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Opinion: the prevalence of hate speech on social media comes down to how the historical aspects that shape us as a society have been replaced online by single voices
Let's start with The Battleship Potemkin, Eisenstein's film from 1925. The Odessa Staircase scene opens with people waving at the stairs before the gathering is interrupted by the arrival of the Cossacks. The army goes down the stairs and opens fire on the crowd. Both the Cossacks and the people on the stairs are homogeneous. Only one figure stands out, a mother carrying her wounded son up the stairs. She is muted and anonymous, but she also represents the many.

The scene reminds us of a time in history where narratives materialized with the group and the priority was to articulate the voices of the masses rather than the individual hero and villain. However, the individual now rejects anonymity and social media platforms are a perfect modern example of this. Instagram is a space of constant self-narration and daily biographies, while Facebook operates as a manifestation of the self among many other selves.

Individualism has delivered positive outcomes for human self-esteem, differentiation, equality and self-value, but it seems that individualisation is taking a step further with social media. Last year, my supervisor Eugenia Siapera and I had spent a day interviewing technology workers. "They are stretching the limits of liberalism", she casually said.

And they certainly are. Social media promotes a kind of individualism whose outcome has a direct impact on how racism and hate speech is articulated online. It is also affecting how we understand hate speech.

Every single individual, independent of any historical context, can claim to be a victim of a racist attack

Every aspect of social media, from its values ( see Article 4 and Article 10 of Facebook's principles) to its design, is intended to build up the voice of all individuals, but not to construct a group consensus. The historical aspects that shape us as society have been replaced by single voices, voices boxed in a network that defends universal, unconditional equality among all its users. In this setting, all terms are debatable. Indeed, racism is debatable as Gavan Titley has put it.

But it goes beyond this. In social media, a racist comment does not define the individual. Following a racist comment, the user will not necessarily see his or her account closed, but their comment will be blocked, muted, silenced or deleted. In digital environments, we are connected individuals but we're isolated in a constant present.

There is nothing more threatening for racism and justice today than ignoring the history on which it has been built. History and our places within the group are crucial to delivering justice and equality. To understand hate speech, we need history and the sound of the choir.

What happens when it is the comment of the user and not the user which social media is focusing on?

The first mention of hate speech came in the discussions prior to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1947. The historical context of the declaration was a clear reaction against the barbarism of the Nazis, the Second World War and the ideas that led to fascism. It was interesting to note the contribution by the Eastern Bloc countries during these discussions. They advocated a letter guaranteeing non-discrimination and non-discrimination was applied in terms of the group. The discussion maintained that equality will never happen if we do not facilitate measures that lead to the emancipation of oppressed groups.

Back then, hate speech, like the scene by Eisenstein, was thought of in terms of the mass. So what happens when the idea of the mass is replaced by the idea of the atomic individual? What happens when it is the comment of the user and not the user which social media is focusing on? What happens when there are not priority groups, when there's not oppression, when there's not history?

On social media platforms now, there are simply groups of individuals who can self-determine their identity. They can identify as white and freely enjoy many bad days. It occurs that every single individual, independent of any historical context, can claim to be a victim of a racist attack. Every single individual can access the social media tools that are designed to control the flow of hate. The same tool that is available for a single mother at the end of the stairs is now available for a Cossack at the top of the stairs.
The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent or reflect the views of RTÉ

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How social media impacts on online racism and hate speech

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Opinion: the prevalence of hate speech on social media comes down to how the historical aspects that shape us as a society have been replaced online by single voices Let's start with The Battleship Potemkin, Eisenstein's film from 1925. The Odessa Staircase scene opens with people waving at the stairs before the gathering is interrupted by the arrival of the Cossacks.

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date: 04 October 2018

Summary and Keywords

Research empirically investigating the influence of media exposure on issues of race and ethnicity has long documented that media use meaningfully impacts the cognitions, emotions, and behaviors of audience members. Certainly, media are only one among a number of factors that contribute to perceptions regarding (and actions toward) one's own and other racial/ethnic groups. However, theory and empirical evidence consistently demonstrate that the manner in which racial/ethnic groups are characterized in the media can harm or benefit different groups, depending on the nature of these depictions (alongside other social and psychological determinants). Consequently, it is both practically and theoretically important to both identify how and how often different groups are portrayed across the media landscape as well as to assess the ways in which exposure to this content influences media audiences.

What quantitative content analytic studies have revealed is that there is variation in depictions of race/ethnicity in U.S. media depending on the group, the medium, and the genre. Thus, whereas Blacks have achieved a degree of parity when it comes to the quantity of depictions on primetime U.S. television, there is variation in the quality depending on the genre. Further, the same advances have not been seen for Blacks in news, in film, and across other media forms and platforms. For Latinos, little has changed across decades when it comes to numeric representation in the media. When it comes to the quality of these portrayals, although some of the more egregious media stereotypes have faded, other long-standing media definitions of Latinos remain persistent. For other racial/ethnic groups, few images are presented. Within these infrequent images, a constrained set of characterizations often predominates, such as spiritual American Indians, tech-savvy Asian Americans, and terrorist Muslims.

Exposure to these representations has consequences. Consuming the images and messages associated with racial/ethnic groups in the media contributes to the formation, activation, and application of racial/ethnic cognitions. For racial/ethnic majority group members (i.e., whites), unfavorable media depictions can mean the perpetuation of harmful stereotypes: this can lead to outcomes ranging from unsympathetic policy positions to active or passive harming behaviors. When media characterizations are favorable, more auspicious outcomes emerge. For the racial and ethnic groups being depicted, the effects of exposure again depend on the quantity and quality of portrayals. Negative characterizations prompt shame, anger, and other undesirable emotions and lead to esteem problems. On the other hand, some research indicates that favorable characterizations can serve as a source of group pride, which boosts esteem.

Keywords: media, race, ethnicity, media and stereotyping, media and prejudice, media and identity

Introduction

Quantitative content analyses spanning decades reveal that representations of race and ethnicity across U.S. media provide little in the way of evenhanded characterizations of racial/ethnic minorities (Mastro, ). This is not to say that racial/ethnic groups are presented uniformly-quite the contrary. There is variation in both how and how often different groups appear in the media. Generally, what has been found is that racial/ethnic groups are underrepresented in the media when compared with their proportions of the U.S. population. Further, in many cases these groups often constrained to a limited range of often stereotypical roles. However, this varies based on the group, the medium, and genres within media. Viewing these media depictions is consequential. Experimental and survey-based evidence consistently indicates that exposure to content offered in mainstream U.S. media (including television, film, news, magazines, and the like) influences the cognitions, emotions, and behaviors of audiences (in a manner consistent with the media representation). Individual difference features of the consumer impact on this association, but media exposure is nonetheless linked with a variety of racial/ethnic outcomes. Given this, it is important to understand both how diverse groups are characterized in the media and what the range of possible individual and societal implications are when it comes to exposure to these messages. As such, the current entry comprehensively reviews the existing quantitative content analytic research on depictions of race/ethnicity in U.S. media and details the documented effects of exposure to this content, both harmful and beneficial.

