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En los 60, muchos mexicanos-americanos en New Mexico estaban  inspirados con el movimiento de derechos civiles y ellos estaban insatisfechos con la discriminación en las escuelas, que tenían reglas contra el uso de español en las escuelas con castigos y humillación a los chicanos.

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En los 60, muchos mexicanos-americanos en New Mexico estaban  inspirados con el movimiento de derechos civiles y ellos estaban insatisfechos con la discriminación en las escuelas, que tenían reglas contra el uso de español en las escuelas con castigos y humillación a los chicanos.

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En marzo de 1968, más de 10,000 estudiantes del este de Los Angeles  marcharon protestando el sistema educacional, con letreros de "Viva La Raza" y "Chicano Power". Ellos querían más educación bilingüe y bicultural, maestros chicanos, igualdad y más.

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En marzo de 1968, más de 10,000 estudiantes del este de Los Angeles  marcharon protestando el sistema educacional, con letreros de "Viva La Raza" y "Chicano Power". Ellos querían más educación bilingüe y bicultural, maestros chicanos, igualdad y más.

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Mujeres siendo arrestadas en el protesto

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Pero a la policía no le gustó los protestos, ellos golpearon y arrestaron estudiantes. Después de la brutalidad policial, miembros de la comunidad y otros mexicanos-americanos del sudoeste y medio oeste mostraron apoyo. La marcha atrajo atención nacional para los chicanos, con muchas escuelas formando programas enfocados en chicanos.

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Pero a la policía no le gustó los protestos, ellos golpearon y arrestaron estudiantes. Después de la brutalidad policial, miembros de la comunidad y otros mexicanos-americanos del sudoeste y medio oeste mostraron apoyo. La marcha atrajo atención nacional para los chicanos, con muchas escuelas formando programas enfocados en chicanos.

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En California, maestros, administradores y otros estudiantes de habla inglesa trataban chicanos con desprecio y pobreza. En una escuela en Coachella, una mujer chicana llamada Yolanda Esquivel vio su colega Jane Coffey atacar físicamente un niño y una niña mexicana varias veces. Cuando Yolanda confrontó a Coffey, ella le pegó en el pencho y le dijo: "¿quién crees que eres tú?" Varios estudiantes vieron lo que ocurrió, pero el director negó todo.

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En California, maestros, administradores y otros estudiantes de habla inglesa trataban chicanos con desprecio y pobreza. En una escuela en Coachella, una mujer chicana llamada Yolanda Esquivel vio su colega Jane Coffey atacar físicamente un niño y una niña mexicana varias veces. Cuando Yolanda confrontó a Coffey, ella le pegó en el pencho y le dijo: "¿quién crees que eres tú?" Varios estudiantes vieron lo que ocurrió, pero el director negó todo.

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Yolanda y sus colegas Socorro Gómez, Roman Koenig y Charles Márquez, junto con padres de los estudiantes, se organizaron para enfrentar los problemas del distrito. Ellos formaron la CCAE (Coalición Comunitaria para Alternativas en la Educación) para defender niños chicanos de los abusos en las escuelas e incluir la educación bilingüe. El resultado fue las huelgas estudiantiles en el 8 de abril de 1976. 

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Yolanda y sus colegas Socorro Gómez, Roman Koenig y Charles Márquez, junto con padres de los estudiantes, se organizaron para enfrentar los problemas del distrito. Ellos formaron la CCAE (Coalición Comunitaria para Alternativas en la Educación) para defender niños chicanos de los abusos en las escuelas e incluir la educación bilingüe. El resultado fue las huelgas estudiantiles en el 8 de abril de 1976. 

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Jane Coffey decidió retirarse para no tener que confrontar sus acusaciones. El distrito resignó el director pero también Yolanda, Socorro, Roman y Charles hasta que oficiales del distrito y el sindicato resolviese la situación. Después de mucho debate con el sindicato, todos retuvieron sus credenciales pero los eventos afectaron los cuatro. 

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Jane Coffey decidió retirarse para no tener que confrontar sus acusaciones. El distrito resignó el director pero también Yolanda, Socorro, Roman y Charles hasta que oficiales del distrito y el sindicato resolviese la situación. Después de mucho debate con el sindicato, todos retuvieron sus credenciales pero los eventos afectaron los cuatro. 

