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By Dr. Allan McLaughlin, U. S. Public Health and Marine Hospital Service.

Inspection of our immigrants may be said to begin in Europe. The immigrant usually buys his steamship ticket in his native town from an agent or subagent of the steamship company.

The agents of the best steamship lines are held responsible by the company, for the passengers they book for America, and if they ship one of the excluded classes they are likely to lose their agency.

This makes the agent examine the applicants for tickets, and probably quite a large number of defectives are refused passage by agents of the first-class lines. These defectives then usually try some less particular and smaller lines and take chances of escaping inspection at the Canadian or Mexican borders.

The next scrutiny to which the immigrant is subjected is that of the steamship authorities at the port of embarkation. This was formerly a perfunctory examination, and is so still, as far as some lines are concerned, but first-class lines, notably the English and German, examine the immigrants carefully and with due regard for our laws.

The strict enforcement of our laws, and especially the imposition of one hundred dollars fine for bringing to our ports any ease of a contagious character, have occasioned some improvement in the inspection made by ships' doctors at European ports.

At the port of embarkation the immigrants' names are recorded upon lists or manifests, each list containing about thirty names. After each name the steamship officials are required by law to record answers to a certain number of queries relating to the immigrant.

1903 Passenger Manifests

Section 12 of the act of 1903 provides that the manifests shall state, in answer to the questions at the top of the manifest sheet:

The full name, age, and sex ;

whether married or single;

the calling or occupation;

whether able to read or write;

the nationality;

the race;

the last residence;

the seaport of landing in the United States;

the final destination, if any, beyond the port of landing;

whether having a ticket through to such final destination;

whether the alien has paid his own passage, or whether it has been paid by any other person or by any corporation, society, municipality, or government, and if so, by whom;

whether in possession of thirty dollars, and if less, how much;

whether going to join a relative or friend and if so, what relative or friend, and his name and complete address;

whether ever before in the United States, and if so, when and where;

whether ever in prison or almshouse or an institution or hospital for the care and treatment of the insane or supported by charity;

whether a polygamist;

whether an anarchist;

whether coming by reason of any offer, solicitation, promise or agreement, expressed or implied, to perform labor in the United States, and

what is the alien's condition of health, mental and physical, and whether deformed or crippled, and if so, for how long and from what cause.

The master or first officer and the ship's surgeon are required by the same law to make oath before an immigration officer at the port of arrival that the lists manifests are to the best of their knowledge and belief true, and that none of the aliens belongs to any of the excluded classes.

Alien Identification Cards

Each alien is furnished with a card, with his name, the number of the list on which his name appears and his number on that list. The cards of minor children are given to the head of the family. These cards are valuable and necessary for identification, and facilitate inspection at the port of arrival.

Conditions on Steamships

The condition of the steerage quarters of a modern steamship depends largely upon the age of the ship and the degree of overcrowding. The steerage of a first-class ship of recent construction will afford accommodations equal to those accorded second cabin passengers on less progressive lines.

First-class lines are careful also to prevent overcrowding. On some of the smaller and older ships the accommodations are limited, and overcrowding is permitted. But it is safe to say that the worst steerage accommodations to be found on any ship entering New York harbor to-day are infinitely better than the best afforded by the sailing vessels or old 'side wheelers' of the past.

Inspectors Boarding of Ocean Liners

On entering New York harbor the ocean liners are boarded by the state quarantine authorities, and the immigrants inspected for quarantinable disease, such as cholera, small-pox, typhus fever, yellow fever or plague.

Then the immigrant inspectors and a medical officer of the Pubic Health and Marine Hospital Service board the vessel and examine the cabin passengers, paying particular attention to the second cabin.

This cabin inspection is very necessary, and, before its institution, the second class cabin was the route most often employed by persons who found it necessary to evade the law. After the completion of the cabin inspection the ship's surgeon reports any cases of sickness among the aliens in the ship's hospital.

The medical inspector examines these cases and later arranges for their transfer, if deemed advisable, from the ship to the immigrant hospital. The immigrants are then taken from the ship upon barges to the immigrant station, Ellis Island.