Media Depictions of Blacks

Quality of Television Portrayals

Taking a historical look at depictions of Blacks reveals that many notable changes have emerged over the decades. In the 1950s portrayals of Blacks were dominated by unfavorable archetypes such as loyal but subservient mammies and ridiculed buffoons (e.g., Greenberg, Mastro, & Brand, ; Wilson, Gutierrez, & Chao, ). Generally, Black characters function to serve and amuse their white counterparts on television. However, changes began to emerge by the end of the 1960s. Although these new images of Blacks offered idyllic representations of Blacks and U.S. culture (particularly when considering the realities of the era), programming during the latter years of this decade marked a positive change from the stereotypical messages offered on TV up to that point. Changes in the characterization of Blacks again were revealed in the 1970s, during which time a number of sitcoms emerged that centered on the experiences of Black families across varying backgrounds (e.g., Good Times). These shows were meaningful in that their predominately black casts helped bring more representations of Black Americans to the small screen. However, even in these shows, depictions of Blacks were still often stereotypical (e.g., lazy, unemployed) (see Ford, ; Greenberg, Mastro, & Brand, ). Further, characters harkening back to the mammy and buffoon persisted. For example, on shows such as The Jeffersons (1975-1985) more contemporary mammy characters appeared who deviated in appearance and lifestyle from these previous figures but reflected much the same overarching theme. In particular, these characters in the 1970s represented a range of skin tones and served affluent white and Black families. However, in these updated sitcoms, Blacks were often seen exclusively as care free figures, leaving these characters underdeveloped. Overall, quantitative content analyses of the programming airing in the 1970s reveals that that the prevailing portrayals of Blacks were as lazy, poor, and/or jobless (Ward, ) and in supporting roles (Gerbner & Signorielli, ).

The 1980s offered more professionally and fiscally successful portrayals of Blacks in positions of greater status and authority (Harwood & Anderson, ; Mastro & Behm-Morawitz, ). This shift stems primarily from the success of The Cosby Show and has remained the norm. The average Black primetime character on TV today is a middle-class male, found in a professional or law-related occupation.

Our understanding of how Blacks are depicted on primetime television is more detailed and complete than our understanding of depictions of other racial/ethnic groups. This is owing in part to the fact that more Blacks are seen on TV, which facilitates the use of quantitative analyses. In addition, such quantitative content analyses have focused attention on a range of theoretically and practically meaningful attributes (e.g., Mastro & Greenberg, ; Mastro & Behm-Morawitz, ; Monk-Turner et al., ; Signorielli, ; Signorielli, ). In so doing, this work reveals that TV depictions of Blacks have moved beyond the unflattering images seen in the past. However, despite the rise in professional figures on television, Black characters are often less respected and more disheveled than their racial/ethnic peers on TV. Yet, they are also represented as less aggressive than other racial/groups-a departure from earlier portrayals. When it comes to representations of Black women, they are less likely than other racial/ethnic groups on television to be seen in professional occupations. When taken together, content analytic evidence suggests that although advances have been made in terms of the overall rate of portrayals, a number of unfavorable stereotypes seem to persist (at least in certain contexts or genres).

The Implications of Exposure for White Audiences

The Negative Implications of Exposure for Black Audiences

A handful of research investigations have been conducted over the decades assessing the influence of exposure to media messages about racial/ethnic groups on minority group audiences. In an early study examining the implications of television use on the self-esteem of Black adults, Tan and Tan () found that exposure to entertainment television had a negative influence on self-esteem (controlling for age, education, and viewing other forms of content). On the other hand, viewing public affairs programming was not related to esteem. During this time period (i.e., the 1970s), portrayals of Blacks on television were infrequent and largely stereotypical; often Blacks were depicted as lazy and unemployable. Consequently, Tan and Tan (, p. 134) reasoned that "constant exposure to white-oriented TV entertainment programs or those which depict blacks in low status social roles causes low self-esteem in black audiences." Of course causal claims cannot be made with correlational data. Still, these findings offer evidence that exposure to racial/ethnic stereotypes in the media are probably not harmless.

In a similar vein, Ward () investigated the implications of media exposure on Black (and white) high school students' self-esteem. Her work revealed several genre-specific outcomes. First, viewing sports programs was negatively associated with racial self-esteem, performance self-esteem, and social self-esteem. Second, viewing music videos was also negatively correlated with performance self-esteem. On the other hand, primetime television use was unrelated to any measure of esteem. More current support is offered by Martins and Harrison's () longitudinal panel survey of Black and white elementary schoolchildren. Their results revealed television use to be negatively associated with the self-esteem of Black (but not white) children.

Media Depictions of Latinos

Quantity and Quality of Film Portrayals

Many of the patterns in representation found in televised depictions of Latinos also exist in popular film. Unfortunately, quantitative content analyses of depictions of race/ethnicity in film are less common than television. It is, therefore, difficult to offer insights into the numeric representation of Latinos in the movies. It seems probable, however, that trends in the underrepresentation of Latinos that exist on television are also likely in Hollywood cinema. This assertion is supported by a recent analysis of top-grossing films across 11 countries that found that Latinos comprised a mere 1.6% of the total population of characters in these movies (Smith, Choueiti, & Pieper, ).

A number of the characterizations of Latinos that have been common staples on television can trace their origins to the early days of film (Wilson, Gutierrez, & Chao, ). Early-20th-century cinema was marked by unflattering depictions of diverse groups and Latinos were no exception. Here, we saw Latinos presented as pillaging bandits, who were morally corrupt and intellectually lacking. As a result of outcry from Latin American countries (who were unwilling to continue to import U.S. films if the treatment of Latinos remained so distasteful), the 1930s and 1940s represented a change in Latino depictions in film. Consequently, Latinos began to be presented as well-dressed and hot-tempered "Latin lovers." Of course, these were romanticized and unrealistic figures (with some unflattering characteristics), but they were an improvement over the ethically bankrupt characters that preceded them. Portrayals of Latinos in Hollywood films remained positive during (and for a short time after) the Second World War, as the Latin American market grew-given that it constituted 20% of the foreign market business (Wilson, Gutierrez, & Chao, ).

By the 1960s, however, films featuring Latinos decreased significantly, and a resurgence of depictions with Latinos as treacherous and dishonorable villains emerged. Of course, some exceptions can be identified during this decade (e.g., Stand and Deliver, Selena), however, the image of Latinos as gangsters and criminals persisted into the 1990s. More recently, a handful of Latino actors and filmmakers have achieved superstardom; however, their successes have not yet appeared to signal a change in the quality of Latino characters in the U.S. film industry.

Quantity and Quality of Video Game Characterizations

Investigations into the characterization of Latinos in video games are uncommon. However, the research that does exist indicates that Latinos are (again) underrepresented compared with their proportion of the population. In the two published quantitative content analyses of race/ethnicity in video games, a troublingly low number of Latino characters were identified. In an examination of the top-selling game titles for seven major consoles. Knowlee and colleagues () found that over 50% of player-controlled characters were white males, whereas Latino characters amounted to a mere 2% of video game characters. At the time of the study, Latinos comprised 12.5% of the U.S. population, underscoring the disparity in representation. Further, this study's finding that all of the Latino characters were male-and in sports games, particularly baseball-means that Latinas are completely invisible in the gaming environment. Similarly, in a study of 150 top-selling video games (which included 4,966 human figures) only 2.7% of characters were Latino (Williams, Martins, Consalvo, & Ivory, ). In this analysis, the vast majority of characters were white (80.1%). Moreover, Latinos did not appear as primary characters in any game (appearing only as secondary characters). If these data are representative of the current video game environment, it is fair to say that the meagre gains in representation that Latinos have achieved on television are not being realized in the gaming world.