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Charles regresó a Los Angeles, Socorro fue resignada a enseñar en otra escuela en Coachella y se le prohibió a regresar a su ciudad natal y la escuelas donde trabajaba anteriormente, Roman abusó de las drogas y entró en una depresión profunda, el se suicidó después de matar su esposa, hija y perro en 1980.

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Charles regresó a Los Angeles, Socorro fue resignada a enseñar en otra escuela en Coachella y se le prohibió a regresar a su ciudad natal y la escuelas donde trabajaba anteriormente, Roman abusó de las drogas y entró en una depresión profunda, el se suicidó después de matar su esposa, hija y perro en 1980.

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MEChA fue fundado en Santa Barbara, California, en 1969 cuando estudiantes adoptaron "El Plan de Santa Barbara" que unificaría todas las organizaciones estudiantiles en una gran organización, Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano/a de Aztlan (MEChA)

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MEChA fue fundado en Santa Barbara, California, en 1969 cuando estudiantes adoptaron "El Plan de Santa Barbara" que unificaría todas las organizaciones estudiantiles en una gran organización, Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano/a de Aztlan (MEChA)

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Los objetivos del MEChA son:                   

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Los objetivos del MEChA son:                   

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Fortalecer los poderes sociales, políticos, económicos, culturales y educativos a los chicanos

Mantener la identidad chicana y ampliar el conocimiento cultural

Ampliar el acceso de los chicanos a la educación superior

Implementar planes de acción para ayudar a la comunidad

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Educación en Coachella

A pesar de las leyes contra la segregación de los 60, un racismo fuerte y profundo subsistió en las escuelas de California. La asistencia a la escuela fue una experiencia difícil y dolorosa para los niños mexicanos, especialmente para los que hablaban poco inglés. Por lo general, los maestros anglosajones tuvieron en poca estima a los estudiantes mexicanos. Los maestros, administradores escolares y otros estudiantes trataban a los que hablaban en español con desprecio y la pobreza creó obstáculos adicionales para los inmigrantes mexicanos.

Socorro Gómez y Yolanda Esquivel, dos mujeres chicanas, empezaron a enseñar en el Distrito Escolar de Coachella (Coachella Unified School District) después de que se graduaron de la Universidad del Estado de California en San Bernadino. En Coachella Yolanda vio a su colega titular, Jane Coffey, físicamente atacar a un niño y una niña mexicana en diferentes ocasiones.

Cuando Yolanda confrontó a Coffey, ella le pegó en el pecho, y le dijo: "¿quién crees que eres tú?" Aunque varios estudiantes fueron testigos de esta ocurrencia, el director de la escuela negó el ataque y no permitió que Yolanda ejerciera su derecho de radicar una querella. El distrito escolar también ocultó dos cargos de abuso cometidos por el director de la escuela, Don Cochran.

Yolanda, Socorro y sus colegas, Roman Koenig y Charles Márquez, junto con algunos padres de los estudiantes de la escuela, se organizaron para enfrentar los problemas del distrito. Formaron la Coalición Comunitaria para Alternativas en la Educación (CCAE) para defender a los niños mexicanos contra los abusos en las escuelas y para potenciar la educación bilingüe. Este grupo concienció a la comunidad, lo cual resultó en huelgas estudiantiles el 8 de abril de 1976. Estudiantes de la Escuela Elemental de Mecca, la Escuela Intermediaria de Dateland y la Escuela Superior del Valle Coachella abandonaron sus clases y marcharon varias millas en protesta del abuso físico y sexual hacia menores.

RESULTADOS DEL CONFLICTO EN COACHELLA

Los paros de estudiantes forzaron que el distrito reconociese las preocupaciones de la Coalición Comunitaria para Alternativas en la Educación (CCAE). Jane Coffey decidió retirarse para no tener que confrontar cargos de conducta inapropiada en violación del reglamento de la escuela.

El distrito reasignó al director Don Cochran como a Yolanda, Socorro, Roman Koenig y Charles Márquez a puestos fuera del aula de enseñanza, hasta que oficiales del distrito y del sindicato resolvieran quién era responsable por las huelgas.