Medical Examination at Ellis Island

The medical examination at Ellis Island is conducted according to a system which is the result of many years of development. The doctors work in pairs, and divide the inspection between them.

The immigrants, coming in single file, are examined for certain defects by the first doctor. who detains each one long enough to keep a space of ten to fifteen feet between the immigrants.

The second doctor, placed about thirty feet from the first, disregards that part of the examination entrusted to his colleague and confines his examination to such defects as are not looked for by the first doctor. The file of immigrants makes a right-angle turn just as it reaches the second doctor and this enables the examiner to observe the side and back of the passenger in the shortest time possible.

The examiners follow a routine in this examination, and the scrutiny begins at the approaching passenger's feet, before he comes within fifteen feet of the examiner.

The examiner's scrutiny beginning at the feet travels upward, and the eyes are the last to be inspected. In this way, lameness, deformity, defective eyesight (through efforts to adjust his vision, after making the turn, to a new course) are detected.

The gait and general appearance suggest health or disease to the practiced eye, and aliens who do not appear normal are turned aside, with those who are palpably defective, and more thoroughly examined later.

The medical examiners must ever be on the alert for deception. The nonchalant individual with an overcoat on his arm is probably concealing an artificial arm; the child strapped to its mother's back, and who appears old enough to walk alone, may be unable to walk because of infantile paralysis; a case of favus may be so skillfully prepared for inspection that close scrutiny is required to detect the evidences of recent cleansing, and a bad case of trachoma may show no external evidence and be detected only upon inverting the eyelid.

After the last alien in line has passed the doctor, the suspected ones turned aside are thoroughly examined, idiots and those suffering with a loathsome or dangerous contagious disease are certified and sent to the board of special inquiry.

Cases not deemed fit to travel are sent to the hospital, and cases with some disability likely to make them a public charge are certified accordingly and also sent to the board of special inquiry.

Minor defects, such as anemia, loss of an eye, loss of a finger, poor physique, low stature, etc., are recorded on the alien's card and he is allowed to go to the registry clerk and immigrant inspector in charge of the manifest, who takes the defect into consideration as contributory evidence, and may or may not send him to the board.

Grouping of Immigrants

After passing the doctors, the immigrants are grouped, according to the number of their manifest sheet, into lines of thirty or less. At the head of each line is a registry clerk, or interpreter, and an immigration inspector.

The clerk, or interpreter, interrogates each alien, and finds his name, and verifies the answers on the manifest sheet before him, and if, in the opinion of the immigrant inspector, the immigrant is not clearly and beyond doubt entitled to land, he is held for the consideration of the board of special inquiry.

Board of Special Inquiry

A board of special inquiry according to the law of 1903 `consists of three members selected from such of the immigrant officials in the service as the commissioner general of immigration, with the approval of the secretary of commerce and labor, shall designate as qualified to serve on such boards.'

"The decision of any two members of a board shall prevail and be final, but either the alien or any dissenting member of said board may appeal through the commissioner of immigration at the port of arrival, and the commissioner general of immigration to the secretary of commerce and labor, whose decision shall then be final, and the taking of such appeal shall operate to stay any action in regard to the final disposal of the alien, whose case is so appealed, until receipt by the commissioner of immigration at the port of arrival, of such decision."

To this `board of special inquiry' are sent the aliens certified by the medical officers as suffering from loathsome or dangerous contagious disease, idiocy, epilepsy, and insanity.

Deportation for Unfit Immigrants

In cases so certified the law is mandatory, and the medical certificate is equivalent to exclusion, the board simply applying the legal process necessary for deportation.

Aliens certified by the medical officers as suffering from disability, likely to make them public charges, are also held for examination before the hoard of special inquiry.

The board in these cases takes into consideration the medical certificate and such evidence as may be adduced by the alien or his friends which, in the opinion of the board, would offset the physical disability. In these cases the hoard has full discretionary powers, and in a great majority of instances the alien is admitted.