There is also limited evidence suggesting that some of the common stereotypes of Latinos that have been seen in other forms of media are perpetuated in this environment. For example, only 2% of the hero figures in video games appear to be Latino (Knowlee et al., ). In addition, 83% of Latino characters display physical harm and pain during gameplay-a finding that was of particular note give that Latinos appeared most often in sports games where violence does not usually result in the characters being seriously harmed. Although some have argued that Latinos (and Blacks) appear more often in violent subgenres of gaming, which prominently feature brutal, and illegal acts (e.g., Everett & Watkins, ), empirical evidence for this assertion remains to be provided.

The Negative Implications of Exposure for Latino Audiences

Given the content analytic findings reported previously, which indicate that Latinos (across decades, genres, and platforms) are frequently tied to negative stereotypes in the media (Mastro & Sink, ), it should come as no surprise that exposure to a variety of media content has also been found to be negatively associated with Latino adults' and adolescents' self-esteem and group conceptualizations (e.g., Rivadeneyra, Ward, & Gordon, ; Schmader, Block, & Lickel, ). For example, Schmader, Block, and Lickel () examined the effects of exposure to stereotypic comedic and dramatic film depictions of Mexican Americans on Mexican American viewers. Their experimental results indicated that (controlling for group identification) viewing disparaging portrayals in comedy and drama, damaged several aspects of self-esteem (specifically performance and social self-esteem), even when the content was considered entertaining. Moreover, exposure to negative Mexican American stereotypes presented in a comedic context harmed positive implicit attitudes toward Latinos, particularly among Mexican Americans who were highly identified with their ethnic group. Rivadeneyra, Ward, and Gordon's () work offers comparable results, indicating that consuming a range of mass media offerings negatively influences Latino adolescents' self-esteem along a number of dimensions such as social and appearance self-esteem. This association appears to be particularly distinct among those high in ethnic identification.

Media Depictions of Asian Americans

Asian Americans comprise approximately 4.8% of the U.S. population (U.S. Census Briefs, ). However, so few Asians are depicted on primetime television that little more than their sheer rate of representation is known. Prior to the 1970s, images of Asians on television were nearly absent (Mastro & Greenberg, ; Wilson, Gutierrez, & Chao, ). From the late 1960s through the 1980s the number of Asian Americans on television increased slightly. This modest improvement was due to the popularity of a handful of programs set in Hawaii (the state with the largest proportion of Asian Americans). However, most of these characters were minor or background figures. Asian Americans comprised between 1% and 3% of the characters on primetime TV through the 1990s and into the 2000s (Children Now, ; Children Now, ; Mastro & Behm-Morawitz, ; Mastro & Greenberg, ). During this timeframe, the proportion of the U.S. population identified as Asian rose to 4% (U.S. Census, ).

Looking more broadly across the media landscape reveals that Asian Americans (much like Latinos, Native Americans, and other racial/ethnic groups) are commonly presented as a homogenous group, with ethnic and cultural differences almost entirely ignored (Mok, ). When depicted, they are frequently represented in a manner consistent with the "model minority" stereotype, which links Asian Americans with a number of desirable qualities such as intelligence, strong family values, and strong worth ethic (Taylor & Stern, ). Despite the high status of these figures, however, Mok () notes that Asians are most often assigned minor or background roles. Little more is known about the ways that Asian/Asian Americans are depicted in the media or the implications of exposure to this content.

Media Depictions of Native Americans

Native Americans are the most underrepresented group in mass media offerings. They are essentially invisible on primetime television. A content analysis of 12 primetime TV seasons spanning the 1987 to 2009, identified only three regularly occurring Native American characters, two of whom were the same character, whose show (Northern Exposure) appeared in two of the seasons included in the analyses (Tukachinsky, Mastro, & Yarchi, ). In other words, only two distinct Native American characters appeared across the 2,336 regular characters appearing in their sample.

Given that Native Americans are nearly (if not entirely) absent on television, they have not been the subject of quantitative content analytic investigations. What is known about their depictions on TV reveals that like other racial/ethnic groups they are presented as homogenous. Despite the fact that there are over 500 federally recognized Native American tribes, mass media typically ignores the diversity within this group (Tan, Fujioka, & Lucht, ). Instead, Native Americans have often been featured as interchangeable and historical figures. This is particularly the case in Westerns, popular for decades in both film and on television. In these roles Native Americans are commonly characterized as vicious, cruel, uncivilized, and in "traditional" garments and headdresses (Tan, Fujioka, & Lucht, ).

Survey studies have found no association between exposure to these infrequent images and real-world stereotyping of Native Americans, among non-Native audiences (Tan, Fujioka, & Lucht, ); however, this may simply reflect the scarcity of any Native American exemplars in media fare. For Native American audiences, exposure to images of American Indian mascots (e.g., Washington Redskins; Cleveland Indians) and other common media characterizations of Native Americans (e.g., Disney's Pocahontas) has been found to have a harmful effect on evaluations of personal esteem and community worth (Fryberg, Markus, Oyserman, & Stone, ). More specifically, experimental research reveals that exposure to stereotypical media portrayals American Indians can negatively influence American Indian college students' achievement-related possible selves (i.e., hopes about one's future self) as well as perceptions about the value of their community. However, to more fully understand the implications of exposure to representations of Native Americans on both Native and non-Native audiences, the impact of "invisibility" will certainly also need to be explored (Leavitt, Covarrubias, Fryberg, & Perez, ). It has long been argued that visibility itself is an indicator of a group's status in society. If this is the case, persistent absence in the media would be expected to have a detrimental impact on Native Americans and possibly embolden unfavorable attitudes and behaviors among non-Natives.

Media Depictions of Arabs/Middle Easterners

Not much research has been conducted that quantitatively examines representations of Arab/Middle Eastern or Arab American/Middle Eastern American characters in the media. In an analysis of the 2003-2004 television season, Arab/Middle Eastern characters were found to comprise 0.5% of the total characters on primetime and 0.3% of the characters appearing in the opening credits of a show (Children Now, ). Nearly half of these characters (46%) were identified to be criminals.

Media Depictions of Indians and Pakistanis

The most recent analysis documenting portrayals of Indians/Pakistanis or Indian Americans/Pakistani Americans in the media is over a decade old. What this research reveals is that Indians/Pakistanis made up 0.4% of the total primetime television population and 0.3% of characters appearing in the opening credits at that time (Children Now, ). Although the number of South Asians appearing as regular or recurring characters on primetime television today appears to be on the rise (given the recent popularity of shows with lead or recurring Indian American characters); no systematic analyses have been conducted to support this contention.

Positive Implications of Exposure to Racial/Ethnic Media Depictions

As the research detailed previously reveals, the potential for media exposure to prompt harmful outcomes has been well documented. However, just as unconstructive media portrayals of one's racial/ethnic group are likely to threaten or harm self-concept and self-esteem, favorable characterizations should encourage more auspicious evaluations of one's self and one's racial/ethnic group. A small number of studies support this assertion. For example, early research by McDermott and Greenberg () revealed that exposure to Black family television programming was positively associated with general self-esteem among Black fourth and fifth graders, particularly those with positive attitudes toward the Black characters.

Similarly, in Stroman's () survey of Black elementary school children, television exposure was positively associated with girls' self-concept. In this research, Stroman found that over 80% of the children in the study held positive attitudes toward the Black characters they saw on television. Accordingly, the positive association with girls' self-concept is unsurprising. However, the lack of association among boys leaves unanswered questions about how, why, what types of media characterizations can produce positive effects on audiences.