El distrito se dedicó a revocar sus certificados de enseñanza, incluyendo el de Cochran, mientras el grupo local del sindicato de maestros, la Federación Estadounidense de Maestros (American Federation of Teachers – AFT), se negó a ofrecerles apoyo financiero y legal. Eventualmente el sindicato al nivel del estado cambió esta decisión completamente y contrató al reconocido abogado laboral, Abraham Levi, para que los defendiera. La Asociación Estadounidense para la Defensa de las Libertades Civiles (American Civil Liberties Union – ACLU) contribuyó la ayuda de uno de sus abogados, Juan Rodríguez. El Gobernador Jerry Brown también habló con Yolanda, Socorro y otros líderes méxico-americanos en el Valle Coachella y presentó una campaña al público a favor de las maestras.

Al final todos retuvieron sus credenciales, aunque los eventos afectaron a los cuatro. Charles Márquez regresó a su lugar nativo, la parte este de la ciudad de Los Angeles, y nunca volvió a Coachella. Roman Koenig abusó de la droga y entró en una depresión profunda. El 1 de febrero de 1980 se suicidó, después de asesinar a su esposa, hija y el perro de la familia. Socorro fue reasignada a otra escuela en Coachella y se le prohibió regresar a Termal, Oasis o a las escuelas en Mecca donde ella se crió y muchos miembros de su familia todavía vivían.

Poco después de las huelgas, en 1974, el distrito escolar implementó la educación bilingüe como respuesta a las demandas de los padres y el caso del Tribunal Supremo, Lau v. Nichols, aunque lo hizo de mala gana. En Lau el Tribunal concluyó: "simplemente proveyéndole a los estudiantes las mismas facilidades, libros de texto, maestros y currículo no establece un tratamiento igualitario; pues a los estudiantes que no entienden el inglés están efectivamente deprivados de obtener una educación significativa". En 1981 los tribunales fueron aún más lejos en Castañeda v. Pickard, definiendo programas apropiados para el aprendizaje del inglés y los requerimientos para dichos programas (English Language Learners – ELL). Los defensores de la educación bilingüe, incluyendo a los de Coachella, interpretaron estos últimos dos casos como la fundación para programas bilingües Two-way.

Las escuelas bilingües Two-way o dual language se distinguen de escuelas que usan educación bilingüe de transición (Transitional Bilingual Education – TBE) y de currículos que enseñan el inglés como segundo idioma (English as a Second Language – ESL) porque tratan de desarrollar destreza lingüística en dos idiomas simultáneamente, entre todos sus estudiantes, y tratan de incluir a anglo-parlantes nativos como parte de la población estudiantil a quien se dirigen. En estos modelos de inmersión dual la mayoría o todas las asignaturas que forman parte del currículo se enseñan alternativamente en una lengua y después la otra.

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A pesar de las leyes contra la segregación de los 60, un racismo fuerte y profundo subsistió en las escuelas de California. La asistencia a la escuela fue una experiencia difícil y dolorosa para los niños mexicanos, especialmente para los que hablaban poco inglés.

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Chicana/o students walkout of an East Los Angeles high school in 1968.
Reflections on the 40th anniversary of the Chicana/o school blowouts

When only one of the 22 students raised her hand, I was not surprised. It is the rare student who begins college having learned the history of Mexican Americans in schools. This time, the question was how many knew about Mendez v. Westminster-a 1947 case that resulted in the elimination of de jure segregation for Mexican students and was influential in the Brown v. Board of Education decision. I probably would have received a similar reply had I asked about the Lemon Grove Incident of 1931 where the activism of Mexican immigrant parents resulted in the first successful desegregation case. Typically, a few more students know about the 1968 Chicana/o School Blowouts, but these overall patterns of historical exclusion are deep and their ramifications are real. Not only are many students denied access to crucial history, but also the myths about education, meritocracy, and equality are kept intact. By not providing students with the tools to understand the historical continuities and changes in schools, we may be reinforcing beliefs that so-called student failure is rooted in individual students, families, and teachers-not in a legacy of structural and educational injustice. As I hear students' anger about not learning this history until college, I also think about the millions of students who are not able to attend college and may never learn this history.

This year is the 40th anniversary of the Chicana/o School Blowouts, and I wonder how schools, communities, and the media will mark this important movement. Will it appear in an assignment, a lesson, a paragraph, a footnote, or will it be left out completely? Will it be taught as an event to be romanticized from the past that has no bearing on us today? Will it be co-opted in a slogan devoid of a political movement, presented as a struggle led by just one person, or will it be used to help understand today's schools and inspire a new generation of students?

