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"You who are crowned in heaven and who are so close to our Divine Savior... I ask for peace of spirit and prosperity..."(119). This quote proves that making a relationship to God is important. Peace is common in many prayers especially in times of hardship.

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In One Holy Night, a young thirteen-year-old girl who sells fresh fruit and vegetables on the street finds companionship in a much older man who buys from her every week. She nicknames the man "Boy Baby", while he deceives her into becoming friends while hiding his real intentions until he eventually takes advantage of her and shows his real dangerous side.

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One Holy Night shows the dangers, obstacles, and obligations a child worker faces in their daily life. The story of the narrator shows how she was manipulated and taken advantage of because of her situation. A situation that she wouldn't have been put in if she didn't have to work

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Alone and Exploited, Migrant Children Work Brutal Jobs Across the U.S.

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Arriving in record numbers, they're ending up in dangerous jobs that violate child labor laws - including in factories that make products for well-known brands like Cheetos and Fruit of the Loom.

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St. Christopher was one of the most popular saints. One reason why St. Christopher connects with this prayer is because his inspiration for the Christian faithful. He believed in promoting peace through Jesus Christ's teachings. Also, he was willing to take risks. Hardship has a role in that because Saint Christopher suffered due to all his traveling.

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Saint Christopher is one of the most popular Catholic Christian heroes of the Faith. He is a saint, indeed listed as a martyr. He may have also been named Reprobus. He apparently died under the Roman Emperor Decius, in 251 AD. Most Catholics refer to him as Saint Christopher anyway, and his medals and the popular devotions to him are among the most common in Catholic piety.

Other than his listing as a martyr, there are no primary sources referring to St. Christopher, only stories and traditions which have been passed down.

According to these accounts, St. Christopher was extremely tall, and by some accounts he was even a giant! He was surely a man of significant physical stature. But, more importantly, he was a spiritual giant and a sure model and inspiration for the Christian faithful.

Christopher decided one day that he wanted to serve the greatest king he could. He presented himself before his local ruler and entered service, until he noticed the king cross himself at the mention of the devil, revealing that the king believed the Devil to have more power.

St. Christopher then decided to serve the Devil. During his search, he encountered a band of thieves, whose leader referred to himself as the Devil. But when this leader avoided a Christian cross out of fear, St. Christopher learned there was someone even more powerful than the Devil.

St. Christopher found a hermit who taught him all about Christ, the King of Kings. The hermit suggested that he spend his life in prayer and fasting, a thing which St. Christopher, a large and probably often hungry man found difficult, he objected. The hermit suggested he then find something else that would please Christ. St. Christopher offered to work at a nearby river, and help travelers across. The fording was dangerous and many with less strength people had drowned. The hermit advised St. Christopher this would please Christ.

One day, a child approached St. Christopher by the river and asked to be helped across. St. Christopher obliged. However, as he entered midstream, the river rose and the child's weight grew and became extremely heavy. It was only by great exertion that St. Christopher safely delivered the child to the other side.

When St. Christopher asked the child why he was so heavy, the child explained that He was the Christ and when St. Christopher carried Him, he also carried the weight of the whole world on his shoulders. The child then vanished.

Other legends state that St. Christopher traveled after this experience and evangelized thousands of people. Arriving in Lycia in Asia Minor, and witnessing to Christians there who were being martyred. At that time, St. Christopher was detained and ordered to offer a sacrifice to the emperor. When he refused, it was decided to attempt to persuade him with money and women. Two women were sent to seduce him, but instead he converted them to Christianity.

After this, it was decided to have him killed, but various attempts to assassinate him failed. Eventually, he was arrested and beheaded.

The name "Christopher" means Christ-bearer, and may allude to the legend of the man carrying the Christ Child across the river. Saint Christopher also did not become popularized in the Church until the 7th century, about three centuries after his supposed death. We know of his popularity because around the 7th century, churches and monasteries began to be named after him. This adds credibility to the supposition that St. Christopher was merely a legendary figure and not a real person.

There is also speculation that St. Christopher could have also been confused with St. Menas, an Egyptian saint. Both Christopher and Menas are referred to as "Christ bearers" and are patrons of travelers.

St. Christopher is the patron saint of travelers and of children. His feast day is July 25. Because he is not officially recognized by the Church, he has no date of beatification or canonization. Despite these technicalities, it is widely thought that he was real and that he continues to intercede on behalf of Christians, especially children, today.

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St. Christopher - Saints & Angels - Catholic Online

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Saint Christopher is one of the most popular Catholic Christian heroes of the Faith. He is a saint, indeed listed as a martyr. He may have also been named Reprobus. He apparently died under the Roman Emperor Decius, in 251 AD. Most Catholics refer to him as Saint Christopher anyway, and his medals ...

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1 in 9 girls under the age of 18 experience sexual abuse or assault

82 percent of sexual abuse victims are female

59 percent of sexual abusers are acquaintances with the victim

One Holy Night:

These heartbreaking statistics show how unfortunately common it is for young girls like the narrator in this story to go through situations like this. One Holy Night serves as a cautionary tale to children everywhere to be careful, but also to the victims of these crimes, letting them know that they are not alone.

