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Tourists, historians and diplomats have been arriving in Sarajevo to commemorate the shots fired by a young Bosnian Serb assassin on 28 June 1914 - shots that sparked World War One. But the city and country are uneasy in the historical spotlight, as the tensions behind those events are still alive today.

Gavrilo Princip fired twice at close range into the open-topped car carrying the heir to the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Franz Ferdinand, and his wife Sophie. He could hardly miss - two of the bullets found their targets and the royal couple were killed.

After 37 days of increasingly paranoid diplomacy, the Great Powers went to war. The Austrians hoped this would solve the problem of Slavic separatism, and it did - but only after four years of war that destroyed their empire.

With such a momentous event to commemorate, you might have thought the city and national authorities would be filling the streets with historical re-enactments and using any available venue to stage cultural events exploring the many human stories and tragedies unleashed by the Sarajevo shooting.

Archduke Franz Ferdinand and wife Sophie shot dead in their car by Gavrilo Princip on 28 June 1914 in Sarajevo

Princip one of seven members of Mlada Bosna (Young Bosnia), a Bosnian Serb terrorist organisation who want independence from Austria-Hungary

Austria responds angrily and declares war on Serbia, securing unconditional support from Germany

Russia announces mobilisation of its troops

Germany declares war on Russia, 1 August

Britain declares war on Germany, 4 August

Almost all the historical conferences and pan-European reconciliation concerts have been set up by outsiders, or on private initiatives.

The reason can be guessed at by looking at the sign outside a building by the Miljacka River. This used to be the Muzej Mlada Bosna, the Young Bosnia Museum, set up after WW2 by Tito's Communists to glorify Princip and his co-conspirators as freedom fighters. Now the sign is a lesson in political correctness - Museum of Sarajevo 1878-1918. You need to be more historically aware than most of us to know those dates mark the start and finish of the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia.

Tour guide Vedran Grebo told me: "It's absolutely political. The different communities here - Bosniak Muslim, Orthodox Serb and Catholic Croat - just don't agree on what to call what Princip did, 'heroism' or 'terrorism'."

Although Princip claimed to be acting on behalf of all southern Slavs, in attempting to liberate Bosnia away from Austro-Hungary, it is principally among Serbs that he is lionised. Bosniaks and Croats had little desire a century ago for unification with Serbia - just as in the 1990s many were keen to break away from Serb-dominated Yugoslavia.

When I was reporting from Sarajevo during the siege that killed more than 11,000 from 1992 to 1995, the Young Bosnia museum was in range of sniper fire from the surrounding hills. But if you took your chance, you could still find a broken paving stone outside with footprints embedded, supposed to mark the spot where Princip took aim. "It was a treat for every young Yugoslav to come here on a school trip and stand in those heroic footprints," says Vedran Grebo. "Now they are gone."

The political arrangement left behind by the Dayton Peace Agreement ended the fighting in 1995. But it has not healed the divisions created by the nationalist ideologies on which that war was started, first in Slovenia and Croatia in 1991, and then most bloodily in Bosnia the following year. Inspired by Serbia's Slobodan Milosevic as he turned from Communism to nationalism, Bosnia's Serbs set about trying to unite Bosnia with Serbia, in an echo of Princip's dream. They failed, but Dayton gave them political control over just under half of the territory and a veto over national policy for Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Bosnian war 1992-1995

Bosnian Serb nationalists are outvoted as Bosnian Muslims and Croats vote for independence in a 1992 referendum

War breaks out and Bosnian Serbs quickly take control of more than half the republic, laying siege to Sarajevo

UN safe havens for Bosnian Muslim civilians are created in 1993, including Sarajevo, Gorazde and Srebrenica

Bosnian Serb forces overrun Srebrenica in 1995 - Muslim men and boys are massacred

Nato air strikes against Serb positions help Muslim and Croat forces make big territorial gains, expelling thousands of Serb civilians

Dayton peace accord signed in Paris, creating one entity for Bosnian Muslims and Croats, the other for Serbs

That has hampered the development of Bosnia's economy and created space for corruption. Unemployment is 44% and infrastructure is creaky.

The inability to agree on the facts surrounding the events of 1914 is just another symptom of political failure, according to centre-left politician Dennis Gratz from the Nasa Stranka party.

"History creates emotions, and of course politicians here misuse emotional aspects of our history to cover their own incompetence in dealing with the real problems of our country. Parties based on ethnicity say, 'We have to protect ourselves against the others because they want to do bad things.' So they don't sit down together and make policy."

To try to teach history in Bosnia's schools is to wander into a political minefield, according to history teacher Senada Jusic. "As teachers we are supposed to teach facts and recognise that there are different interpretations. I do that when I'm talking about Princip. But I have met teachers from other parts of Bosnia, even other parts of Sarajevo, who say they can't do that. They have to say he was a hero."