In the 1960s, inspired by the black Civil Rights Movement, the farmworkers movement, and the land rights struggles in New Mexico, Mexican American students were increasingly voicing their dissatisfaction with the history of discrimination and unjust schooling. As historian Gilbert Gonzalez has described, this schooling was informed by beliefs that Mexicans were biologically and culturally deficient and structured by vocational tracking, school segregation, unequal facilities, and Americanization Programs. The emphasis was on making Mexican Americans into English-speaking and Anglo-practicing individuals as quickly as possible. Many schools had rules against speaking Spanish, and students breaking such rules faced punishment and humiliation.

Growing increasingly frustrated, youth mobilized, and in March 1968, over 10,000 East Los Angeles students walked out of their schools protesting a system of educational inequality. Carrying "Chicano Power" and "Viva La Raza" placards, students had a list of nearly 40 grievances and demands for the Los Angeles school board. At a time when about half of Mexican American students did not complete high school, students shifted the debate from theories blaming students and families to one that centered on institutional injustices. They demanded bilingual and bicultural education, more Mexican American teachers, relevant curriculum, accurate textbooks, and the end of curriculum tracking and prejudiced teachers who steered Mexican American students into vocational classes.

Though students were organizing for quality education, the police overreacted to their demonstrations, and the media caught police officers beating and arresting students. The school walkouts, along with depictions of police brutality, galvanized community members, and Mexican American students throughout the Southwest and Midwest also demonstrated for educational justice. The walkouts drew national attention to the vast disparities in schools and helped to set in motion the formation of Chicana/o Studies classes, programs, and departments in colleges and universities throughout the United States.
What Is Learned by Teaching
About the Chicana/o School Blowouts
Hopeful

Angry

Mad

Faithful to the Movement

Con mucha esperanza

Enojada

Fiel al movimiento

-Lucy and Diana (8th graders)

Working with students such as Lucy and Diana from middle school through college has taught me several lessons on the importance of teaching about the Chicana/o School Blowouts. First, introducing students to the factors leading to the blowouts can provide teachers and students with the tools to make historical-contemporary connections that enhance critical thinking skills. We must ground contemporary schooling in the legacy of injustice. Without historical-contemporary connections, we miss crucial structural patterns and allow the notion that "racism is a thing of the past" and that "there is a level playing field" to fester. Such perspectives underlie today's debates surrounding the "the achievement gap" and are used to advocate for the continuation of standardized and test-based curriculum. Blame is directed at students, families, communities, and teachers, and the roots and reproduction of inequality in schools and society are camouflaged.

A photo from the 2006 HBO film "Walkout."

Two weeks into a Pomona College class on Chicanas/os-Latinas/os and Education, we were discussing Chicana/o Studies as a discipline that critiques systems of inequality and challenges dominant conceptions of a meritocracy. Some students had trouble understanding the historical conditions necessitating such an approach. Socialized in today's schools, they had neither been encouraged to see systemic injustices nor to unmask romanticized images of the U.S. However, after viewing and discussing a clip from Taking Back the School, a video combining original footage from the 1968 walkouts and contemporary interviews with the participants, students had a clearer appreciation of the precursors leading to the formation of Chicana/o Studies. By thinking about how Chicana/o history has been left out of schools and the ways that students were mistreated in the 1960s, they seemed better able to understand the importance of exposing such injustices.

Teaching about the Chicana/o School Blowouts also provides an opportunity to discuss the legacy of resistance that accompanies injustice. For too long, Latinas/os have been depicted as "sleeping giants" who passively accept others' dictates. Lessons on the history of activism better enable us to envision strategies for change and devise ways to work collectively to address lingering and new injustices in schools and society. Just as college students have benefited from learning about the blowouts so too have 7th and 8th graders. In an after-school social justice class, my brother, Enrique Ochoa, and I connected the 2006 school walkouts for immigrant rights to historical patterns of student activism. After discussing the contemporary school walkouts and community responses to them, we drew upon the 1968 walkouts and the video Taking Back the Schools to help students see that their activism was part of a larger history of student resistance. Learning about this legacy of resistance inspired some students to search for individuals who had experienced both the 1968 and the 2006 student walkouts. Such grounding of contemporary struggles to the past also makes history and schooling more relevant to students' lives.