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In FY16 alone, Child Protective Services agencies substantiated, or found strong evidence to indicate that, 57,329 children were victims of sexual abuse.1

One in 9 girls and 1 in 20 boys under the age of 18 experience sexual abuse or assault. ³

82% of all victims under 18 are female.⁴

Females ages 16-19 are 4 times more likely than the general population to be victims of rape, attempted rape, or sexual assault.²

The effects of child sexual abuse can be long-lasting and affect the victim's mental health. Victims are more likely than non-victims to experience the following mental health challenges: 5

About 4 times more likely to develop symptoms of drug abuse

About 4 times more likely to experience PTSD as adults

About 3 times more likely to experience a major depressive episode as adults

Perpetrators of Child Sexual Abuse Are Often Related to the Victim

Out of the sexual abuse cases reported to CPS in 2013, 47,000 men and 5,000 women were the alleged perpetrators.⁶

In 88% of the sexual abuse claims that CPS substantiates or finds supporting evidence of, the perpetrator is male. In 9% of cases they are female, and 3% are unknown.⁶

Understanding RAINN's statistics

Sexual violence is notoriously difficult to measure, and there is no single source of data that provides a complete picture of the crime. On RAINN's website, we have tried to select the most reliable source of statistics for each topic. The primary data source we use is the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), which is an annual study conducted by the Justice Department. To conduct NCVS, researchers interview tens of thousands of Americans each year to learn about crimes that they've experienced. Based on those interviews, the study provides estimates of the total number of crimes, including those that were not reported to police. While NCVS has a number of limitations (most importantly, children under age 12 are not included), overall, it is the most reliable source of crime statistics in the U.S.

We have also relied on other Justice Department studies, as well as data from the Department of Health and Human Services and other government and academic sources. When assembling these statistics, we have generally retained the wording used by the authors. Statistics are presented for educational purposes only. Each statistic includes a footnote citation for the original source, where you can find information about the methodology and a definition of terms.

Learn more about RAINN's statistics.

Sources:​

1. United States Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Administration on Children, Youth and Families, Children's Bureau. Child Maltreatment Survey, 2016 (2018).

2. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Sex Offenses and Offenders (1997).

3. David Finkelhor, Anne Shattuck, Heather A. Turner, & Sherry L. Hamby, The Lifetime Prevalence of Child Sexual Abuse and Sexual Assault Assessed in Late Adolescence, 55 Journal of Adolescent Health 329, 329-333 (2014)

4. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Sexual Assault of Young Children as Reported to Law Enforcement (2000).

5. H.M Zinzow, H.S. Resnick, J.L. McCauley, A.B. Amstadter, K.J. Ruggiero, & D.G. Kilpatrick, Prevalence and risk of psychiatric disorders as a function of variant rape histories: results from a national survey of women. Social psychiatry and psychiatric epidemiology, 47(6), 893-902 (2012).

6. United States Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Administration on Children, Youth and Families, Children's Bureau. Child Maltreatment Survey. Exhibit 5-2 Selected Maltreatment Types by Perpetrator's Sex. Page 65. (2013).

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Child sexual abuse is a widespread problem. One in nine girls and 1 in 53 boys under the age of 18 experience sexual abuse or assault at the hands of an adult.

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Chicago has always been a city that has welcomed immigrants to its community. Through out the decades, different cultures and groups have found refuge in this city. In One Holy Night, Cisneros uses the grandeur and size of the city of Chicago to present a smaller, yet relevant story that relates to many immigrant workers.

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Thousands upon thousands of poor but hopeful travelers set out for America, in search of a better life. Railroads, canals, meatpacking plants — there was opportunity in Chicago.

Immigrants learned that to survive and prosper in a hostile urban environment of unleashed capital, they needed to stick together. Mutual aid societies and houses of worship provided support and kept their histories and languages alive. The strong communal bonds that could in effect relocate a European village to a single tenement are evident today in many of Chicago's neighborhoods. While the points of origin may have changed over the years, Chicago continues to welcome a significant immigrant population.

Mandell Collection / Timepix

Learn about Chicago's immigrants from 1850 until 1990 by examining each decade and its top five immigrant groups.  One of these five groups is highlighted in each decade, providing more information on that group.

Not all migrants to Chicago are represented here.  A significant number of Chicago’s citizens came from other regions of the United States, including African Americans from the rural South and Mexican Americans from the Southwest.

1850 France
Many mid-19th century French immigrants were political refugees who left France following the 1848 revolutions that swept through Europe.
1860 Scotland
Scottish immigrants founded the Illinois Saint Andrew Society in 1845 to help Scottish immigrants adjust to life in the New World.  It was the first such organization founded in Chicago.
1870 Norway
Norwegians entered America in the 19th century to join a labor force that had more opportunities than in their homeland.  Norwegians helped establish the Logan Square neighborhood, which now houses a large Latino population.
1880 Ireland
Irish immigrants worked on the construction of the canal connecting Chicago with the Illinois River.  The nearby neighborhood they settled, called Canalport, was later known as Bridgeport and was the power base of five  20th century Chicago mayors. By 1900, Chicago had the fourth largest Irish population in America, behind New York City, Boston, and Philadelphia.
1890 England
British trade unions sponsored the emigration of British artisans during the end of the nineteenth century, as a means of decreasing the skilled labor pool in England and therefore increasing the wages that labor pool could earn.
1900 Bohemia
The formation of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire in 1867 sparked an exodus from that region. Czechs from Bohemia entered Chicago in the decades that followed.  The Lower West Side neighborhood they settled, Pilsen, took its name from the Bohemian capital founded by King Wenceslas II, best known as the home of pilsner beer.
1910 Austria
Austrian immigrants settled into the Fuller Park neighborhood, near the South Side, prior to World War I.  This neighborhood became predominantly African-American in the latter half of the 20th century.
1920 Russia
Many Russian immigrants were Jews who fled the persecutions, known as pogroms, which were prevalent in Russia following the assassination of Czar Nicholas II in 1881.  A large population settled around Devon Avenue in East Rogers Park, which is now home to a large South Asian and Indian population.
1930 Germany
Germans flooded into Chicago for over a century — from the mid-19th century through World War II.  Lincoln Square, where Germans settled in droves, still maintains a strong German identity.
1940 Sweden
Swedish immigrants settled into the Andersonville neighborhood at the end of the 19th century.  Chicago had the largest Scandinavian settlement in the U.S. at that time. Today, Andersonville hosts an annual summer festival with a Swedish flavor, Midsommarfest.
1950 Poland
Over the years, the Polish community has lived in several different parts of Chicago.  One such area, Bucktown, got its name from the goats some residents kept in their yards.  Nowadays the Archer Heights neighborhood maintains a strong Polish presence.
1960 Italy
Many Italian immigrants that came to Chicago in the early part of the 20th century were men who planned to work for a number of years before returning to Italy.  Those who ended up staying formed the largest ethnic group in the Near West Side neighborhoods by the 1920s.  The area around Taylor Street is Chicago's Little Italy.
1970 Mexico
Sparked by the Mexican Revolution of 1910, Chicago has seen a steady influx of Mexican immigrants throughout the 20th century.  Today, the Pilsen neighborhood is home to a large segment of Chicago's Mexican population, as well as the Mexican Fine Arts Center Museum.  This museum organizes annual Dia de Los Muertos (Day of the Dead) celebrations in the autumn.
1980 Phillipines
Filipinos emigrated to Chicago throughout the 20th century in small numbers.  The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which eased previous restrictions, saw a great increase in Philippine immigration.
1990 Korea
The lure of higher education has been drawing a larger number of Korean immigrants to Chicago in recent decades.  A growing Korean presence can be found in the North Side neighborhoods of Albany Park and North Park.