Ward's () research also highlights the important role that quality depictions of race/ethnicity can play in promoting positive outcomes among racial/ethnic audiences. Although identification with Black characters and overall exposure to black-oriented media were not associated with improved self-esteem, her survey-based findings reveal that among black high school students, identification with Black male characters was associated with higher appearance self-esteem.

The benefits of exposure to positive representations of one's racial/ethnic group also have been demonstrated among Latino audiences. An experimental test examining the implications of exposure to a popular and well-liked Latina pop star (compared with a similarly popular and well-liked white pop star) among Latina audiences, indicated that exposure enhanced self-esteem in line with the characterization (McKinley, Mastro, & Warber, , Study 1). In particular, watching the well-liked Latina musician generated ingroup favoring responses in terms of both perceptions of Latino musical ability and rhythmic ability. These favorable ingroup judgments elevated both appearance esteem and social self-esteem.

Certainly, conclusive evidence cannot be gleaned from the small number of studies in this area. Yet, these results point to the strong possibility that media messages can meaningfully impact on the self-concept and esteem of racial/ethnic audiences, given more plentiful and constructive characterizations.

Finally, it is important to note that favorable depictions of racial/ethnic groups also have been linked with prosocial effects among white audiences, including promoting propitious intergroup judgments, feelings, and possibly even behaviors (Mastro & Tukachinsky, ; Power, Murphy, & Coover, ; Ramasubramanian, ). In fact, this work reveals that even a single exposure to positive and likable racial/ethnic characters can improve White audience members' attitudes about these groups, at least in the short term.

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Race and Ethnicity in U.S. Media Content and Effects - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Communication

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Research empirically investigating the influence of media exposure on issues of race and ethnicity has long documented that media use meaningfully impacts the cognitions, emotions, and behaviors of audience members. Certainly, media are only one among a number of factors that contribute to perceptions regarding (and actions toward) one's own and other racial/ethnic groups.

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When Noah Huerta, a freshman at Arizona State University, logged on to his Twitter account in November 2017, instead of his typical feed of celebrity news, memes, or music, he was surprised to see one of his classmates tweeting the "N word" and stating she had "jungle fever." Huerta was angry. He considered the classmate a friend, and the incident caused him to distance himself from her. This kind of digital offense is not rare; in fact, it's quickly becoming commonplace on college and university campuses across the country.

The digital age has introduced a new venue for racial harassment among college students through social-media platforms. This generation is immersed in social networks. More than 80 percent of 18-to-29-year-olds use some form of social media, according to the Pew Research Center. Many social-media platforms offer users the possibility of uploading racially charged photos, videos, and statements with few restrictions. In this new environment, hateful messages spread rapidly. Twenty years ago, university officials would likely have managed these matters with relative privacy, involving few beyond the immediate campus community; now an act of campus racial bias can make national headlines within hours.

This story was produced in partnership with the Anna Julia Cooper Center of Wake Forest University as part of Black on Campus, a series reporting on issues of national consequence to a black college student audience. It is under the umbrella of Student Nation, a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words. For more Student Nation, check out our archive.

This new digital environment presents college administrators with competing incentives. They understand that their university may lose applicants, esteem, and revenue if it is publicly identified as unresponsive to racism. Still, administrators might be wary of potential backlash if they dole out punishment to those who seem to behave badly on social media, only to find out the story is more complicated than the post initially reveals. It has been more than a decade since officials at Duke University punished the lacrosse team after what appeared to be a "smoking gun" e-mail seemed to confirm a young black woman's allegations of having been raped by several white members of the team. When charges were dropped, Duke officials were excoriated. The Duke Lacrosse backlash launched the career of Richard Spencer, who led the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August.

The question is whether university officials can do more than balance the concerns of institutional reputation. It is far more important to the black students on campus to know their well-being, and not the institution's reputation, is motivating the official response.

Assistant Professor Meredith Clark at the University of Virginia, who researches the intersections of race, media, and power, struggled to name a university that she thinks addresses social-media incidents adequately.

"To date, I have yet to see a university handle essentially a social-media crisis well, particularly one that their students are involved in." Clark said. "I really have not seen a university do that well. If there were one that had done it well...we might not know about it. The problem would've been handled in a way that really didn't draw a lot of attention."

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Are Social Media Normalizing Campus Racism?

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When Noah Huerta, a freshman at Arizona State University, logged on to his Twitter account in November 2017, instead of his typical feed of celebrity news, memes, or music, he was surprised to see one of his classmates tweeting the "N word" and stating she had "jungle fever." Huerta was angry.

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Available online 8 June 2018

Highlights

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A growing school of thought draws a connection between social media use and the rise in racist and hateful behavior.

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Few studies have attempted to validate this assertion empirically.

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We developed a conceptual framework to examine the effect of social media on religious beliefs bias.

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The findings of our regression analysis did not support the proposed hypothesis.

Abstract

With the increased rate of hate crimes and racist behavior around the world, a growing school of thought draws a connection between social media use and the rise in racist and hateful behavior. A number of psychologists and theorists have attempted to explain this connection. They argue that the deliberate design of social media websites, which uses algorithms to conform to users' currently held thoughts and beliefs, creates polarization and bias among users, pushing them towards preexisting views. While racist behavior is primarily motivated by bias, social media has the potential to foster such bias. However, although under the theory of confirmation bias this assertion appears theoretically sound and justifiable; few studies have attempted to validate it empirically. In this study, we developed a conceptual framework to examine the effect of social media on bias among its users, with a specific focus on religious beliefs. We then examined the influence of religious bias on racist behavior. We tested the proposed model using data from secondary sources. In conclusion, the findings of our regression analysis did not support the proposed hypothesis. In this paper, we present and discuss our findings, along with their implications for research and policy.

Keywords

The dark side of the internet

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Dr Abdallah Alsaad is an Assistant Professor in the business school at Jadara University. Dr. Alsaad holds an undergraduate degree in MIS from Al-balqa University, a master degree in MIS from Yarmouk University, and a Ph.D. in E-business from University Utara Malaysia. His teaching and research interests are in the area of business administration and management information systems. His current research involves end user computing, cyberloafing, adoption of information technology. He has published many referred articles in journals such as Computers in Human Behavior and Telematics and Informatics.

Dr. Abdallah Taamneh is an Assistant Professor in the business school at Jadara University. Dr. Taamneh holds an undergraduate degree in MIS from Yarmouk University, a master degree in Business Administration from Yarmouk University, and a Ph.D. in Human Resource Management (HRM) from Girne American University. His teaching and research interests are in the area of business administration and management information systems. His current research involves HRM practices, cyberloafing, and technology adoption.

Dr. Mohamad Noor Al-Jedaiah is an associate professor in the Department of Business Administration at Jadara University in Jordan. His research focuses on the Enterprise resource planning systems, e-commerce adoption and human computer interaction. He has published several research papers in internationally refereed journals and international conferences such as AMCIS.

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Does social media increase racist behavior? An examination of confirmation bias theory

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With the increased rate of hate crimes and racist behavior around the world, a growing school of thought draws a connection between social media use a...

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Unexamined prejudice is a bigger problem in newsrooms than outright racism. Only by looking inward to examine - and repair - our biases can we hope to achieve progress.

I was nervous walking toward the front door. A few moments ago I had been sitting in my car, double checking my camera gear, making sure my shirt was tucked in, my collar was straight, and watching the clock tick away as I waited for it to hit the sweet spot between "not too early" and "just right."