Representing nearly 60 percent of Latinas/os in the 2000 U.S. Census, Mexican Americans are the largest Latina/o group. By teaching about the blowouts, Mexican American students may better see themselves in the curriculum, and all of us will see the history and potential power of youth. Even for the growing number of Mexican immigrants and children of immigrants who are in our schools, an awareness of this history can facilitate their understanding of the intense English-only pressures and inequalities that older generations of Mexican Americans have encountered-an awareness that may enhance Mexican American/Mexican immigrant relationships by making apparent differing historical relationships with the Spanish language. A recurring pattern shared by many of the Latina/o teachers who I interviewed for my book, Learning from Latino Teachers was how course curriculum on Chicana/o history, especially information on the Chicana/o Movement, was crucial for empowering and exciting them about school. They talked about being "woken up" and becoming more vocal when learning this history.

We can use the school blowouts to discuss the differing histories and experiences of the over 45 million Latinas/os in the United States. We all want to be known and understood, and assumptions that all Latinas/os are Mexican should be avoided. There is vast diversity by class, language, color, gender, and generation in the United States among Latinas/os and even within ethnic or national origin identities. Nevertheless, in spite of these differences, there are similar histories of U.S. imperialism and racism that can be explored to ground the history of Mexican American schooling to patterns of U.S. power and control throughout Latin America. To show the diversity and similarities among Latinas/os, I have used Latino Los Angeles, a collection of articles on global transformations, community formation, and forms of activism. Juan Gonzalez's Harvest of Empire is helpful for providing a detailed history of U.S. imperialism across Latin America.

Since the Chicana/o School Blowouts did not emerge in isolation, by discussing their relationships to other political movements, we can better connect our shared histories and struggles across race/ethnicity, gender, sexuality, class, and nationality. Likewise, as with many movements of the period, sexism and heterosexism were sidelined until racism and classism were addressed. By teaching about the exclusionary practices that occur even within social justice movements, we can examine intersecting forms of domination and the benefits of greater inclusion. When teaching about the school walkouts and encouraging students to see the importance of connecting multiple forms of injustice, I have used poetry by women of color who critique the sexism of the 1960s movements and the racism of the 1970s Women's Movement. In particular, two anthologies This Bridge Called My Back and Making Face, Making Soul offer engaging and powerful pieces that illustrate the importance of adopting an intersectional approach that does not give primacy to race, class, or gender. Both high school and college students have responded well to poems in these collections by Pat Mora on identity and Bernice Zamora on her experiences as a Chicana. A helpful resource that links the various movements of the 1960s and 1970s together in Los Angeles is Laura Pulido's Black, Brown, Yellow, and Left.

The injustices in our schools and society are as pervasive as ever, and much work lies ahead. Fortunately, we have many examples of resistance and growing amounts of scholarship to learn from and teach. I look forward to the day when more students raise their hands into a collective fist when asked about the history of inequality and resistance in schools. It is at that point when we will be better positioned to learn from the past and radically restructure our schools and society in more just ways. Forty years from now, another generation of youth should not have to make the same demands as those from the 1968 school blowouts.

Gilda L. Ochoa teaches sociology and Chicana/o-Latina/o Studies at Pomona College. She is the author of Learning from Latino Teachers and Becoming Neighbors in a Mexican American Community.

References:

Anzaldua, G. (1971) Making face, making soul/ Haciendo caras: creative and critical perspectives by feminists of color. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books.

Martínez, E. (2007) 500 years of Chicana women's history: Años de Hisoria de las Chicanas. Rutgers University Press.

Moraga, C. and Anzaldua, G. (1984) This bridge called my back: writings by radical women of color. New York: Kitchen Table.

Ochoa, E. C. and Ochoa, G. L. (Eds.) (2005) Latino Los Angeles: transformations, communities, and activism. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

Recommended Resources:

VIDEOS
I have used the following videos in class to facilitate learning, dialogue, and reflection on Latinas/os and education. Some historical background is helpful before showing the videos.
Taking Back the Schools
The National Latino Communications Center, KCET Los Angeles
and Galan Productions, Inc., 57 min., 1996
Documentary on the 1968 Chicana/o School Blowouts with original footage from the walkouts and contemporary interviews with the student organizers.