While Bosnia itself, the scene of the shootings, remains trapped - "doomed," says Dennis Gratz - by unresolved history, in Serbia's capital, Belgrade, where Gavrilo Princip received his training and his gun, I found much more willingness to leave history in the past.

Student Marko Jovanovic told me Princip "did not do the smartest thing, when I see all the millions of people - Serbian, Austro-Hungarian, French, German, British, Russian, killed."

The view that Serbia may have been on the side of the victors in 1918 but did not "win the war" - is growing. "With one-fifth of the population killed, could you really call that nation a winner? And people for the first time are asking that question here," historian Slobodan Markovic told me.

In Sarajevo, historical emotions will be stirred up this week. Vedran Grebo took me to the mausoleum on a hillside where the bones of Gavrilo Princip, who died of TB in an Austrian prison, and his co-conspirators are laid. He read me the inscription, a quote from the Montenegrin poet Petrovic-Njegos: "Blessed is he who lives forever, he did not die in vain."

Politicians in Bosnia will keep Princip's memory alive while it suits them. Perhaps they should take note of the other inscription on the Mausoleum - the date of its construction, 1939, at the start of World War Two, which was itself a consequence of World War One.

Little wonder, perhaps, that the people of Sarajevo aren't overjoyed with the 1914 commemorations. They can't be sure Princip's legacy is all spent.

Subscribe to the BBC News Magazine's email newsletter to get articles sent to your inbox.

Listen to the first BBC debate on the War that Changed the World on Saturday, broadcast from Sarajevo on the BBC World Service - or catch up afterwards on the BBC iPlayer

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Bosnia and WW1: The living legacy of Gavrilo Princip

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Tourists, historians and diplomats have been arriving in Sarajevo to commemorate the shots fired by a young Bosnian Serb assassin on 28 June 1914 - shots that sparked World War One. But the city and country are uneasy in the historical spotlight, as the tensions behind those events are still alive today.

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The Civil Rights Digital Library is a GALILEO initiative based at the University of Georgia Libraries that collaborates with Georgia's Libraries, archives, museums, and other institutions of education and culture to provide access to key information resources on Georgia history, culture, and life.

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Portrait of Thomas Jefferson by James L. Dick

Thomas Jefferson was elected to the presidency in 1800. Two years later, he decided to organize an official, government-sponsored expedition to explore the upper reaches of the Missouri River and by so doing to find the elusive Northwest Passage to the Pacific Ocean. He chose Meriwether Lewis, his personal secretary, to lead the expedition. In January 1803, Lewis traveled to Philadelphia for intensive training with the leading American scientists, learning the use of scientific instruments, the rudiments of surveying, medicine, natural history and ethnology. In June 1803, Lewis asked William Clark, a friend from his former army service, to serve as co-leader of the expedition. Clark gladly agreed.

Jefferson's final instructions to Lewis reflect the broad range of the president's interests. The expedition was meant to prepare the way for the extension of the American fur trade and to advance geographical knowledge. Jefferson provided the best supplies, clothing, firearms, equipment, and rations then available. Lewis and Clark were instructed to observe and record the entire range of natural history and ethnology of the areas they explored, and note possible resources which would support future settlement. The Louisiana Purchase of 1803 had doubled the size of the nation, and a good share of the territory the expedition would explore was now officially part of the United States. Jefferson envisioned the nation's eventual expansion to the Pacific, and wanted to strengthen the American claim to the northwest Columbia Basin.

Portrait of William Clark by Charles Wilson Peale

The Expedition Begins

In December 1803, William Clark established "Camp Wood" at the confluence of the Mississippi and Missouri rivers, north of St. Louis. While there he recruited and trained men, while Lewis spent time in St. Louis, conferring with traders about the Upper Missouri regions and obtaining maps made by earlier explorers. On May 14, 1804, the Corps of Discovery left Camp Wood. The party numbered 45, and included 27 young, unmarried soldiers, a French-Indian interpreter, Clark's slave, York, and Lewis's Newfoundland dog, Seaman. An additional group of men would travel only to the Mandan country for the first winter, and these included six soldiers and several French boatmen.