It was my first assignment on my first day at my first internship - after years of planning for this opportunity, the day was here. The paper was a community weekly in an affluent small California town, and my first assignment was to report on a women's book club meeting at the home of one of the organizers.

With one last check of my pens and a pat down of my hair, I made my way past the manicured flower gardens and gold trimmed address plate to ring the bell. Inside, tucked away from the warm spring afternoon, I could see a dozen women sitting around a teapot, dressed in intricately patterned dresses and flower-adorned hats in what could be best described as 1950s Sunday best.

The party host quickly ushered me in, thanking me for coming as she waved for me to rush past the room where the book club members were sitting and down the hallway toward her kitchen in the rear of the home.

"Thank you, thank you!" she continued, sharing how stressed the book club had gotten her and what a relief it was that I'd finally arrived. Not sure how to respond, I mustered up a "No problem" or "Happy to be here."

"It starts leaking water everywhere when I turn it on, if you could work on it fast before the ladies finish tea, and..." she continued to trail on, and I stood there watching the puzzle come together. She thought I was there to fix her dishwasher. This is why I was whisked away to the kitchen. This is why we were talking in hushed tones and why she didn't want the ladies of the book club to see me. This is why she was ordering me around.

How she missed the photo ID on my neck emblazoned with the newspaper's logo and my name, the Domke bag over my shoulder filled with lenses, the cannonball-sized Canon D2000 over my sore neck or that I brought no tools or gloves, and wasn't dressed to roll around in suds of greasy water, I'll never know.

I was more Mormon than mechanic, but what she saw was a young man at her door who fit her idea of what a repairman was supposed to look like: a brown face, in this neighborhood, at this hour - a handyman. And I needed to stop dilly dallying because she had a book club to get back to.

When she realized her folly, the power shifted and suddenly she needed me more than I needed her. At this point I could have left, I could have asked for someone else to visit later, but I proceeded to be professional and carry out the assignment. Not out of some chest-thumping commitment to journalism or pride (although sure, I wanted to do a good job on my first assignment), but because it was useless to fight. Either I would have been chewed out as too sensitive by an editor, or the subject would have framed me as rude for leaving.

So, instead, I shut up and took it.

I was used to it. I had 20 plus years under my belt of conditioning, of being told I'm a sand nigger, towelhead, rag head, camel jockey, Gandhi dot, 7-11, hadji, caddie, Apu, doon coon, smelled of curry, ate snakes (fucking Spielberg), and that I'm somehow responsible for soldiers dying in Desert Storm and later for being anti-American thanks to 9/11.

Nelson Mandela famously said no one is born with hate - it is learned. As, too, are our ideas of what something or someone is supposed to look like. The same learning process that defines what a "cup" is or what "green" is also implants the "form" of what race and its associated stereotypes dictate in the mind.

Whether we choose to admit it or not, we all have these forms in our minds to some degree. They filter into us through our surroundings, society, family, pop culture, history, and all that we learn in our day-to-day lives. As journalists, we are challenged on why we know what we know, and are encouraged to have a skeptical mind - and speaking for myself, I try to question my own biases often.

The way I think can be attributed to my feeling like an outsider for most of my life - no one looked like me growing up, spoke my language, or shared a similar background. I come from a religion and culture that makes up less than 1% of the world population - but that's a topic for another day.

Portrayals in media shape our understanding of the world and can have a long-lasting impact on society. The choices we make today regarding how to illustrate our stories have lasting consequences, affecting the way we view ourselves as well as the way we view people we may or may not know or interact with in our daily lives.

If you have ever crossed a street to avoid a group of young black males; if you secretly breathe a sigh of relief when a bearded, olive-skinned man is "randomly selected" at the airport; if you don't get the Hispanic teller with the heavy accent at the bank and are happy for it - these are all thoughts that are driven by the stereotypes you've accumulated over a lifetime and never examined.
You may think it's no big deal, no one noticed ... but we noticed, we always notice.
Most people, if they're honest, have these thoughts. But you're probably not a racist. If you pause to think about it, the logical part of your brain kicks in to remind you how irrational you're being, and you check yourself. But the gut reaction, the initial thought, the fight-or-flight reflex - that is always there, reminding you that we haven't gotten as far as we thought we had in the United States with respect to addressing ingrained biases and bigotry.

I don't think the woman I met at the book club, who looked at me and made a stereotypical assumption, did it with malice or racist intentions - but her unchecked and ingrained biases had already done real and lasting damage.

And that incident brings me back to the larger underlying issues: Some of the most problematic threats aren't hate groups, the KKK, or Neo-Nazis - we know where they stand, and we know how to challenge their assumptions with education and dialogue. No, the most troubling offenders are often the well-meaning "allies" who are convinced they are on the right side and can speak with authority on the matter, but can't learn anything new and are always shocked and defensive when challenged or questioned, twisting themselves into knots and reminding us that they can't possibly have racist thoughts, and that we are too sensitive and should think twice about raising such concerns.

There is a very fine line between a racist and someone with an unexamined prejudice. Most newsrooms have some highly educated, experienced, socially-motivated, self-proclaimed "allies" who are not racist, but do have some unchecked issues to address. The challenge, however, is that these individuals do not think they have a problem.

"We're not the bad guys," "How dare you," they say, as they become defensive and warn you that it's dangerous to bring up these issues, unjust to accuse them, that they once bought a copy of "Native Son" that they intended to read, and that they studied in India after college. The list of credentials do not get to the root of the problem. What we need is for these so-called allies to look inward and have a heart-to-heart with themselves and question their blind spots.

These well-intentioned individuals are in every level of power. In many cases, without them, there would be no gatekeepers willing and able to open a dialogue in newsrooms. But they fail to examine their own biases and without that inward inquiry, all of our progress is stalled.

Some newsrooms have a blindspot for racial and cultural understanding, and without more diversity, these blind spots go unnoticed and unchallenged until they become a bigger and unignorable issue. The result is often jobs lost, trust lost, and reputations in disrepair. But it doesn't have to be this way.

Taking a moment to self-reflect is a big part of identifying trouble areas and blind spots in order to improve. When I meet young photojournalists and video journalists, I tell them to make a new portfolio each year and to be amazed at how much better they get every year. They politely nod, some groan, but years later I run into them and they show me their new work and acknowledge that they kept growing and improving.

In the same way that we have to keep building new portfolios each year, we also have to reflect on our own biases.

Your work is an extension of you. For it to grow, you must also keep growing. If you accept that you are always growing and improving, then you must also accept that you have more to learn. And to learn, you must research and talk to others to get perspective.

Challenge your notions.

There's an old trope in journalism: If your mom says she loves you, check with your dad. And if you accept that trope as a kind of basic truth, you must accept diversity and varying perspectives in the newsroom as a core belief.

The incident with the dishwasher was nearly 15 years ago. Since then as I've progressed through my career from small newsrooms to large international publications, working my way up the ladder, paying my dues, taking my lumps-from Eastside San Jose, through the rainforests of Costa Rica and the "no man's land" border between Pakistan and Kashmir, to the high-rises of Manhattan-I have been fortunate to work with some great newsrooms. But there have been some stumbles along the way as well.

Throughout my career I have had to speak up time and time again when blind spots go unnoticed. One such incident occurred while I was picture editing for a story about Serena Williams and her coach, the controversial Frenchman Patrick Mouratoglou. It was a simple story about Williams's return from injury and Mouratoglou's efforts to help her regain her crown atop the sport.