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Decades of Immigrants | American Experience | PBS

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Railroads, canals, meatpacking plants — there was opportunity in Chicago.

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This prayer calls to mind the pilgrimage of St. Ignatius in the way he promises to make a pilgrimage to the saints tomb and bring him flowers. The journey of Ignatius is out of personal testament and discovery of God. The main difference in the promise of a pilgrimage and Ignatius's pilgrimage is the intent and desire behind them.

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An Ignatian Pilgrimage - Ignatian Spirituality

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A group of lay people and Jesuits have set up a new pilgrimage route in Spain that should appeal to walkers and cyclists with an Ignatian bent. It’s called the Camino Ignaciano (the Ignatian “way” or “road”). It’s the route St. Ignatius walked in 1522 after his conversion. It begins at his family’s home in […]

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In Sandra Cisneros’s short story “One Holy Night,” sexual assault is a central theme that profoundly impacts the protagonist, a young girl. The story reveals how the girl is seduced and impregnated by a much older man who deceives her with grandiose tales of his past. This act of sexual violence not only shatters her innocence but also exposes the harsh realities of exploitation and the loss of childhood. Towards the end, the whole situation leaves her scarred and with a false sense of love/romantic relationships

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Your Role in Preventing Sexual Assault | RAINN

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Whether it’s giving someone a safe ride home from a party or diverting a person who is engaging in uncomfortable behavior, anyone can help prevent sexual violence.

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Chicago is one of the most gun-violent cities in America. In recent years, there have been over 2,000 shooting victims each year, which translates to over 5 a day. Because of loose gun laws, people like Chaq Uxmal Paloquin can get their hands on an assortment of guns rather easily. Most gun violence in Chicago is committed by men from 20-39, which corresponds with One Holy Night, since Chaq falls into this category.

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The prayer is one of thanks that God helped after "Chapa's" truck got stolen. They had good fortune and praise Blessed Santo Niño de Atocha and everything seems to have worked out through the mercy and grace of God. This prayer reminded me of a scene in breaking bad when a truck is stolen from a lonely man and his family and in return a barrel of money lands on their door step as God answers their prayers for help.

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Sorry, we can’t find that page. You’ll find lots to explore on the home page.

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Like many major cities in America, Chicago has a significant number of its population living below the poverty line (16.9%). In One Holy Night, it is apparent that the girl's family is either below that line or dangerously close to below it. Migrant families in Chicago tend to not get equal opportunities, which is probably why the young girl was forced into dangerous situations selling fruit on the street.

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The whole story reminds me of the movie Bruce Almighty where everyone is sending him prayers and he gets frustrated and replies yes to all. Consequently, the world goes to hell and everything falls apart.

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The prayer reminds me of the movie Christmas with the Kranks. This prayer talks about being thankful for the removal of the "Arrows" that persecuted him, the arrows being his family members that moved out of his house. Victor seems to be a very materialistic person and claims that because he used expensive building materials in his shrine to his saint he thinks that they are now "even" and his prayer was a simple transaction. In the movie, the main character begs for a Christmas in solitude and claims to despise his family and friends. He is seen as a very senile and unfriendly man that is more focused on materialistic things than his family and friends. In the end of the movie, he changes his ways and learns to love his family which is all we can hope for from Victor Lozano.

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Christmas with the Kranks (2004) Original Trailer [FHD]

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"My mother's comadre Demetria said if I prayed to you that like maybe you could help me because you were raised from the dead and did a lot of miracles and maybe if I lit a candle every night for seven days and prayed..."(121). This prayer explains the importance of Mexican-American Catholicism. The line where it talks about the lit candle, shows the need for help when these people are struggling. Also, the prayer tells me that nothing is impossible if you work hard.

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The Nun relates to this prayer because most of the characters are facing difficulties mostly due to dealing with stress because some of the characters get into fights due to their religion. Something I realized is that getting into a fight as a Catholic because you are going against Jesus's teachings. This happens in this movie to one of the characters.

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I've seen a few stinkers of horrors that certainly deserve 1 or 2 starts, but come on, The Nun deserves better than that. Sure it doesn't have the finesse of The Conjuring films, the plot is a little thin and the scares do rely quite heavily on the tried and tested loud jump scares, but:

It has great camera work Very good set pieces and great atmosphere Good acting Great effects And it does make you jump outta your seat

If you bear all of that in mind and are not expecting anything else, then you'll have a great time.