Travel up the Missouri River was difficult and exhausting due to heat, injuries, insects, and the troublesome river itself, with its strong current and many snags. The expedition used a keelboat and two small boats called pirogues to carry their supplies and equipment, averaging 15 miles per day. During this phase of the journey the group suffered the only casualty of the expedition. Sergeant Charles Floyd, who was buried near modern-day Sioux City, Iowa, died on August 20 from what is believed to be a ruptured appendix and consequent peritonitis. Relations with the tribes were generally good, and councils were held with the Otos, Missourias, and Yankton Sioux. However, a September 1804, council with the Teton Sioux near modern-day Pierre, South Dakota, almost resulted in disaster for the expedition. By October the Corps of Discovery reached the Mandan villages, near today's Washburn, North Dakota. They built their second winter quarters (Fort Mandan) a few miles below the mouth of the Knife River, on the east bank of the Missouri River. During that cold winter of 1804-05, Lewis and Clark made copious notes in their journals, drew maps, and learned of the geography which lay ahead from American Indians in the area of their camp. They recruited an interpreter named Toussaint Charbonneau, who brought along his Shoshone wife, Sacagawea, and her newborn baby boy, Jean Baptiste.

Portrait of Meriwether Lewis by Charles Wilson Peale

Westward to the Pacific

On April 7, 1805, Lewis and Clark sent the keelboat back to St. Louis with an extensive collection of zoological, botanical, and ethnological specimens as well as letters, reports, dispatches, and maps, and resumed their westward journey in two pirogues and six dugout canoes. The "corps of volunteers for the North Western Discovery," now numbering 33, traveled into regions which had been explored and seen only by American Indians. By August 17 they reached the navigable limits of the Missouri River in the Rocky Mountains, and turned north up the Jefferson River. The expedition crossed the Continental Divide through Lemhi Pass, and purchased horses from the Shoshones, Sacagawea's people. They traveled north to Lolo Pass where they crossed the Bitteroot Range on the Lolo Trail; this was the most difficult part of the journey. Lewis and Clark reached the country of the Nez Perce on the Clearwater River in Idaho, and left their horses for dugout canoes. From there they made their way down the Clearwater, Snake, and Columbia rivers, reaching the Pacific Ocean by November 1805.

In December the expedition members built Fort Clatsop on the south side of the Columbia River (near present-day Astoria, Oregon), and settled in for the winter. Lewis and Clark accomplished considerable scientific work, gathering and recording information regarding the country and its inhabitants, despite near-constant rain and plaguing insects. In addition to establishing a salt camp, the men hunted (131 elk and 20 deer) and made 358 pairs of moccasins.

The Return Journey

The return trip began on March 23, 1806. After a tough journey up the Columbia River against strong currents, the party retrieved their horses from the Nez Perce, and waited for the deep mountain snows to melt. After crossing the Bitteroots the party split at the Lolo Pass to add to the geographical knowledge they could gather. Confident of their survival, Lewis went north while Clark went south to the Yellowstone River. While on the Marias River, Lewis's small party had a fight with a party of Piegan Blackfeet in which two Blackfeet were killed. This was the only violent incident of the entire journey. The Corps of Discovery was reunited in North Dakota, at the mouth of the Yellowstone River. They left Charbonneau and Sacagawea at the Mandan villages, continued down the Missouri River, and returned to St. Louis on September 23, 1806.

The Importance of the Journey

The results and accomplishments of the Lewis and Clark Expedition were extensive. It altered the imperial struggle for control of North America, particularly in the Pacific Northwest, by strengthening the U.S. claim to the areas now including the states of Oregon and Washington. Lewis and Clark achieved an impressive record of peaceful cooperation with the different tribes and generated American interest in the fur trade. This had a far-reaching effect, since it led to further exploration and commercial exploitation of the West. Lewis and Clark added to geographic knowledge by determining the true course of the Upper Missouri and its major tributaries, and producing important maps of these areas. They forever destroyed the dream of a Northwest Passage, but proved the success of overland travel to the Pacific. The expedition compiled the first general survey of life and material culture of the tribes they encountered.

Lewis and Clark made significant additions to the zoological and botanical knowledge of the continent, providing the first scientific descriptions of many new species of animals, including the grizzly bear, prairie dog, pronghorn (antelope), and mountain goat. They made the first attempt at a systematic record of the meteorology of the West, and less successfully attempted to determine the latitude and longitude of significant geographical points.

The members of the Lewis and Clark Expedition traveled over 8,000 miles in less than 2 ½ years, losing only one member of their party, at a cost to the taxpayer of $40,000. By any measure of scientific exploration, the Lewis and Clark Expedition-the nation's first "road trip"-was phenomenally successful in terms of accomplishing its stated goals, expanding human knowledge, and spurring further curiosity and wonder about the American West.

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The Lewis and Clark Expedition - Missouri National Recreational River (U.S. National Park Service)

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Thomas Jefferson was elected to the presidency in 1800. Two years later, he decided to organize an official, government-sponsored expedition to explore the upper reaches of the Missouri River and by so doing to find the elusive Northwest Passage to the Pacific Ocean. He chose Meriwether Lewis, his personal secretary, to lead the expedition.