Editors were working to finalize text and treatment, and usually I tried to be hands-off with their editorial directions. But they pushed my hand: below the photo I had laid out for the story - showing Mouratoglou's stern, pale face, his gaze fixated on Williams, who is playing tennis in the foreground - was the headline "Master and Server."
I do not want to leave anything ambiguous here: you can not have a story of a black athlete and a white coach with a pun headline that invokes the cruel history of slavery in the United States.
When I brought up the concern, I was met with the prerequisite denials, accusations of over-sensitivity, and cries along the lines of: "I'm not a racist, how dare you!" But cooler heads prevailed in the end. No one ever thanked me, and I got some flack for speaking up, but at least I wasn't associated with unintentional racism and part of a lesson plan for future generations of journalism students.

Since then, I've been fortunate to go on to work in an environment that has made it a priority to include more diverse voices and opinions, and is attempting to empower staff to tackle these issues. It's a rare step in the right direction in the industry, so rare that I know I'm more fortunate than most.

Change doesn't come overnight, but it gets a little better each time around.

But I'm writing this, you're reading this, and maybe, before you click away to Facebook or Tinder, you'll feel an itch in the back of your head.

Scratch that itch.

That itch is the lingering thought that maybe we all need to stop and think, have an internal dialogue, and ask ourselves what our blind spots are. And for the publishers and corporate level executives reading this, let me say, if you aren't checking your blind spots, you're leaving money on the table: If your reader/viewer can't connect with you and starts to doubt your ability to be a reliable, authoritative, and credible source, they'll go elsewhere.

We would do well to remember the power, privilege, and duty of journalism - to inform and record the first draft of history. Failures to recognize this truth have contributed to distrust of the media as a whole: When my hometown local TV station unintentionally aired racists puns for names of victims in an airplane crash, when a national news anchor assumed a spelling bee champ spoke Sanskrit because of the way she looked, when a news outlet promoted a false belief that gangs are using Black Lives Matter as a cover, or when one of the bastions of journalism described boba milk tea as an "exotic" treat from the "Far East" assuring readers that the "blob" in their beverage was normal.

To their credit, in nearly every case above, the publications realized their errors and made efforts to address the issue, but the damage had already been done and could have been easily avoided. To be blunt, operating with an unchecked bias is irresponsible and dangerous, a spit in the eye of anyone trying to do journalism the right way. Worse than that, though, it erodes our credibility and changes how the public perceives our profession. From the perspective of the reader/viewer, if we can't get these simple things right, why should they believe us when we get the big things right?

A more diverse newsroom with empowered voices would help identify these blind spots and prevent public gaffs, preserving the integrity of the profession (yay journalists!) while bringing in revenue for the spreadsheet journalists (yay corporate interests!). And I know it's possible, because I've seen it!

A lot is made today about allies for a cause, but this idea supposes you can't be a part of something, only next to it in support. You have to be part of the change you seek. It's important to think about what we do and the impact it has. Honor your ethics in the moment and beyond, and honor your responsibility to get it right.

Just as it's a cardinal sin of journalism to misspell a name, so too is it to be short-sighted.

Shaminder Dulai is an award-winning photo and video journalist with 20 years of experience producing stories in newsrooms across the United States. He's currently the Managing Editor for NBC Left Field, an experimental long-form documentary unit within the broadcaster. Formerly, he was Global Director of Photography and Multimedia for Newsweek magazine, where he founded Newsweek Films. Follow Shaminder on . And if you're a hyper-creative journalists who cares about representing the experiences of a diverse audience and want to work with Shaminder, learn about his next project and send him a pitch: .
Next in our series "Truth-Telling": Andrew Quilty on his place as an outsider in Afghanistan and themes of reductionism. And don't miss our previous article, "How we tell stories of conflict"Elie Gardner

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Blind spots: The dangers of unchecked social bias in race and media

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Unexamined prejudice is a bigger problem in newsrooms than outright racism. Only by looking inward to examine - and repair - our biases can we hope to achieve progress. I was nervous walking toward the front door.

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Internet (social media)

Print (newspapers, magazines, journals, etc.)

Broadcast media (television news)

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Role of Mass Media

Role of Media Literacy Education

Recent Rise of Hate Speech and Online Racism

Media Bias

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A recent University of Houston (UH) study suggests that long-term exposure to news may negatively influence racial bias toward social groups.

Temple Northup, assistant professor at UH's Jack J. Valenti School of Communication, studied the influence of news coverage on an individuals' unconscious attitudes toward social groups. His study "Effects of Long-Term Exposure to News Stereotypes on Implicit and Explicit Attitudes" recently was published in the International Journal of Communication.

According to Northup, this research is particularly unique because it examines the effects of news coverage in two cultural contexts - in the United States and in Austria.

Three empirical studies were tested in the U.S. and Austria. Florian Arendt at the University of Munich in Germany and co-author of the study conducted the research in Austria, while Northup focused on subjects in the U.S.

"The two countries were selected due to access of available data for a comparable news stereotype that exists in both countries," said Northup. "In the U.S., a large body of research indicates crime is overrepresented on local television news relative to the actual amount of crime that actually occurs in a community. Previous content analyses conducted by researchers at the University of Michigan and the University of California, Santa Barbara have shown that that African-Americans are overrepresented as criminals on local television news when compared to their actual crime rates. In Austria, research has suggested foreigners are overrepresented as criminals in tabloid-style daily newspapers."

A total of 316 individuals participated in the first study in the U.S. Participants completed the Implicit Association Test (IAT), a tool used in psychology to measure hidden bias people may have but are unwilling or unable to report. After completing the IAT, participants answered a question about their explicit (conscious) attitudes toward African-Americans, as well as how many hours of local television news they watch per day.

"Based on the findings from the study in the U.S., long-term exposure to local television news, wherein African-Americans are depicted frequently and stereotypically as criminals, predicted increased negative implicit attitudes toward African-Americans," said Northup. "Viewers who watched more local television news demonstrated more unconscious negative attitudes toward African-Americans."

The study conducted in Austria was intended to be a replication of the U.S. study. A total of 489 individuals participated in the study. The same data procedure was used in the Austrian study as was used in the U.S. study. Participants reported how many days per week they read the specific newspaper under investigation. The study found that exposure to the tabloid-style daily newspaper did not increase the negativity of implicit attitudes.

"Unlike with television news, though, people have much more control over a printed newspaper because they are able to selectively expose themselves only to stories of interest," Northup said. "In other words, when watching television news, one has little control over what stories are viewed."

A third study also was conducted in Austria as a post hoc explanation of the second study's findings that were inconsistent with the U.S. research. The third study investigated how much newspaper content participants are exposed to and the kinds of articles (i.e. crime articles) they read. A total of 470 individuals participated in this study. In addition to completing the IAT, participants reported how many days a week they read the specific newspaper under investigation and how often they read crime articles.

The findings from the third study found reading content specifically about crime had a significant effect on implicit attitudes toward foreigners when individuals indicated that they often read crime articles.

"The results of the studies suggest that in both these countries, regular exposure to stereotypical news coverage creates negative implicit attitudes," said Northup. "The findings from the study in the U.S. suggest individuals who consumed more local television news than others in the study may have increased negative racial bias toward African-Americans. In Austria, individuals who read more crime-related articles in a tabloid-style weekly newspaper tended to have an increased negative racial bias toward 'foreigners.'"

Northup hopes the results of this study will contribute to a better understanding and awareness of how watching television news coverage may lead to a negative racial bias, which in turn can lead to other negative outcomes, such as discriminatory behaviors.