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The Nun: Directed by Corin Hardy. With Demián Bichir, Taissa Farmiga, Jonas Bloquet, Bonnie Aarons. A priest with a haunted past and a novice on the threshold of her final vows are sent by the Vatican to investigate the death of a young nun in Romania and confront a malevolent force in the form of a demonic nun.

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Faith and Survival in Immigrant's Culture Article

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Faith and Survival in Immigrant's Culture Article

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The main characters in Sandra Cisneros's Little Miracles, Kept Promises use saints and religious figures as a part of their survival tactics, blending hope and cultural faith in the face of adversity. This subject strikes a deep chord with the experiences of Latino immigrant communities in the real world, as they frequently draw strength and resiliency from their spiritual religion to overcome social and economic obstacles. My Polish parents were immigrants just like in the book, they were deeply committed to their religion as well.  The characters dependence on saints for protection and direction resonated with an article I read about how faith helps immigrant communities through difficult times.

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Abstract

This qualitative study explores the role of religious practices on the migration process and the U.S. lived experiences of Latina/o immigrants. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 20 Latino/a immigrant adults living in a southern state of the United States. Interviews focused on participants' migration experiences, religious constructs, and stress responses. Results revealed that religious practices provided strength, well-being, and positive life outlook during the migration process. After migration, religious practices also assisted participants in creating a sense of community/family, as well as provided financial and social support during difficult times. Recommendations for future interdisciplinary research and for practitioners are discussed for individuals working with Latinx and immigrant populations.

Keywords: religious practices, Latina/o, immigration, lived experiences, cultural stressors

1. Introduction

The Latina/o population is the largest ethnic minority group in the United States (U.S.) [ 1]. There are a variety of reasons why Latina/o individuals decide to migrate to the U.S. Although Torres and Wallace [ 2] note that these reasons vary by country of origin, Latina/o immigrants typically migrate due to lack of financial resources, family obligations, as well as social-political factors encountered in their country of origin [ 3]. While migrating to the U.S. may be perceived as a positive outlook towards one's life due to the possibility of gaining resources [ 4], those who migrate, especially those without legal status, may face additional lost resources including loss of safety stemming from fear of deportation [ 5, 6]. Fear of deportation, even for individuals who have a legal status in the U.S., not only instills stress, but also creates distrust towards public establishments such as legal and social services [ 7, 8, 9, 10]. Additionally, despite moving to the U.S. to gain financial prosperity [ 4, 11], Latina/o immigrants continue to report financial and work-related stressors while living in the U.S. [ 2, 12]. Even though recent literature provides consistent findings as it pertains to the U.S. lived experiences of Latina/o immigrants, little is known on how religious practice shapes these experiences, especially when resources (e.g., familial and financial support resources) are lost. More research is needed to investigate the role of religious practice among Latina/o immigrants, especially given that over 80% of Latina/o immigrants identify as highly religious [ 13]. This qualitative paper will therefore explore the role of religious practice on the migration process and U.S. living experiences of foreign-born Latina/os.

1.1. Religious Practice: A Conceptualization

Religious practice has been defined as a multidimensional construct [ 14, 15] and involves having similar belief systems and moral values about a divine or a higher power [ 14]. Religious practices often encompass behavioral patterns, rituals, organizational practices, commitment and social relations that are adherent to an organized religious institution [ 14]. Many who engage in religious practices also engage in spiritual practices, defined as practices and approaches to life and ties to other people [ 16], as well as a journey towards a sense of purpose [ 14, 17, 18]. Spirituality therefore may serve as a form of personal connection towards a higher power and may not necessarily include being part of a religious institution [ 14]. For the purpose of this study, however, we define religious practices as engaging in certain practices and rituals through an organized system of beliefs acknowledging the possible overlap between religiosity and spirituality among some Latina/o individuals.

1.2. Religious Practices and the Migration Process

Religious practices play a central role in the lives of individuals especially when facing adversity and stress [ 19, 20]. For Latina/o immigrants, challenges and adversity may arise during the migration process to the U.S. [ 21]. For example, the migration process may be a period of lost resources for undocumented Latina/o immigrants (i.e., material and social resources), which may consequently impact their physical and psychological health. Given that studies have shown that religious practices serve as coping responses among Latinas/os when dealing with difficult life events [ 20, 22], further exploration of the role of religiosity during the migration process is warranted.

1.3. Religious Practices and Lived U.S. Experiences

Upon arriving to the U.S., Latina/o immigrants encounter a number of stressors-many of which may be compacted with acculturative stress [ 23], idioms of distress [ 24, 25], and immigration stressors [ 4, 23, 25, 26]. On top of the daily stressors faced in the U.S., heightened stress may also be connected to legal status [ 11], fear of deportation [ 27, 28] and heightened ethnic discrimination [ 23, 24, 29, 30, 31].

The overarching psychology of religion literature suggests that religious support via faith-based institutions provides individuals with social support, meaning making, and perceived life satisfaction when confronted with stressors [ 32, 33]. Given that religion plays a proactive role in the lives of individuals, religious support via faith-based institutions may also provide Latina/o immigrants with a secure environment to maintain their social and ethnic bonds, and to connect with people who have similar cultural traditions and beliefs [ 32]. Therefore, due to the role that religiosity plays in the lives of Latinas/os, it may also assist Latina/o immigrants to cope with stressors directly related to their lived experience in the U.S. [ 34].