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History changed on Oct. 4, 1957, when the Soviet Union successfully launched Sputnik from the Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan. The world's first artificial satellite was about the size of a beach ball, about 23 inches in diameter and weighing less than 190 pounds. It took about 98 minutes to orbit the Earth on its elliptical path. That launch ushered in new political, military, technological, and scientific developments. While the Sputnik launch was a single event, it marked the start of the space age and the U.S.-U.S.S.R. space race.

More: Sputnik - The Dawn of the Space Age

Last Updated: Oct 4, 2017

Editor: Sarah Loff

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Oct. 4, 1957 - Sputnik, the Dawn of the Space Age

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History changed on Oct. 4, 1957, when the Soviet Union successfully launched Sputnik from the Baikonur Cosmodrome in Kazakhstan. The world's first artificial satellite was about the size of a beach ball, about 23 inches in diameter and weighing less than 190 pounds.

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Español
In 1803 President Thomas Jefferson guided a splendid piece of foreign diplomacy through the U.S. Senate: the purchase of Louisiana territory from France. After the Louisiana Purchase Treaty was made, Jefferson initiated an exploration of the newly purchased land and the territory beyond the "great rock mountains" in the West. He chose Meriwether Lewis to lead an expedition, who in turn solicited the help of William Clark. Together they formed a diverse military Corps of Discovery that would undertake a two-year journey to the great ocean. Read More...

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Additional Background Information

Meriwether Lewis was an intelligent and literate man who also possessed skills as a frontiersman. Lewis solicited the help of William Clark due to Clark's abilities as a draftsman and frontiersman, which were even stronger than Lewis's. Lewis so respected Clark that he made him a co-commanding captain of the Expedition, even though Clark was never recognized as such by the government.

Jefferson hoped that Lewis and Clark would find a water route linking the Columbia and Missouri rivers. This water link would connect the Pacific Ocean with the Mississippi River system, thus giving the new western land access to port markets out of the Gulf of Mexico and to eastern cities along the Ohio River and its minor tributaries. At the time, American and European explorers had only penetrated what would become each end of the Lewis and Clark Trail up the Missouri several miles to the trapper headquarters at Fort Mandan and up the Columbia just a bit over a hundred miles to a point a little beyond present-day Portland, Oregon.

The Lewis and Clark Expedition paddled its way down the Ohio as it prepared the Expedition to be launched officially from Camp Wood, just outside St. Louis, in the summer of 1804. That summer and fall the company of explorers paddled and pulled themselves upstream, northwest on the Missouri River to Fort Mandan, a trading post, where Corps of Discovery set up camp, wintered, and prepared for the journey to the Pacific.

When the spring of 1805 brought high water and favorable weather, the Lewis and Clark Expedition set out on the next leg of its journey. They traveled up the Missouri to present-day Three Forks, Montana, following the western-most tributary, the Jefferson River. This route delivered the explorers to the doorstep of the Shoshone tribe, who were skilled at traversing the great rock mountains with horses. Once over the Bitterroot Mountains, the Corps of Discovery shaped canoe-like vessels that transported them swiftly downriver to the mouth of the Columbia, where they wintered (1805-1806) at Fort Clatsop, on the present-day Oregon side of the river.

With journals in hand, Lewis, Clark, and the other members of the Expedition returned to St. Louis by September 1806 to report their findings to Jefferson. Along the way, they continued to trade what few goods they still had and set up diplomatic relations with Native American tribes. Additionally, they recorded their contact and described (and at times drew) the shape of the landscape and the creatures of this western world that were new to them. In doing so, they fulfilled many of Jefferson's wishes for the Expedition. Along the way, William Clark drew a series of maps that were remarkably detailed, noting and naming rivers and creeks, significant points in the landscape, the shape of river shore, and spots where the Corps spent each night or camped or portaged for longer periods of time. Later explorers used these maps to further probe the western portion of the continent.

The Expedition of the Corps of Discovery shaped a crude route to the waters of the Pacific and marked an initial pathway for the new nation to spread westward from ocean to ocean, fulfilling what many Americans would claim to be their obvious destiny.

Over the next two centuries, new Americans and many immigrants would wash across the central and western portions of what would eventually become the contiguous 48 United States. This wave of settlement would significantly transform virgin forests and grasslands into a landscape of cities, farms, and harvested forests - displacing fauna such as the buffalo and squeezing the Native American tribes who survived onto reservations.
This text was adapted from an article written by Linda Darus Clark, a teacher at Padua Franciscan High School in Parma, Ohio. Materials created by the National Archives and Records Administration are in the public domain.

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Español In 1803 President Thomas Jefferson guided a splendid piece of foreign diplomacy through the U.S. Senate: the purchase of Louisiana territory from France. After the Louisiana Purchase Treaty was made, Jefferson initiated an exploration of the newly purchased land and the territory beyond the "great rock mountains" in the West.