"Given that long-term exposure to media stereotypes seems to influence evaluations of African-Americans and foreigners, more research investigating this implicit effect is needed," said Northup.

"Studying this phenomenon and its underlying mechanism is necessary. Only then will researchers be able to test different strategies to deal with these negative media effects, thereby enabling society to adequately resist the possible detrimental consequences of news media consumption.

"By further studying this phenomenon, mass media research can contribute to the maintenance and improvement of a humane and open society."

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About the University of Houston
The University of Houston is a Carnegie-designated Tier One public research university recognized by The Princeton Review as one of the nation's best colleges for undergraduate education. UH serves the globally competitive Houston and Gulf Coast Region by providing world-class faculty, experiential learning and strategic industry partnerships. Located in the nation's fourth-largest city, UH serves more than 40,900 students in the most ethnically and culturally diverse region in the country.

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a recent university of houston study suggests that long-term exposure to news may negatively influence racial bias toward social groups.

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UH Study Finds News Media May Influence Racial Bias

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A recent University of Houston (UH) study suggests that long-term exposure to news may negatively influence racial bias toward social groups. Temple Northup, assistant professor at UH's Jack J. Valenti School of Communication, studied the influence of news coverage on an individuals' unconscious attitudes toward social groups.

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Dangerous Distortion: Considering Media Racial Bias | Morningside Center for Teaching Social Responsibility

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Have you ever thought about how black families are represented in the news? Would it surprise you to find out that black families are treated differently across the board in the media?

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In contemporary Western culture, most people claim that they do not behave in a racially-biased fashion and this past year America elected its first black President. Yet recent claims of a race-blind society are contradicted by studies of race biases, in which people exhibit more positive responses to one race than another ( 1- 6). To the extent that race biases are communicated explicitly, egalitarian norms encourage observers to discount them as a valid source of knowledge ( 7- 8). For example, observers can consciously debate and publicly denounce race-biased aggressive acts, verbal statements, and hiring procedures, thus resisting conformity to these explicit race biases. However, race biases are often communicated subtly via facial expressions and body language ( 2- 6). Indeed, mounting evidence suggests that Americans' nonverbal behavior favors white over black persons ( 2, 4, 9- 12). Because nonverbal behavior is "off the record" and can be difficult to identify unambiguously, exposure to nonverbal race bias may undermine norm-driven correction processes and hence exert a social influence ( 13- 14). Specifically, exposure to nonverbal race bias may, via evaluative conditioning, cause perceivers to associate race with affect and thus exhibit race bias themselves ( 15- 18). We examined the prevalence, subtlety, and impact of nonverbal race bias across four studies. We observed that nonverbal race bias occurs on television and that exposure to this televised bias accounts in part for white viewers' own race bias, as assessed with reaction-time and self-report measures. Moreover, patterns of nonverbal bias were influential even when they could not be consciously reported.

The first study examined whether nonverbal race bias exists across 11 television shows that reach millions of Americans on a weekly basis ( 19). To isolate race-based bias, we only examined popular television shows that included recurring white and black characters whose status could be roughly equated. We sampled at least three episodes from each of 11 shows that met our criteria ( 19). For each of 30 characters, we selected three 10-second clips from each episode according to a priori criteria. We selected the first clip from the first five minutes of each episode in which the character appeared in an interpersonal interaction (with a white person) lasting at least 10 seconds. These same criteria were applied to a clip from the "middle" five minutes and the last five minutes.

We edited these clips to remove the audio track and the featured character. For example, the character Alexx of CSI: Miami was cropped out of her clips so that only the other characters could be seen-this procedure prevented any race-related demand characteristics ( 20). These cropped and silent video clips were shown to 23 white undergraduate judges who had not seen any of the 11 shows, as determined by responses to an emailed survey ( 21). For each cropped and silent clip, judges rated (with −3 to +3 scales) the extent to which the unseen character was treated positively and liked by the other characters ( 19). These ratings were averaged across judges to index the degree to which each featured character elicited favorable nonverbal responses from other characters (see Table S1).

As compared to black characters, white characters elicited significantly more favorable nonverbal responses (see ). On only 2 of 11 shows did black characters elicit (slightly) more favorable nonverbal responses than white characters. To examine whether white and black characters in these shows differed on variables other than race, 17 white student judges (who reported watching most of the 11 shows) rated each featured character for attractiveness, sociability, kindness, and intelligence. For each judgment, agreement among the judges was high (all inter-rater α's > .85) so scores for each character were averaged across judges (see Table S1). White and black characters did not significantly differ on any of these variables (see ). To examine whether white and black characters elicited different verbal responses, 13 white undergraduate judges rated (on a −3 to +3 scale) the transcribed verbal content of each clip for the extent to which the speaking characters treated featured characters favorably (see Table S1). White and black characters did not differ in the elicitation of favorable verbal responses (see ). Finally, even after controlling for all character traits and favorable verbal responses in an analysis of covariance, white characters elicited more favorable nonverbal responses than did black characters, F(1, 23) = 4.30, p = .05, r(pb) = .40 (for correlations among character ratings, see Table S2).

Nonverbal race bias was thus observed across 11 shows, each with an average weekly audience of 9 million, suggesting that many Americans are exposed to nonverbal race bias. These biases may occur for a variety of reasons: because actors spontaneously exhibit nonverbal bias, because biased nonverbal behavior is written in to scripts, and/or because directors persuade actors to change their nonverbal behavior. Regardless, the bias appears on a number of popular television shows and may thus influence viewers. In Study 2, we examined whether natural exposure to nonverbal race bias via television was related to viewers' own race associations. Exposure to subtle covariation between race and affect on television should produce associations in viewers (perhaps via evaluative conditioning; 15- 18). The implicit association test (IAT; 3) was used to assess race associations in Study 2. Although there is debate about the extent to which IAT scores index implicit racial prejudice versus cultural knowledge ( 22- 25), the IAT does measure psychological associations that predict race-related thought and behavior ( 26- 27; see Study 4 for a replication with a different measure).

For Study 2, we computed nonverbal bias scores for each of the 11 shows by subtracting the favorable nonverbal response score for the black character(s) from that of the white character(s). Hence, higher numbers indicated more pro-white bias for a show (= .10, = −.08 to .43). Exposure to nonverbal race bias scores were calculated for each of 53 white undergraduate participants by first determining which of the 11 shows they watched (via survey) and then averaging the nonverbal race bias scores for these shows (for this calculation, see 19). In an ostensibly separate study, participants completed a race IAT in which they identified faces as white or black and words as positive or negative-on trial block "w-p", participants used the same key to respond {"white" or "positive"} and another key to respond {"black" or "negative"}, whereas on trial block "b-p", the pairings were {"black" or "positive"} and {"white" or "negative"}. IAT scores were computed as the standardized difference in reaction-times between block w-p ( M = 746.15) and block b-p ( M = 993.81) such that higher scores indicate faster responses to white-positive and black-negative than to white-negative and black-positive ( 28; see Table S3).

As expected, more exposure to nonverbal bias was associated with greater IAT scores, r(51) = .28, p = .047. To examine the possibility that the explicit verbal content on these shows was confounded with and accounted for effects of nonverbal content, we calculated verbal race bias scores for each show. We subtracted favorable verbal response scores (see Study 1) for black characters from those for white characters. These verbal race bias scores were averaged across each participant's regularly-watched shows to form an "exposure to verbal bias" score. Exposure to verbal race bias was not significantly related to IAT scores, r(51) = .15, p = .27.