Empirical research has supported such theories. For example, studies have consistently found that religious practices can function as a social support network to cope with life stressors of Latinas/os in the U.S. [ 24, 32, 35, 36, 37]. However, there are mixed findings about religiosity, stress, and perceived well-being when comparing the Latina/o experience pre- and post-migration. For example, Sanchez and colleagues [ 22], using a sample of 527 recent immigrants, found that Latinas/os who were religious in their country of origin, experience higher levels of acculturative stress due to the loss of social support experienced upon immigrating to the U.S. On the other hand, Steffen and Merril [ 37], using a sample of 336 Mexican immigrants, found that pre-immigration religiosity and attending the same religious organization once they immigrate to the U.S. helps Latinas/os interact positively with members of the mainstream culture in the U.S. Other studies provide empirical evidence supporting the theory that religious practices serve as a protective factor for psychological and physical health [ 36, 38]. However, little is still known about the direct role of religious practices on the migration process and U.S. living experiences. Additionally, given that many religious systems (e.g., churches) endorse religious values and morals that impact how Latinas/os approach and experience stressors, as well as their willingness to seek support [ 39], more research should explicitly examine these direct associations.

1.4. Theoretical Framework: Conservation of Resources Theory

Conservation of resources theory (CORT) suggests that individuals aim to attain, preserve, shield, and nurture valued resources, and that stress emerges when these resources are lost [ 40]. More specifically, Hobfoll [ 40] argues that psychological stress may arise when individuals face a threat of lost resources and when an investment of resources does not yield the expected return. Hobfoll [ 40] also places greater emphasis on the shared versus personal nature of stress appraisals suggesting that these lost resources, in most cases, may also be lost with others in similar circumstances. Given that migration is a process that may derive from a lack of resources, CORT may assist in describing stressors during the migration process of Latina/o individuals, as well as understanding how religiosity may play a role during these stressors. For example, the decision to migrate is often marked by major resource loss or conflict through socio-political factors [ 41], financial stress [ 4, 28] and/or family reunification [ 42]. The migration process may also be a period of lost resources (e.g., physical and psychological health, material and social resources; [ 43]) that may continue while living in the new social cultural environment (like the U.S.; [ 27, 44]). For example, the limited resources possessed in their native country may be lost in the new country, thus producing additional stress. CORT may assist in understanding post-migration religious experience. That is, religious practices may play a key role in stress reduction during the migration process and U.S.-lived experience.

1.5. Current Study

Through a CORT framework, Latina/o immigrants are a vulnerable population that are exposed to several migration-related stressors and lost resources while migrating and living in the U.S. [ 27]. These stressors are detrimental to their physical and mental health [ 4]. Most striking, given that Latina/o immigrants are less likely to seek social and health-related services when compared to their U.S. born counterparts [ 41, 45], this population may seek alternative ways to handle these stressors, such as religious-oriented behaviors. It is estimated that over 80% of first-generation Latina/os identify as highly religious [ 13]. As such, more research is needed to investigate whether and how religious practices help Latina/o migrants cope with immigration-related stressors. This qualitative paper will therefore explore the role of religious practices on the migration process and U.S. lived experiences. Specifically, this study will explore two overarching research questions: (1) What role do religious practices play on the migration process of Latina/o immigrants? (2) What role do religious practices play on the U.S. living experiences of Latina/o immigrants?

2. Methods

2.1. Design and Participants

A semi-structured interview was used to elicit responses on migration, religious constructs, methods of coping and stress responses. Given the sensitive nature of the political climate in the U.S., participants did not report their current immigration status (e.g., visas, permanent resident status or U.S. citizenship), although the majority described their migration process through stressful means (therefore following the CORT framework). Of these twenty participants, nine were male (45%) and 11 were female (55%), five (25%) reported speaking English fluently, fifteen (75%) reported either being married or cohabitating and eighteen (90%) reported being religiously committed and adhering to religious practices in a given week. Participants' average age was 41.0 (SD = 12.20).

2.2. Procedures

Inclusion criteria included individuals who self-identified as Latina/o immigrants, were 18 years of age, spoke Spanish or English, did not have any cognitive disorders, and were willing to describe their migration process. Data was collected in a southern state of the United States using community-based participatory research. Specifically, participants were recruited from Latina/o community-based center, clinics, barber shops, etc. Participants were first approached to introduce the study using a brief protocol. If participants expressed interest in the study, consent was then provided. After participants consented, participants then underwent the semi-structured interview in a private and confidential space. Interviews, which lasted about an hour long, were conducted in either Spanish or English and were audio-recorded. All participants were compensated with U.S. $20. This study was approved by the university institutional review board.

2.3. Material

The interview guide covered topics including descriptions of religious practices, migration, U.S. lived experiences, descriptions of well-being, as well as connecting experiences and stressors/problems. The present study primarily draws from responses to four interview questions related to religiosity:

1. What kind of religious practices do you engage in during your typical week?

2. How have your religious practices played a role in the immigration process?

3. How did your religious practices help you while you lived here in America?

4. How has it been living in the United States as a first-generation Mexican immigrant?

2.4. Data Analytic Plan

While participants were not asked about their legal status, many of them described entering the country without having a visa or avoiding ports of entry (i.e., crossing a desert, river, etc.). These individuals were classified as undocumented at the time of migration.

Interviews were transcribed verbatim in the language in which they were conducted (16 were in Spanish and 6 were in English). Transcripts were coded by three bilingual Latina/o scholars using Transana software 3.32 [ 46]. Coders identify with different levels of religious practices from different religious backgrounds and have advanced training working with Latina/o communities. Content analysis was utilized to answer our two research questions via a bottom-up approach [ 47]. Specifically, we conceptualized difficult migration experiences as stressors [ 48] and explored the role of religious practices as coping mechanisms during these stressors.