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May 12, 1806

Nez Perce speeches

Lawyer Creek near Kamiah, ID The Nez Perce chiefs share with their people what they heard at yesterday's council. Then, the captains listen to Nez Perce speeches and form a plan for crossing the Bitterroot Mountains.

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The Trail Eastern Beginnings → Down the Ohio → Up the Mississippi → Winter at St. Louis → Starting Up the Missouri → Past the Omahas → Among the Yanktons → Crossing the Lakotas → Winter at Fort Mandan → Along the Northern Reach → Portaging the Falls → Gates of the Rockies → Down [...]

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Christopher Columbus | Biography, Nationality, Voyages, Ships, Route, & Facts

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Christopher Columbus, the intrepid Italian explorer, embarked on a historic voyage across the Atlantic in 1492 and opened up new horizons for European exploration and colonization.

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Discover how the explorer headed West across the Atlantic trying to reach India and China. Find out more with Bitesize KS1 History.

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When did the French and Indian War begin?

What was the main cause of the French and Indian War?

Which treaty made France surrender Canada to Britain?

French and Indian War, American phase of a worldwide nine years' war (1754-63) fought between France and Great Britain. (The more-complex European phase was the Seven Years' War [1756-63].) It determined control of the vast colonial territory of North America. Three earlier phases of this extended contest for overseas mastery included King William's War (1689-97), Queen Anne's War (1702-13), and King George's War (1744-48).

Causes of the French and Indian War

The French and Indian War began over the specific issue of whether the upper Ohio River valley was a part of the British Empire, and therefore open for trade and settlement by Virginians and Pennsylvanians, or part of the French Empire. Behind this issue loomed an infinitely larger one, however: which national culture was to dominate the heart of North America. Settlers of English extraction were in a preponderance in the coveted area, but French exploration, trade, and alliances with Native Americans predominated.

British territorial claims rested upon explorations of the North American continent by John Cabot in the latter part of the 15th century. In the early 17th century, an English royal charter granted land within certain limits between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans to both the Virginia Company and the Plymouth Company. In 1663 the province of Carolina was created to the south of Virginia, with a sea-to-sea grant; the Carolina charter was amended two years later, and the expanded territory would come to form the colonies of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Thus, all the lands to the south of French Canada and to the north of Spanish Florida, stretching from sea to sea, were claimed by England. In conflict with this was France's claim to the whole of the Mississippi valley, including the Ohio Valley, based upon the explorations of René-Robert Cavelier, sieur de la Salle. Starting from Canada, La Salle moved through the Great Lakes and then, after descending the Mississippi River in 1682, took possession in the name of the king of France of all lands drained by the river and its tributaries.

For about 60 years, the conflict over which country had the stronger claim to the lands in the great Mississippi basin was to remain in abeyance. The English gradually settled all along the Atlantic seaboard to the south of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, where more than a dozen colonies-including British Nova Scotia, founded in 1749-came into existence and flourished. In the course of time, the inhabitants of these colonies in the course of time pushed westward from tidewater areas to establish themselves in the Piedmont country. By the middle of the 18th century, the small cabins of Virginians were to be found even to the west of the Appalachians on the upper reaches of such waterways as the New and Holston rivers. By that period, hundreds of Pennsylvanian traders had likewise settled in the villages of Indian peoples of the upper Ohio Valley, with whom Great Britain was allied. The French, firmly in control of Canada from the early 17th century, gradually began expanding into the Great Lakes region, establishing a permanent settlement at Detroit.

Initial hostilities

A conflict between the two colonial powers over their rival North American claims was doubtless inevitable, but because their areas of trade exploitation were widely separated, that conflict might have been delayed for many years had not the governor-general of New France forced the issue. Although the French had a scant presence in the neighbourhood of the Allegheny River and the upper Ohio River where Pennsylvania traders were concentrated, in 1749 the governor-general ordered Pierre-Joseph Céloron de Blainville to compel the trading houses in that region to lower the British flags that flew above them. The traders, regarded as trespassers on French lands, were ordered to retreat to the eastern slopes of the Appalachians. This directive did not have the desired effect, however, and force was applied in 1752 when the important British colonial trading centre at Pickawillany on the upper Great Miami River was destroyed. That move was followed by the capture or killing of every English-speaking trader that the French and their Indian allies could find in the upper Ohio Valley. Those actions struck directly not only at the people of Pennsylvania but also at those of Virginia.