Those certified as defective by the doctors group themselves naturally into four classes, and the following table indicates the disposition of such cases by the boards of special inquiry at New York during a fairly representative month:

Disposition of Immigrants Certified at Ellis Island, New York

Month of October, 1903

New Immigrants Passing Inspection

Immigrants not detained for the board of special inquiry have their money changed into United States currency, and buy their railroad tickets, under the supervision of government officers.

If they are destined to points beyond New York City, government supervision is maintained until they are taken to one of the great railroad terminals and placed upon the waiting train.

These precautions are taken to protect the immigrants front the boarding house runners' and other con men who lie in wait for them at the Battery. Aliens detained as not clearly entitled to land are brought before the board, and, if the evidence is complete, either deported or discharged.

When the evidence is incomplete, the immigrant is detained pending the verification of his story, or the arrival of his relatives or friends.

All cases are disposed of as rapidly as possible, and immigrants are detained the minimum amount of time required for procuring and carefully considering the evidence in the case.

Those ordered deported are returned to the ship as soon as possible after the decision is rendered, providing no appeal is made.

Organizations and Representatives Meeting Immigrants

Missionaries and representatives of various religious denominations and societies have offices upon Ellis Island and render valuable assistance to the immigrant.

They provide temporary shelter and protection for discharged aliens, and direct them to legitimate employers of labor. In this way they relieve the government of caring for many temporarily detained aliens, especially young women traveling alone.

They write letters and send telegrams to the friends of the detained immigrants, and assist them in many other ways.

Summary

The fine adjustment of details and perfection of the system which enable the federal officers at Ellis Island to examine, under our laws, thousands of aliens each day must be seen to be fully appreciated. Nor is this careful and strict execution of our laws limited to Ellis Island.

The writer has roughly described the inspection at New York, because it is our largest port of entry, but the same attention to detail and strict enforcement of laws and regulations can be said to exist at all our ports, and an investigation, by any one interested, will reveal the fact that not only are the laws for our protection strictly enforced, but their enforcement is marked by humane and kindly treatment of the Alien.

Source: The Popular Science Monthly, February 1905, Volume 66, Pages 357-361. Photographs from the GG Archives Immigration Collection and the National Archives (NARA).

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How Immigrants Are Inspected - Ellis Island - 1903 | GG Archives

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By Dr. Allan McLaughlin, U. S. Public Health and Marine Hospital Service. Inspection of our immigrants may be said to begin in Europe. The immigrant usually buys his steamship ticket in his native town from an agent or subagent of the steamship company.

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The medical inspection was the first of several hurdles each immigrant had to clear in Ellis Island's bureaucratic maze (Yew, 1980). The medical inspections were conducted by physicians stationed...

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immigrants were lined up through a maze of metal fences in the Great Hall at Ellis Island. During busy periods, as many as 5,000 people each day would be checked. Each, in turn, had to undergo both physical inspection and extensive questioning before they were released. For the majority of people, the procedure took between three and five hours. Those two percent denied entry were sent back across the ocean at the steamship line's expense.

Could you have answered each of the following questions if you had been there?

1. Your manifest number

2. What is your full name?

3. How old are you?

4. Are you male or female?

5. Are you married, single, widowed or divorced?

6. What is your occupation?

7. Are you able to read and write? (yes or no)

8. What country are you from?

9. What is your race?

10. What was your last permanent place of residence? (city and country)

11. What is the name and address of a relative from your native country?

12. What is your final destination in America? (city and state)

13. Your number on the immigration list

14. Do you have a ticket to your final destination?

15. Who paid for your passage?

16. How much money do you have? (at least the equivalent of $50 dollars was preferred)

17. Have you been to America before? If so when, where and how long?

18. Are you meeting a relative here in America?  If so, who and their address?

19. Have you been in a prison, charity almshouse, or insane asylum?

20. Are you a polygamist?

21. Are you an anarchist?

22. Are you coming to America for a job?  What and where will you work?

23. What is the condition of your health?

24. Are you deformed or crippled?

25. How tall are you?

26. What is your skin color?

27. What color are your eyes and hair?

28. Do you have any identifying marks? (scars, birthmarks, or tattoos)

29. Where were you born? (city and country)

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GIOVANNI PASCOLI "Italy" (estratto)  legge Riccardo Bresciani