The analytic procedure began with a line-by-line bottom-up coding of the entire transcriptions to formulate initial categories, organize the data, and develop a codebook. The three coders met weekly to discuss the independent coding and any disagreements for each specific code. Coders also carried conceptual conversations around broad themes that emerged from distinct codes relating to the two research questions. For example, we observed how intrinsic aspects of religiosity were engaged during the migration process whereas extrinsic and social aspects of religiosity were explored during the U.S. lived experiences. Agreements and disagreements were always discussed in detail throughout weekly coding meetings until 100% agreement was reached. The final coding scheme was applied twice to the data to ensure that all relevant responses were coded accurately.

3. Results

3.1. Reasons for Immigration

Participants reported having entered the U.S. through a variety of ways including walking through the desert (30%), with a visa (5%), or as a toddler with a guardian (5%). A couple of the participants did not recall their migration experience due to early migration (10%) and a few others chose not to share how they entered the country (30%). Overall, findings revealed three primary reasons that motivated participants to come to the U.S. Nearly all participants (93%) identified existing family connections as the primary factor for migrating to the U.S. Many individuals described having parents or relatives living in the U.S. and were motivated to regain the family harmony and physical unity. Other participants described uniting with their husbands who were laborers in this country. The second most reported factor for migrating to the U.S. was for "una mejor vida" (64%), which translates to having a better life. Individuals reported living in poverty or having lower socio-economic status in their native countries, which motivated them to gain more financial resources through laboring in the U.S. By migrating, participants believed that they would attain better financial stability, better life satisfaction, and a higher quality of life. Lastly, the third most commonly reported factor for immigrating to the U.S. was conflict in their native country-therefore, loss of safety (20%). Some participants reported starting a new chapter of life in a new country after experiencing gun violence, domestic violence, and for some, community violence in their native country (e.g., Mexico). Overall, these themes support the CORT framework and suggest that reasons for migration are connected to efforts to preserve, shield, and nurture valued resources, and thus efforts for sustained stress reduction may have been present.

3.2. The Role That Religious Practices Play on the High-Stress Migration Process

Our content analysis provided important insights into how religious practices, primarily internal forms of religious practices such as prayers and reciting spiritual verses, played an important role during the migration process. We identified four distinct ways in which these religious practices sustained participants during the high-stress migration process: by providing strength, peace/serenity, reliance on a higher power, and gained/regained purpose during the migration experience. Each of these is discussed below.

Provided Strength. Many participants reported engaging in the religious practice of prayer, defined by them as direct communication with a higher power (e.g., saints and God). For these participants, especially those that migrated through means that produced excessive stress, such as crossing the desert (25%), prayer served as a source of emotional support during times of adversity. These participants relied on prayer as a source of stability that gave them physical and emotional strength. Juana, a 30-year-old, who identified as Protestant, described how prayer was used as a source of strength that provided solace at stressful times throughout her migration process. She noted the following:

"It [prayer] strengthens me from my most difficult moments [walking through the desert], as I say it is where I take refuge and comfort. It is where it gave me the strength to continue [to walk through the desert]."

For Juana and other Latinas/os, who migrated through stressful means, this form of religious practice was one that was accessible, feasible, and, most importantly, that provided potency and encouragement to continue through the process of crossing the border.

Provided peace. Other participants mentioned that they felt lonely during the migration process, especially when traveling alone. Some mentioned feeling nostalgic and missing people (like family) from their hometown immediately when the migration process (i.e., when they embarked on the journey to cross the border) began. Others reported that as soon as they departed their home communities, they became uncertain, often questioning the decisions made. These participants mentioned that when they felt alone, they found peace in communicating to a higher power. For many, this higher power was described as God or Mary. Luis, a 35-year-old, who identified as Catholic, described the following:

"For the reason that I was away from my family, I asked God that they [family] were well, I asked him [God] to help me, because being alone is difficult. At the same time, I asked for my family back in Mexico, to see them again. That gave me peace."

Participants, like Luis, said that as soon as they began the migration process, they felt alone, nostalgic and often homesick, missing their family and close networks. They described that engaging in this religious practice brought serenity to their situation, often describing that their higher power had control of their situation.

Provided reliance towards a higher power. Other participants reported that one way to preserve and nurture psychological peace, physical endurance, and overall well-being when resources were lost throughout the migration process was by relying on a higher power. When further probed on how this is perceived as different than prayer, participants described that prayer is a means to communicate with a higher power (i.e., talking to God) and entrusting God, but they noted the difference between acting on a communicating mechanism or simply cognitively and emotionally entrusting their migration stress on a higher power. Several of these participants mentioned that reliance on a higher power was the first mechanism to prayer but this-at times-was the final outcome. Additionally, entrusting themselves to God helped them accept the trials faced when they were crossing the border. This was described as a sense of connection to something bigger than themselves when migrating to the U.S. Mario, a 28-year-old, who identified as Pentecostal, stated the following:

"I have always trusted that if God brought me to America, it was for something. Whenever something good or bad happened [during the migration process], it was because of God. God knows why he did things. I therefore took the good side."

For Mario, his experience, while migrating to the U.S., was a difficult one. Although he perceived many lost resources while migrating, he saw it all as providential. He further described that trusting God allowed him to be more optimistic during the migration process and less stressed during challenging situations. Others mentioned that their reliance on a higher power protected them from dangers during the migration process. For instance, Juana stated that reliance on a higher power protected her during the physically-extenuating process of walking through the desert. She stated the following:

"Well, I think [God] protected us a lot. [God] protected us a lot because during that walk [through the desert], we were finding everything wrong; it seems not, but [we] were finding dangers, and I thank God nothing happened to us."

