittelten Werte. Dementsprechend kann es zu Abweichungen kommen, wenn man die Wörter beispielsweise mit einer Textverarbeitungssoftware auszählt.

Nutzungsbedingungen und Datenschutz

Sie dürfen den LIX-Rechner sowohl für private Zwecke als auch im Rahmen der Ausübung Ihres Berufes (z.B. Bildungsbereich, Journalistik, Publizisti etc.) frei und unentgeltlich verwenden. Ein Verkauf oder eine Veränderung des Programms ist jedoch nicht gestattet. Für etwaige Fehlfunktionen wird keine Haftung übernommen. Sollte das Programm ihnen gefallen oder es für Sie nützlich sein, dann würden wir uns darüber freuen, wenn Sie auf der eigenen Homepage, in einem Blog oder einem Forum einen Link auf diese Seite setzen würden. Wenn Sie möchten, dann können Sie hierfür das unten stehenden Stück HTML-Code verwenden.

Die komplette Berechnung findet im Browser auf Ihrem Endgerät statt. Es werden keine Daten oder Texte an den Server übertragen.

Weitere Informationen

Interessieren Sie sich für das Themengebiet Leseverständnis? Bitte beachten Sie hierzu unsere Testverfahren, Trainingsprogramme und Fachpublikationen:

Zitierfähige Quelle: Lenhard, W. & Lenhard, A. (2014-2022). Berechnung des Lesbarkeitsindex LIX nach Björnson. Verfügbar unter: http://www.psychometrica.de/lix.html. Dettelbach: Psychometrica. DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.1.1512.3447

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berechnung des lesbarkeitsindex nach björnson

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Dr. Wolfgang Lenhard / Original design by Andreas Viklund - http://andreasviklund.com/

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Lesebarkeitsindex (LIX) online berechnen - Psychometrica

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kostenloses Tool zur Berechnung des Lesbarkeitsindex (LIX)

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Developing Cultural Awareness in EFL Classrooms

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Developing Cultural Awareness in EFL Classrooms

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Developing Cultural Awareness in EFL Classrooms at Secondary School Level in an Iranian Educational Context

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An important aspect of learning any foreign language is learning its culture. However, many teachers still seem to underestimate this key component in...

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Todd Rose: Variability Matters