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Primi poemetti/Italy/Canto primo - Wikisource

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A Caprona, una sera di febbraio, gente veniva, ed era già per l'erta, 3veniva su da Cincinnati, Ohio. La strada, con quel tempo, era deserta. Pioveva, prima adagio, ora a dirotto, 6tamburellando su l'ombrella aperta. La Ghita e Beppe di Taddeo lì sotto erano, sotto la cerata ombrella 9del padre: una ragazza, un giovinotto.

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A stereotype is a preconceived notion, especially about a group of people. Many stereotypes are racist, sexist, or homophobic.

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During the period of mass immigration to the United States, Italians suffered widespread discrimination in housing and employment. They were often victims of prejudice, economic exploitation, and sometimes even violence, particularly in the South. Beginning in the late 1880s, anti-ethnic sentiment increased, and Roman Catholic churches were often vandalized and burned and Italians were attacked by mobs. In the 1890s, it is estimated that more than 20 Italians were lynched.

Much of the anti-Italian hostility in the United States was directed at southern Italians and Sicilians, who began immigrating to the United States in large numbers after 1880. Before that, Italians in North America, mostly from northern and central Italy, were respected artisans, musicians, traders, soldiers and artists. The term Mafia entered into the vocabulary of the American public, and came to be associated with the southern Italian and Sicilian immigrants. There were also racial arguments for prejudice against Italian immigrants. The immigrants from the southern part of Italy and Sicily, where darker hair and skin predominate, were not considered wholly white by Anglo-Saxon standards in North America. The U.S. Bureau of Immigration reinforced this distinction by classifying Northern and Southern Italians as two different races.

Italian stereotypes abounded as a means of justifying the maltreatment of the immigrants. The print media greatly contributed to the stereotyping of Italians with lurid accounts of secret societies and criminality. Between 1890 and 1920, Italian neighborhoods were often depicted as violent and controlled by criminal networks.
Italian Americans in contemporary U.S. society have actively objected to pervasive negative stereotyping in the mass media. The stereotype of Italian-Americans is the standardized mental image which has been fostered by the entertainment media and movies, especially movies such as The Godfather, GoodFellas and Casino, and TV programs such as The Sopranos which have perpetuated the idea of Italian gangsters. This follows a known pattern of the mass media creating universally recognized, and sometimes accepted, stereotypes. Such stereotypes of Italian Americans are reinforced by the frequent replay of these movies and series on cable and network TV. Even videogames with Mafia themes, and TV and radio commercials using these same themes, reinforce the idea.

Actually, according to recent FBI statistics, Italian American organized crime members and associates number approximately 3,000; and, given an Italian American population estimated to be approximately 18 million, the study concludes that only one in 6,000 has any involvement with organized crime.

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The ship was designed with accommodation for 397 first class, 205 second class and 900 third class passengers served by 435 crew members for a total of 1,937 people.
The ship operated on the Havre—New York route, making one crossing in six days and four hours.

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Built by Chantiers et Ateliers de St. Nazaire, La Provence was CGT's largest ship to date when she was launched in 1905. She made her maiden voyage from Le Havre to New York on 21 April 1906, and remained on that route until the outbreak of World War I. Initially commissioned as an auxiliary cruiser and renamed Provence II, she was converted into a troopship in 1915. (French naval authorities, like their counterparts in England and Germany, realized early on that large merchant ships were not well suited to auxiliary cruiser service and could be put to better use as troopships.)

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Il cartello stradale al confine tra Brooklyn e Queens sulla strada per l'aereoporto JFK: il cartello messo dal comune di NY, pensando di essere divertente, in realtà tocca un tasto per alcuni dolente dell'esperienza degli immigrati italiani in America

Avete idea di cosa si prova a partire per un paese straniero e sconosciuto, con pochi soldi, senza conoscere la lingua e la cultura, dicendo addio alla famiglia, agli amici, e lasciando dietro di se la propria casa e l'Italia? E' difficile sapere che cosa si prova se non si affrontano simili esperienze. Eppure, milioni d'italiani hanno vissuto e affrontato simili difficoltà negli USA dall'unificazione dell'Italia in poi.