Gained/regained purpose. Other participants described that engaging in religious practices allowed them to have a sense of purpose in their lives. Even in high-stress situations during their migration process, they at times felt there was a broader purpose by simply reverting to socialized religious messages (e.g., via spiritual readings, or messages heard in churches). For these participants, holding on to purpose-driven messages allowed them to have hope that difficulty and stress would subside. In the words of one of the participants, "Our sense of purpose helps us think about what we can do." Other participants said that their sense of purpose came from higher powers and so they accepted their circumstances because everything happened for a reason. For many, this allowed them to focus on the overall reason that they migrated in the first place, which was to retain, preserve, and nurture valued resources in their native country. In doing so, the short-term stress experienced during their migration was minimized, given that their long-term sense of purpose would yield a greater outcome. For example, Jose, a 31-year-old who identified as Christian, stated the following:

"Everywhere I was, I always tried to focus and look at God over my life and the necessities of our fellowmen... to be able to help as much as one can materially, spiritually, or emotionally."

Overall, common themes reveal that religious practices, primarily internal forms of religious practices, play an important role in helping individuals cope with high-stress situations (often due to lost resources) encountered during the migration process. These religious practices were frequently described as prayers, recitations of religious/spiritual content, communication with a higher power, and reliance toward a higher entity. Like the CORT framework, Latinas/os from our sample reported that engaging in these religious practices provided strength, peace/serenity, and helped them gain/regain purpose during the migration experience therefore mitigating stress in a high-stress situation.

3.3. The Role That Religious Practices Play on the U.S. Lived Experiences

Religious practices continued to shape the lived experiences of Latina/o immigrants in the U.S., where they encountered additional stressors (e.g., language barriers, financial stress, acculturative stress, and discrimination) during the adaptation process. Reviews of transcripts revealed the ways that religious practices helped them cope with the stressors associated with life in the U.S. Specifically, participants described that religious practices positively impacted their post-migration experiences in three main ways: by providing a community (e.g., church meetings and group activities), gained financial and social resources, and focused to do good. These are now discussed.

Providing a community. Several participants reported that engaging in religious practices (e.g., going to church) as newly arrived immigrants in the U.S. allowed them to find a community with similar religious and cultural values and beliefs. Many described missing their hometowns and families and that going to church allowed them to have a space that reminded them of their home country, where members of the congregations (e.g., church) spoke a similar language and also originated from a Latin American country. These findings suggest that being part of a congregation serves as a protective factor during stress-inducing situations because they did not feel alone. Rosa, a 30-year-old Protestant Christian, stated the following:

"It's [members from church] like a family, and it feels comfortable talking to the people that we knew before. We all see each other as a family, like a real brother and sister. And I have realized that there are no differences if a new one arrives. We greet her/him like if we already knew her/him. It is beautiful. It is beautiful to coexist in church with [our] brothers and sisters."

Gained financial and social resources. Many participants reported that engaging in religious practices, especially those that are public in nature (e.g., church attendance) assisted them in addressing various social needs. Several participants described facing many financial stressors upon arriving to the U.S., especially when they were not employed. Religious organizations, especially smaller churches, played an important role by providing them financial and material support, such as access to food banks, shelters, and social assistantships. Miguel, a 35-year-old who identified as Pentecostal, noted the following:

"They [the church] knew that I was alone that I had not had a job at that time. And the pastor put together an offering and they gave it to me."

Focused to do good. Some participants expressed that they were exposed to more risks in the U.S. For instance, some reported that not having family could lead to the loss of cultural and protective values, such as the value for family. Other participants reported that there was more access to substances and drugs in the U.S. Similarly, others perceived that it was easier to experience mental health conditions (like depression and anxiety) in the U.S. (more than in their native country) due to exposure to additional stressors. Rafael, a 19-year-old, who identified as Catholic, reported the following:

"If I had not been religious, with the easiness of living here [in America], like the ease of obtaining and consuming drugs and alcohol, it would have been very easy to fall into these risky behaviors. First, because of the loneliness and sadness. The money that one earns here [in America] also facilitates these risky behaviors - to take the wrong path."

Overall, religious practices continued to shape the lived experiences of most participants during the post-migration period, in which participants encountered additional stressors (e.g., language barriers, financial stress, acculturative stress, and discrimination). Churches provided participants not only with financial and social support, but also with a community of individuals that share similar values. Religious practices played a vital role in reducing stressors (especially perceived lost resources) for participants as they acclimated to a new country. Similar to what we found during the migration phase, religious practices served as a protective coping strategy during the post-migration phase when participants aspired to attain and preserve valued resources in the U.S., as described through the CORT framework.

4. Discussion

The goal of this qualitative study was to investigate the role of religious practices during the migration process and the U.S. lived experiences among recently arrived Latina/o immigrants. To this end, we conducted semi-structured interviews with 20 Latina/o immigrants living in a southern U.S. state. Our participants indicated that they migrated to the U.S. for three main reasons: to reunite with family members, for financial reasons given conditions of precarity, and/or due to a loss of safety in their native country (i.e., gun violence, domestic violence, and in some cases even community violence). In general, these findings are consistent with the CORT framework in that the decision to migrate is often marked by a loss of resources, which in this case is represented as the loss of social support after the migration of family members [ 48], loss of safety due to socio-political conflict [ 41], and/or financial stress [ 4, 28]. These findings suggest that these lost resources may be a driving force to migrate to a new country to restore the family unit, acquire safety, and reduce financial stress.

Results also demonstrated that during the migration process, religious practices, primarily internal forms of religious behaviors (e.g., prayers, reciting spiritual verses, entrusting themselves to God), played an important role in coping with stressors. This finding is supported by the overarching literature on forms of religious coping among Latina/o communities, especially those with limited resources during high-stress state ([ 49]). The findings presented here expand the literature by further elucidating the central role that these religious practices have in providing strength, peace/serenity, and gaining/regaining purpose during the migration process. Future studies should examine the role of religious practices and behaviors in the context of different migration experiences (e.g., undocumented vs. legal migration).