The government of Virginia took the position that the lands of the upper Ohio were clearly included in the colony's 1609 charter. It argued that this grant gave Virginia a claim to the western lands that was more valid than New France's claim, which was based upon La Salle's much later journey down the Mississippi. In harmony with this point of view, the governor and council of Virginia had by the end of 1752 conditionally granted about 2,300 square miles (6,000 square km) of land in the Ohio Valley to settlers. As a result, almost every important Virginia family-including members of the Washington, Lee, and Randolph families-was vitally interested in the fate of the Ohio area. When news reached Williamsburg, the colonial capital, that the French were driving out English traders and building forts on the headwaters of the Allegheny in order to consolidate their positions, Lieut. Gov. Robert Dinwiddie determined to act. In October 1753 Dinwiddie dispatched young George Washington to the French Fort LeBouef (now Waterford, Pennsylvania) to warn the garrison there that it was occupying land that belonged to Virginia. After that mission failed, the Ohio Company of Virginia, which had received a special grant of upper Ohio Valley land, was encouraged to build a fort at the convergence of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers (modern Pittsburgh), with the understanding that troops from Virginia would support the undertaking.

The French, however, were too quick. Descending the Allegheny in large numbers in the spring of 1754, French troops overwhelmed the uncompleted fort before Virginia militia under Col. Joshua Fry could arrive. Upon Fry's death in May 1754, Washington assumed command of the militia and entrenched himself at a post that came to be called Fort Necessity (now Confluence, Pennsylvania), about 40 miles (60 km) from the French position at Fort Duquesne. On May 28 Washington's forces engaged a French scouting party, killing the commander, Coulon de Jumonville, and nine others as well as taking 20 prisoners. The French could not ignore such a provocation and descended upon Fort Necessity, besieging it on July 3. Although Washington had been reinforced with militia troops from Virginia and a company of regular British infantry from North Carolina, the combined French and Indian force outnumbered the defenders roughly two to one. Washington surrendered the fort, which was then burned by the French, and withdrew with his forces to Virginia.

The government of Virginia appealed to London for assistance. Fearing the renewal of war with France after just six years of peace, George II at first stubbornly refused to consider the request, agreeing with his prime minister, the duke of Newcastle, who said, "Let Americans fight Americans." When it became clear that raw Virginia militia could not make headway against seasoned French regulars, George ordered Gen. Edward Braddock to go to Virginia with a force and eject the French from Fort Duquesne and its environs. Adm. Edward Boscawen was sent into the region of the Gulf of St. Lawrence with a powerful fleet to prevent further reinforcement of French troops from arriving in Canada. The war thus begun to defend British territorial claims in the Ohio Valley spread like wildfire across the continent.

Early French successes

The first four years saw nothing but severe reverses for the British regulars and American colonials, primarily because of superior French land forces in the New World. Braddock was killed and his army scattered in July 1755 when the force was ambushed while approaching Fort Duquesne. In 1756 the defenders of Fort Oswego on Lake Ontario were obliged to surrender, as were the defenders of Fort William Henry near Lake Champlain in 1757. Lord Loudoun's amphibious expedition from New York City against the great French fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island ended in dismal failure that year. In July 1758 Gen. James Abercrombie attacked the French stronghold at the northern end of Lake George, Fort-Carillon (later renamed Fort Ticonderoga). Despite outnumbering the French defenders under Gen. Louis-Joseph de Montcalm-Grozon, marquis de Montcalm, almost four to one, Abercrombie's army was almost destroyed. Moreover, the frontier settlements in what are now central New York, central Pennsylvania, western Maryland, and western Virginia were deserted while thousands of families fled eastward in panic to escape the hostilities.

During those years of defeat, the only notable success scored by the British and colonial forces was the capture in 1755 of the well-fortified Fort Beauséjour on the Chignecto Isthmus, a narrow strip of land connecting Nova Scotia with the mainland. British authorities held the region to be a part of Nova Scotia, ceded by France in the April 1713 treaty of Utrecht. However, the French-speaking Acadians who lived in the region not only steadfastly refused to take an oath of loyalty to the British crown but had provided Fort Beauséjour with provisions and a large labour force to aid the French in consolidating their foothold on the isthmus. As no large contingent of British soldiers was available to garrison the area and subdue the pro-French populace, the British authorities at Halifax decided to disperse the Acadians as a war measure. Transports carried most of the Acadians away from their villages in western Nova Scotia and distributed them among the British colonies to the south. Some returned to the area after the war, while others settled in French Louisiana, where their descendants became known as Cajuns. The exile of the Acadians from Nova Scotia was famously dramatized in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's narrative poem Evangeline (1847).

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French and Indian War | Definition, History, Dates, Summary, Causes, Combatants, & Facts

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French and Indian War, American phase of a worldwide nine-year war (1754-63) fought between France and Great Britain. It determined control of the vast colonial territory of North America. Three earlier phases of the contest for overseas mastery included King William's War, Queen Anne's War, and King George's War.