In quest'articolo descrivo brevemente il fenomeno dell'italoamericano, la varietà linguistica parlata dagli italiani emigrati in America, in particolare da quelli nello stato di New York.

Tra il 1890 e il 1930 circa cinque milioni di italiani emigrarono negli Stati Uniti dal sud dell'Italia: Campania, Abruzzo, Molise, Basilicata, Puglia, Calabria, e Sicilia, emigravano soprattutto dalle campagne o dalle zone rurali del meridione. Erano numerosi gli italiani che lasciavano l'Italia e all'epoca della Seconda Guerra Mondiale rappresentavano la comunità di emigranti più numerosa in America. Tra quelli che lasciarono l'Italia prima del 1960 erano in pochi a conoscere l'italiano standard o altre lingue. Infatti, è soltanto da qualche decennio che l'italiano in Italia è adoperato nelle conversazioni al posto del dialetto, quindi, quasi tutti gli immigrati italiani parlavano il dialetto regionale. Di conseguenza, a causa della loro limitata esperienza linguistica, sia in inglese e sia in italiano, e la necessità di comunicare con gli abitanti della nuova comunità, sul posto di lavoro, e per sopravvivere nel nuovo mondo, gli italiani espatriati furono costretti ad adattarsi linguisticamente creando parole miste di italiano e inglese, e così nacque l'italoamericano, un linguaggio che permetteva agli immigrati di farsi capire nella nuova comunità, ma che non si può definire una vera lingua o un dialetto. Questo metodo di comunicazione è conosciuto con il termine Pidgin (in Inglese /'p ɪ d ʤɪ n/ ). Infatti, è un idioma derivante dalla mescolanza di lingue di popolazioni differenti venute a contatto a seguito di migrazioni, colonizzazioni, o relazioni commerciali. La tendenza alla pidginizzazione, con la formazione di parole nuove, risponde all'esigenza di una comunicazione immediata; questo metodo comunicativo era molto comune anche tra i navigatori che si spostavano da un porto internazionale all'altro per motivi di commercio.

L'italoamericano è un linguaggio misto e varia a seconda dell'età, della generazione, del livello d'istruzione e dell'inserimento sociale. Il codice è caratterizzato dall'influsso dell'inglese nel lessico e nella struttura dell'italiano o dialetto regionale, ma essendo l'inglese la lingua più forte, detta lessificatrice, le parole dell'italoamericano hanno la radice inglese e il suffisso italiano, normalmente l'innesto di una consonante e una vocale alla parola inglese, oppure solo di una vocale. Esistono molte parole inglese-italiano codificate e fortemente semplificate che consentivano la comunicazione tra i parlanti delle due lingue.

Alcuni esempi tra le parole più popolari sono:

Bosso dall'ingl. boss per capo

Billi dall'ingl. bills per fatture

Carro dall'ingl. car per macchina/auto

Ceca dall'ing. check per assegno

Fattoria dall'ingl. factory per fabbrica

Farma dall'ingl. farm per fattoria

Fornitura dall'ingl. Furniture per mobili

Fensa dall'ingl. fence per recinto .

Giobba dall'ingl. job per lavoro

Grosseria dall'ingl. grocery per generi alimentari

Bisinisse dall'ingl. business per affare

Germanese dall'ingl. german per tedesco

Marchetta dall'ingl. market per mercato

Trobolo dall'ingl. trouble per guaio

Tichetta dall'ingl. ticket per biglietto o verbale

Trocco dall'ing. truck per camion o fulgone

Storo dall'ingl. Store per negozio

Ci sono anche combinazioni di verbi come:

Draivare dall'ingl. "to drive" per guidare

Schedulare, da "to schedule" che sostituisce l'italiano programmare, e fissare un appuntamento"

Splittare, da "to split" al posto di dividere

Switchare, da "to switch" al posto di scambiare

Matchare, da "to match" come sostituto di abbinare

Quittare, da "to quit" al posto di andarsene, dare le dimissioni

Buyare, da "to buy" comprare

Parcare da to park parcheggiare.