Walkout
Directed by Edward James Olmos, 110 min., 2006
Feature-length film on the 1968 Chicana/o School Blowouts.

The Lemon Grove Incident
Directed by Frank Christopher, 60 min., 1986
Docudrama on the 1931 struggle by Mexican parents in Southern California to prevent the segregation of their children into a Mexican school.

Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary
Directed by Laura Angelica Simon, 53 min., 1997
Documentary on the contemporary impact of anti-immigration policies on students at a Los Angeles-area elementary school.

Mendez v. Westminster: For All the Children: Para Todos Los Niños
KOCE Television, Directed by Sandra Robbie, 30 min., 2002
Documentary with members of the Mendez family on this important school desegregation case.

BOOKS

Rosales, Francisco A. Chicano! The History of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement. Arte Publico Press 1997.

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When only one of the 22 students raised her hand, I was not surprised. It is the rare student who begins college having learned the history of Mexican Americans in schools. This time, the question was how many knew about Mendez v.

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by Josue Estrada

Most social movement organizations last only a few years and that is especially true for student run organizations. But MEChA has been active on some campuses for nearly fifty years and the organization continues to grow, with more than 500 chapters as of 2012. MEChA was founded at a conference in Santa Barbara, California, in 1969 when students from a dozen campuses adopted "El Plan de Santa Barbara." The manifesto called for the unification of all student organizations into one umbrella organization, Movimiento Estudiantil Chicana/o de Aztlan which would become known by the acronym MEChA. By consolidating student's political power, MEChA became and has continued to be a significant on-campus political force for change. From 1969 to 1971, MEChA grew rapidly in California with major centers of activism on campuses in southern California, and a few chapters opened along the East coast at Ivy League schools. By the 1980s, MEChA's growth occurred predominately in California where community college chapters joined those that had previously started on university campuses. During the 1990s, MEChA experienced a decade of slow growth yet in the 2000s the organization saw an incredible upsurge of new chapters particularly at the high school level. Researched by Josue Estrada with special thanks to Roberto Tijerina Cantu, MEChA Leadership Manual: History, Philosophy & Organizational Strategy (2007). Other sources below. The maps are hosted by Tableau Public and may take a few seconds to respond. If slow, refresh the page.

Move between seven maps and charts below

Sources: Annual MEChA Statewide Conference, Evergreen Valley College, San Jose, 1977-1983. Herman Baca Papers. MSS 0649. Special Collections & Archives, UC San Diego. List of conference participants by state and organization. "1969-1979 Ten Year of Chicano Student Progress," National Chicano Student Conference. Denver, Colorado, 1979. Herman Baca Papers. MSS 0649. Special Collections & Archives, UC San Diego. Conference Participants. "Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano: Past, Present, and Future-A Time of Action," National Chicano Student Conference. San Diego, California, 1983. Herman Baca Papers. MSS 0649. Special Collections & Archives, UC San Diego. Cantu, Roberto Tijerina. MEChA Leadership Manual: History, Philosophy, and Organizational Strategy. Riverside, California: Coatzacoalco Publications, 2007. Caballero, Cesar., and Delgado, Susana. Chicano Organizations Directory. New York: Neal-Schuman, 1985. Echeverría, Darius V. Aztlan Arizona: Mexican American Educational Empowerment, 1968-1978. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2014. Licon, Gustavo,"!La Unión Hace La Fuerza!" (Unity Creates Strength!): M.E.Ch.A. and Chicana/o Student Activism in California, 1967--1999, 2009, ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Valenzuela, Monica. "M.E.Ch.A: A Brief Southern California Chicana/o History, 1969-2010. Masters Thesis. California State University, Northridge, August 2011. United States. Cabinet Committee on Opportunities for Spanish-Speaking People. Directory of Spanish Speaking Organizations in the United States. Washington, 1970.

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MEChA and Chicano Student Organizations 1967-2012

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Most social movement organizations last only a few years and that is especially true for student run organizations. But MEChA has been active on some campuses for nearly fifty years and the organization continues to grow, with more than 500 chapters as of 2012.

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Colaboradores de los proyectos Wikimedia

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Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

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Este aviso fue puesto el 28 de abril de 2011.