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French and Indian War. This measure advanced British governmental efforts to discourage westward expansion in the decade before the American Revolution, an objective motivated by a number of sociopolitical and economic factors. Officials in London feared that an increased Anglo-American presence in the western territory would encourage Native American violence that, when paired with resistance from French settlers in the region, would incite another expensive conflict for the empire. In addition, the British government viewed westward expansion as a threat to their mercantile economic system, expressing concern that opening up the west to farming families would provide the colonies with opportunities to gain economic independence through commercial agriculture. While Britain intended for the boundary line to alleviate tensions between Anglo settlers and indigenous peoples, eager colonists largely ignored the proclamation and settled beyond the boundary with few consequences from the government.

The Royal Proclamation was more successful in its ability to restrict the aims of private, Virginia-based land companies and their investors who sought to capitalize on the sale of lands in the Ohio Valley. As a member of the Virginia gentry, a patron of numerous land companies, and an established surveyor, the boundary line profoundly affected George Washington. Washington deemed the Royal Proclamation's controls on trade and migration discriminatory against colonials seeking to alleviate personal debts through profitable landholdings, particularly veterans of the French and Indian War. As many of Washington's counterparts shared these views, the Proclamation Line of 1763 was significant in that it marked the beginning of a clear ideological break with the mother country. The divergent social, political, and economic perspectives that emerged among Virginia's wealthy elite ultimately aided in pushing the colony to rebellion in the following decade.

The end of the French and Indian War brought great geographic and political changes to North America. The Treaty of Paris, signed on February 10, 1763, effectively removed France from the continent, forcing her to cede all territory east of the Mississippi River to the victor, Great Britain. In gaining these land holdings, the British declared their American colonies to Pontiac's Rebellion, quickly spread, reaching the Illinois Country and Virginia by the summer of 1763. As Native American war parties destroyed dozens of British forts and killed hundreds of civilians, retaliatory aggression from Americans illuminated the need to segregate both groups. Though the British government assured its American citizens that the Proclamation Line was enacted for their protection, many interpreted the act as a pro-Indian measure. In restricting Anglo-American settlement beyond the Appalachians and prohibiting governors from transferring Native American lands to private companies or individuals unless previously acquired by Great Britain through an official treaty, the Crown formally acknowledged that Native Americans possessed certain land rights, evoking widespread colonial discontent and frustration.

Britain's desire to maintain their mercantile economic system also encouraged the creation of the Proclamation Line. Within the British mercantile world, colonies were to produce raw materials for export to the mother country, where they would be produced into manufactured goods and sold to consumers within the empire. To keep her wealth internalized, Great Britain enacted a number of regulations throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, such as the Navigation Acts, prohibiting her colonies from trading with foreign markets. Following the French and Indian War, Britain feared that westward expansion would lead to a growth in commercial agriculture, allowing farmers to profit by smuggling excess crops to external Atlantic markets. Instead, the government sought to protect mercantilism by encouraging colonial growth to the north and south in an effort to populate the newly acquired provinces of Quebec, East Florida, and West Florida. This would not only limit the establishment of commercially profitable farms on newly acquired western lands, but would also keep settlers within close range of Britain's economic and political influence. Consequently, many colonials of varying socioeconomic backgrounds viewed the Proclamation Line and its restrictions as repressive measures put in place by the Crown to secure increased control over affairs in their North American colonies.

While the Proclamation Line generally failed to restrict the migration of individual settlers, it adversely impacted Virginia's landed gentry through the mid-1760s. These men had been investing and speculating in land since the 1740s, preliminarily granting millions of acres of western territory to firms, such as the Ohio Company, for future sale. However, the French and Indian War and subsequent Indian treaties interrupted these land companies' designs, during which time their preliminary grants lapsed. The restrictions accompanying the Royal Proclamation of 1763 prevented investors from gaining the necessary titles to secure their land claims. These constraints particularly affected George Washington, who had dedicated much of his life to land speculation in an effort to achieve economic independence and distinction among Virginia's privileged class. Washington opposed Britain's desire to restrict the growth of commercial agriculture, and viewed westward expansion as inevitable; in his view, the Proclamation Line was a temporary measure, put in place to calm Native Americans in the wake of French removal from the continent. This opinion prompted Washington to petition the Virginia government to release tracts of land that had been promised to French and Indian War veteran s, while joining with other Virginia speculators in lobbying the Crown to push the border further west. Washington's ventures proved successful with the 1768 Treaties of Fort Stanwix and Hard Labour, and again in 1770 with the Treaty of Lochaber.