Con questo metodo di acquisizione dell'inglese si manifesta anche una perdita di termini italiani da parte del parlante. Infatti, la lingua se non si usa praticandola si dimentica, e i nuovi termini acquisiti mediante codificazione facevano dimenticare al parlante la locuzione sostituita, per esempio: il parlante che sostituiva il termine "tichetta" per "biglietto o verbale" perdeva l'uso di questa voce perché in seguito non la ricordava. Oggi questi termini sono in disuso nelle comunità italo-americane poiché gli anziani con una limitata esperienza linguistica, sia in inglese sia in italiano, sono rimasti in pochissimi. Gli adulti italoamericani parlano perfettamente inglese e sono integrati nella società americana, e le giovani generazioni studiano l'italiano standard a scuola, e quindi, questo linguaggio non è quasi più utilizzato. In più, le zone di Brooklyn, Ridgewood, Bronx, e del Queens, dove esistevano le comunità italiane ora sono comunità latine, e i pochi italiani rimasti che parlavano italoamericano in queste comunità oggi parlano un italospanglish, cioè le loro conversazioni sono un misto di codici italiano-inglese e italiano-spagnolo, un linguaggio ancora più complesso.

Quando sono arrivata a New York, molti anni fa, non sapevo parlare l'inglese perché a quei tempi in Calabria era diffuso il francese e il latino e non l'inglese. Arrivata a New York, ho avuto l'opportunità e il privilegio di conoscere le sorelle di mio nonno, tre zie che non erano mai ritornate in Italia. Una di loro, la maggiore, era immigrata prima della Seconda Guerra Mondiale all'età di sedici anni; si era sposata giovanissima, e aveva sempre vissuto nel Long Island in un ambiente americano. Lei aveva acquisito l'inglese e non parlava con parole miste. Quando la zia parlava in italiano era un piacere ascoltarla perché parlava un calabrese "puro" ricco di termini che oggi nemmeno in Calabria si sentono più. Le altre due zie, invece, erano emigrate a un'età matura, dopo la Seconda Guerra Mondiale, e abitavano a Brooklyn. Loro parlavano l'italoamericano, in sostanza il calabrese con delle parole miste con l'inglese. I loro figli, invece, nati in America, cercavano di parlare in italiano con me ma facevano molta fatica a sostenere una conversazione e a volte le zie traducevano.

Altri italiani che ho conosciuto durante gli anni in America mi raccontavano di quanto avevano sofferto a causa della lingua, per il fatto di non saper parlare bene né l'inglese e né l'italiano. Una cugina di mia madre, nata in America, mi ha raccontato che durante un viaggio con i suoi genitori in Italia avevano preso il treno per andare da Roma in Calabria. Sul treno lei ascoltava gli altri passeggeri parlare un Italiano che non aveva mai sentito prima, e, rivolgendosi ai genitori, aveva domandato in inglese: "Come parlano bene, ma perché voi non parlate come loro con noi?". Il padre le rispose con amarezza- "Perché noi non sappiamo parlare l'italiano come loro".

Ascoltando le diverse storie di parenti e amici sul problema della lingua ho capito che la prima generazione arrivata negli USA acquisiva l'inglese non solo per sopravvivere e socializzare nella nuova comunità (a quei tempi gli italiani vivevano in comunità completamente italiane e tra di loro si capivano molto bene) ma perché l'inglese era necessario a capire i propri figli e i nipoti, i quali andando a scuola e frequentando amici americani imparavano a parlare solo l'inglese e non acquisivano la lingua italiana o il dialetto dai loro genitori.