Findings also reveal that upon arriving in their host country, religious practices continued to shape their U.S. lived experiences of immigrants as they encounter additional stressors associated with language barriers, financial stress, acculturative stress, discrimination, etc. This finding corroborates the overarching literature that supports the lived experiences of oppressed groups, especially recently arrived Latina/o immigrants [ 2, 12]. Our data contributes to this literature by revealing how these religious practices (primarily practices that include social means like church attendance) shaped participants' lived experiences in the U.S., specifically by providing a community, assisting in financial and social support, and focused to do good. This novel finding supports the CORT framework given that this community may encounter additional losses upon arriving to the U.S. [ 27, 44]. For example, Latina/o immigrants encounter financial and work-related stress [ 4, 11], acculturative stress [ 12], and various forms of discrimination [ 2], yet have limited access to mental health care [ 7, 8, 9, 10]. The CORT framework supports the theory that these religious practices play a key role in stress reduction during their high-stress experiences. Our findings suggest that prayer, church attendance, and other religious behaviors serve a crucial protective role for Latina/o immigrants in the context of high stress and low access and utilization of mental care services. One key point to emphasize is that participants in fact referred mainly to personal prayer and religious communities to which they belonged to once they arrived to the U.S. This religious experience may be connected specific to this population and their culturally specific needs; however, these religious experiences may evolve as they spend more time in the U.S. Research can continue to examine other domains of religious experiences among Latina/o immigrants after several years in the U.S., and especially as they begin to acculturate.

Given that religious practices play a central role in the lives of Latina/o migrants [ 37], interdisciplinary scholars and practitioners working with the Latinx and migrant communities would benefit from understanding the lived experiences of these communities via a CORT framework. That is, scholars and practitioners can further understand what Latina/o migrants are aiming to attain, preserve, shield, and nurture. This would assist in conceptualizing different stress levels across individuals in the same communities. Additionally, interdisciplinary scholars and practitioners can further collaborate with faith-based organizations in efforts to provide supportive means to reduce perceived high-stress situations shortly after migration. Most importantly, interdisciplinary scholars and practitioners can translate science into practice by implementing programs that provide better care for this population in culturally relevant means. For example, our findings suggest specific types of religious practices (e.g., forms of prayer, communal or personal nature of practices). Having a thorough understanding of what religious experience means for these communities can play a critical role in disseminating and implementing culturally sensitive programs for these communities. Furthermore, by working with faith-based organizations through a community-based approach, interdisciplinary scholars and practitioners can build rapport with the community and use their leaders to disperse information about physical and behavioral health programs. Finally, engaging in these collaborative approaches can also help address the underutilization of overall health services among the Latina/o communities.

5. Limitations and Strengths

There are several limitations that are worth noting. While our study sheds light on the role of religious practices in the lives of Mexican immigrants, findings may not be generalizable to immigrants from other Latin American countries. Future research should examine whether similar or different patterns are observed among other immigrant groups. Second, due to its sensitive nature, we did not ask participants about their legal status nor length of residence in the U.S. Still, participants volunteered some information by describing experiences of entering the U.S. through alternative legal crossing (e.g., crossing through the river or a desert). Future research should further explore the role of religious practices on the lived experiences of undocumented vs. documented migrants. Despite the limitations mentioned above, this study has several strengths. First, the qualitative methodology allowed us to learn how immigrants interpret their own experiences and the role of religious practices and behaviors in their lives. In addition, although there is a growing body of literature that examines the relationship between religiosity among Latinas/os in the U.S., this study provides additional insight to Latina/o immigrants' experiences and the protective role of religious practices.

6. Conclusions

Findings from this study provide great insight into the role that religious practices play on the migration process and the U.S. lived experiences of Latina/o immigrants. The different findings revealed that internal forms of religious behaviors were primarily seen during the migration process and external forms of religious behaviors were primarily seen upon arriving to the U.S. These findings highlight how religious behaviors are complex and manifest differently depending on the stage of the migration experience. Given that more than 80% of Latinas/os immigrants identify as religious [ 13], clinicians who work with recently arrived Latina/o immigrants should be knowledgeable about, and sensitive to, the context associated with the role of religious practices during the pre- and post-migration process and lived experiences.

Author Contributions

O.M. led the data collection, data analysis, & writing the original draft. M.O. and L.F. participated in the data analysis and writing phase. D.G. and G.L.-P. participated in the writing, review, and editing. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Articles from International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health are provided here courtesy of Multidisciplinary Digital Publishing Institute (MDPI)

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Vaya Con Dios: The Influence of Religious Constructs on Stressors around the Migration Process and U.S. Lived Experiences among Latina/o Immigrants

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This qualitative study explores the role of religious practices on the migration process and the U.S. lived experiences of Latina/o immigrants. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 20 Latino/a immigrant adults living in a southern state of the ...

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Stories about people who use the Virgin Mary's help when they get into difficulties; where a rose appears, their problems are solved. Stories about people who use the Virgin Mary's help when they get into difficulties; where a rose appears, their problems are solved. Stories about people who use the Virgin Mary's help when they get into difficulties; where a rose appears, their problems are solved.

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La rosa de Guadalupe (TV Series 2008- ) - IMDb

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La rosa de Guadalupe: Created by Carlos Mercado Orduña. With Susana Lozano, Zahira de Quevedo, Elena Carrasco, Raúl Ochoa. Stories about people who use the Virgin Mary's help when they get into difficulties; where a rose appears, their problems are solved.