Alternatively, exposure to any nonverbal bias (e.g., toward attractive characters) might account for the Study 2 findings. With the character ratings from Study 1, we computed indices of exposure to nonverbal biases unrelated to race. For example, each character's favorable nonverbal response score (see Study 1) was multiplied by his or her perceived attractiveness score and these scores were averaged within show. Thus, shows with higher scores depicted especially positive nonverbal behavior directed toward attractive (versus unattractive) characters. We averaged these scores across the shows watched by each Study 2 participant; the same procedure was followed for perceived sociability, kindness, and intelligence. Exposure to these alternative nonverbal biases was unrelated to viewers' race associations-this was true for attractiveness [ r(51) = .05, p = .73], sociability [ r(51) = .16, p = .25], kindness [ r(51) = .06, p = .70], and intelligence [ r(51) = −.11, p = .45]. Finally, a partial correlation with non-racial biases and verbal race bias as covariates revealed a still-significant correlation between exposure to nonverbal race bias and IAT scores [ pr(46) = .29, p = .048].

The correlational design of Study 2 leaves open several possibilities for causality, including that exposure to nonverbal bias influenced viewers' own bias or that viewers' own bias caused them to watch nonverbally biased programs. The focus here was on social influence and we thus conducted several experiments to assess the causal influence of exposure to nonverbal race bias. In Studies 3a (N = 62) and 3b (N = 35), white participants were exposed to one of two sets of silent video clips. In both experiments, the "pro-white" set depicted white characters eliciting favorable nonverbal behavior and black characters eliciting unfavorable nonverbal behavior ( 6). The "pro-black" set depicted the opposite pattern (these patterns were confirmed by independent judges; 19). To control for potential confounding variables in Study 3a, the same characters appeared in the pro-white and pro-black sets. In Study 3b, the pro-white and pro-black sets were matched for character attractiveness, sociability, kindness, and intelligence, as confirmed by independent student judges (see Table S4).

The procedure and measures were identical across Studies 3a and 3b. In both studies, after exposure to one of the two sets of video clips (pro-white, pro-black), participants completed what they thought was a separate study but was actually the same IAT used in Study 2 (for IAT calculations and component means, see Table S3). As expected, participants exposed to the pro-white clips exhibited significantly higher (pro-white) IAT scores than participants exposed to the pro-black clips, and this was true for both Study 3a, F(1, 58) = 3.91, p = .05, r(pb) = .25, and Study 3b, F(1, 31) = 4.75, p = .04, r(pb) = .36 (see ). Thus, exposure to nonverbal race bias influenced perceivers' own race associations.

We have argued that nonverbal race bias exerts a particularly subtle influence because perceivers are unlikely to be aware of its presence. This does not mean that perceivers should have difficulty identifying nonverbal behavior per se but rather that they should have difficulty identifying a pattern of nonverbal race bias. Accordingly, we investigated whether people could consciously identify patterns of nonverbal race bias across each set of clips from Study 3b. Twenty-two white participants were told that there was a hidden pattern across silent video clips which they then watched-half watched each set (pro-white, pro-black). After viewing these clips, participants were asked to indicate whether black characters had been treated better than white characters or the converse. Judgments were not different from chance (50%)-in each condition, 45% guessed that the clips were "pro-black." Hence, participants were unable to report the pattern of nonverbal behavior across clips, suggesting that nonverbal race bias exerts a non-conscious influence.

In a fourth study, we further examined the causal influence of nonverbal race bias established in Studies 3a and 3b. We added a control condition to assess the polarity of this influence; the control condition included clips from each of the other two sets and depicted equally positive nonverbal behavior directed toward white and black characters ( 19). Additionally, an affective priming measure ( 4, 29) replaced the IAT. This measure assessed the degree to which subliminal images of black, white, or Asian faces sped responses to positive versus negative images. For the 56 white participants in this study, differences in reaction time to positive versus negative objects were calculated for each prime (black, white, Asian) to index affective associations ( 29; for component means, see Table S5).

A 3 (nonverbal bias) × 3 (prime race) ANOVA revealed only a significant interaction, F(4, 106) = 3.13, p = .02 (see ). A priori contrasts revealed that white associations were more positive for participants exposed to pro-white nonverbal bias than to pro-black nonverbal bias [ F(1, 106) = 6.71, p = .01] or to the control condition [ F(1, 106) = 9.72, p = .002], whereas these latter two conditions did not differ [ F(1, 106) = .09, p = .77]. Black associations were more positive for participants exposed to pro-black nonverbal bias than to pro-white nonverbal bias [ F(1, 106) = 4.77, p = .03] or to the control condition [ F(1, 106) = 4.62, p = .03], whereas these latter two conditions did not differ [ F(1, 106) = .001, p = .97]. Asian associations did not differ by nonverbal bias condition (all Fs < 1, p s > .36). Hence, the effects of nonverbal race bias seemed to be: (a) specific to the races targeted in the nonverbal bias, (b) of similar magnitude for pro-white and pro-black nonverbal bias, and (c) largely due to the increased positivity of measured associations.

To examine whether nonverbal bias influenced feelings for particular characters, participants were asked (after the exposure phase) to rate how much they liked each character-the difference between liking for white ( M = 4.21) and black characters ( M = 4.54) indexed "relative liking" ( 19). An ANOVA revealed a main effect, F(2, 53) = 13.65, p < .001. Participants in the control condition exhibited less relative liking for white characters ( M = −.33) than those in the pro-white condition ( M = .46), p = .02, and less relative liking for black characters than those in the pro-black condition ( M = −1.09); p = .03 (Bonferonni post-hoc analyses). Hence, self-reported affect toward white and black characters was influenced by exposure to nonverbal bias. Moreover, greater relative liking for white over black characters was correlated with more positive white associations on the priming task (see ). Indeed, positive white associations accounted in part for the relationship between exposure to pro-white nonverbal bias (versus the control) and relative liking ( 19).

Participants also completed a conventional measure of racial prejudice (the "attitudes toward blacks" self-report survey; 30). An ANOVA revealed that scores differed by exposure condition, F(2, 53) = 3.21, p = .048. Those in the pro-black nonverbal bias condition exhibited significantly lower self-reported racial prejudice ( M = 1.83) as compared to the pro-white condition ( M = 2.22), t(33) = 2.08, p = .04, and the control condition ( M = 2.26), t(33) = 2.66, p = .01. Hence, exposure to pro-black nonverbal bias mitigated self-reported racial prejudice. Perhaps it is not surprising that exposure to pro-white nonverbal bias failed to increase self-reported racial prejudice: strong norms against racial prejudice may place a ceiling on self-reports of racial prejudice. Nonetheless, the results of Study 4 suggest that exposure to nonverbal bias influenced (a) race associations, (b) feelings toward particular white and black persons (television characters), and (c) self-reported racial prejudice.

In conclusion, Americans are exposed, via television, to nonverbal race bias and such exposure can influence perceivers' race associations and self-reported racial attitudes. Nonverbal behavior that communicates favoritism of one race over another can be so subtle that even across a large number of exposures, perceivers are unable to consciously identify the nonverbal pattern. Yet despite (or perhaps because of) this subtlety, exposure to nonverbal race bias may transmit race bias to perceivers.

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The Subtle Transmission of Race Bias via Televised Nonverbal Behavior

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As compared to more explicit racial slurs and sexist statements, biased facial expressions and body language may resist conscious identification and thus produce a hidden social influence. In four studies we show that race biases can be subtly transmitted ...

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