Tuttavia, e nonostante la buona volontà degli italiani capirsi parlando due lingue diverse non era facile. Il problema della lingua era sempre presente e a volte tra una generazione e l'altra si creavano dei problemi d'incomprensione. Una delle zie di Brooklyn mi ha raccontato un esempio di malinteso tra lei e sua figlia quando andava alle elementari e poi tornava a casa parlando in inglese. Spesso, la figlia al ritorno da scuola faceva domande alla mamma chiedendo "why?" (perché) ma la zia non capiva la parola inglese e pensava che sua figlia dicesse "guai" a lei, e così senza motivo si arrabbiava sgridando la figlia. La zia raccontava questa storia con molta tristezza ripetendo che non capiva sua figlia quando parlava con lei. Questo è un esempio di come una semplice parola poteva creare crisi emotive in famiglia. Le incomprensioni esistevano anche tra una comunità italiana e l'altra, per esempio tra le comunità di Brooklyn e quelle del Long Island c'era molta differenza non solo di livello sociale, ma anche di modo di vivere, di parlare e di pensare. Gli italiani nel Long Island s'integravano con gli americani e acquisivano l'inglese velocemente, mentre quelli di Brooklyn mantenevano le loro tradizioni e la loro lingua.

La lingua è anche percepita come mezzo di controllo, e molti italiani emigrati a New York negli anni '70 dopo 5-10 anni di permanenza a New York rimpatriavano per il problema della lingua, ma non per il motivo di non saper parlare l'inglese, ma perché non sopportavano il linguaggio italoamericano. Conosco molte famiglie che erano emigrate a New York durante gli anni '70, i quali si erano fatti una posizione, comprato una casa e magari anche aperto un negozio, ma per non vedere i loro figli, nati in America, crescere in un ambiente americano senza saper parlare l'italiano hanno rinunciato a tutto per ritornare in Italia. Questi italiani sono rimasti in Italia e anche i loro figli nati in America, anche se oggi molti di loro si sono pentiti di averlo fatto. Gli italiani emigrati negli anni '70 parlavano italiano, e avevano una mentalità diversa da quelli arrivati molti anni prima. Molti di loro non riuscivano ad accettare l'idea che i loro figli, nati in America, crescessero parlando loro l'inglese, o un italiano misto con l'inglese.

La lingua è la nostra identità, e sia nelle comunità e sia sul lavoro siamo valutati secondo la lingua che parliamo e come sappiamo esprimerci con gli altri. Se parliamo bene e sappiamo più di un idioma, siamo stimati e rispettati. Infatti gli ostacoli, basati soprattutto su pregiudizi stereotipati, che hanno etichettato gli Italiani in Italia e all'estero e gli italoamericani hanno molto a che fare con la lingua parlata.
Filomena Fuduli Sorrentino, insegna alla South Middle School, ECSD, Newburgh, NY. Nata e cresciuta in Italia, calabrese, vive a New York dal 1983. Diplomata alla scuola Magistrale in Italia, dopo aver studiato alla SUNY, si è laureata alla NYU- Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, con un BS e MA in Teaching Foreign Languages & Cultures. Dal 2003 insegna lingua e cultura italiana nelle scuole pubbliche a tempo pieno e nelle università come Adjunct Professor. È abilitata dallo Stato di New York all'insegnamento nelle scuole pubbliche delle lingue italiana 1-6 & 7-12, ESL K-12 e spagnola 1-6 & 7-12.

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L'italoamericano, la lingua creata dagli immigrati italiani in America

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Avete idea di cosa si prova a partire per un paese straniero e sconosciuto, con pochi soldi, senza conoscere la lingua e la cultura, dicendo addio alla famiglia, agli amici, e lasciando dietro di se la propria casa e l'Italia? E' difficile sapere che cosa si prova se non si affrontano simili esperienze.

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push and pull factors of italian migration

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Push and Pull factors of Italian Migration for Kids ***

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Find EXAMPLES of Push and Pull factors of Italian Migration for kids. List of Push and Pull factors of immigration from Italy to America. Economic, political, environmental, social Push and Pull factors of Italian Migration to America for kids, children, homework and schools.

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Italian Immigrants to America: How They Lived

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pw: mediegattinara3

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Passenger Search - The Statue of Liberty & Ellis Island