Legacies of the proclamation were social, political and ideological. Though scholars debate the level to which the declaration actually recognized Native American autonomy, many Indigenous peoples, particularly in Canada, cite the document as Britain's first formal acknowledgement of Indian land rights and self-determination. Historians also disagree over the extent to which the proclamation contributed to the outbreak of the American Revolution, with most asserting that the boundary dispute did not directly instigate the conflict. Many, however, allege that the ideological consequences of the proclamation were more significant than the existence of the boundary itself. Resentment for the British Empire and her interference in colonial affairs bonded Americans of varying socioeconomic backgrounds on a philosophical level. The ideological break with the mother country promulgated by the Proclamation Line of 1763, particularly for governmental leaders and Virginia's landed gentry, served to push the colonies into rebellion in the following decade.

Jennifer Monroe McCutchen
Texas Christian University
Bibliography:
Holton, Woody. Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, Slaves, and the Making of the American Revolution in Virginia . Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1999.

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The Proclamation Line of 1763 was a British-produced boundary marked in the Appalachian Mountains at the Eastern Continental Divide.

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The Royal Proclamation of 1763 created an imaginary line along the Appalachian Mountains that prohibited European settlement beyond the crest of the mountains, approximately two hundred miles west of Philadelphia. It thus established the region from the eastern seaboard to the mountains as the extent of British North America. In Pennsylvania the proclamation heightened racial, economic, and political tensions in the 1760s and early 1770s, thus contributing to the colonists' discontent with ineffective British policies. Moreover, between its promulgation on October 7, 1763, and the start of the Revolutionary War, colonists and Native Americans disregarded the Proclamation Line, thus exposing the limitations of British imperial control.

When Britain obtained lands west of the Appalachians from France as a result of the Treaty of Paris (1763), which ended the Seven Years' War (1754-63), British officials needed to reestablish imperial authority over existing British subjects and bring the peoples who resided within these lands-both French and Indian-under imperial control. Administrators in England thus devised the Proclamation Line, which essentially cut off eastern Pennsylvania from the western part of the colony and reinforced politically the Appalachian Mountains as a natural barrier to colonial expansion into the Ohio River Valley. King George III (1738-1820) issued the proclamation, written by members of the British Board of Trade, that aimed to dictate the pace and locations of colonial expansion, endorsed the separation of natives and colonists, and sought to reap economic benefits from the territories east of the Mississippi River.

In Pennsylvania, the proclamation indirectly intensified racial hatred and cultural conflicts when Native Americans rejected British pretensions to rule in the trans-Appalachian west. In a series of spiritually charged battles known as Pontiac's War (beginning in 1763 after the Treaty of Paris), Native Americans attacked British forts in the region from what later became Michigan through western Pennsylvania. Delaware and Shawnee Indians raided colonial settlements between the Proclamation Line and Susquehanna River Valley. In response, frontier colonists, blaming the provincial government for lack of military assistance, indiscriminately attacked local Indians. The so-called Paxton Boys murdered peaceful groups of Conestogas at Conestoga Manor and Lancaster in December 1763 then marched on Philadelphia in the attempt to attack Christian Moravian Indians who came under the provincial government's protection. These events set aggrieved Scots-Irish and German frontiersmen against the government and pacifist Quakers, challenging their political power in Pennsylvania.

The imaginary line also frustrated Pennsylvania land speculators. In the mid-1760s, traders such as George Croghan (c. 1718-82) insisted that economic losses sustained during the Seven Years' War and Pontiac's War entitled them to western lands. In the early 1770s, Benjamin Franklin (1706-90) and associates sent a petition to the Board of Trade that provided rationalization for opening of lands beyond the Appalachian Mountains for Pennsylvanian settlement through the erection of new colonies. Speculators argued that colonists from Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania had already ignored the boundary line and that the lack of political, social, and economic connections between Pennsylvania and its frontier limited the commercial value of the Indian trade and the extension of British authority.
For Revolutionary Americans, the Proclamation of 1763 was a highly contentious document that pitted colonists against Indians, frontiersmen against the Pennsylvania government, and merchants, traders, and speculators against the imperial government. While the proclamation was meant to increase imperial authority over the colonies, it actually increased colonial discontent with British policies and demonstrated to both colonists and Native Americans the lack of imperial control over eastern North America.
Austin Stewart is working on his Ph.D. in American history at Lehigh University in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania.
Copyright 2015, Rutgers University.

Anderson, Fred. Crucible of War: The Seven Years' War and the Fate of Empire in British North America, 1754-1766. New York: Knopf, 2000.

Dowd, Gregory Evans. A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992.

Dowd, Gregory Evans. War under Heaven: Pontiac, The Indian Nations and the British Empire. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002.

Griffin, Patrick. American Leviathan: Empire, Nation, and Revolutionary Frontier. New York: Hill and Wang, 2007.

Merrell, James H. Into the American Woods: Negotiators on the Pennsylvania Frontier. New York: W.W. Norton, 1999.

Merritt, Jane T. At the Crossroads: Indians and Empires on a Mid-Atlantic Frontier, 1700-1763. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2003.

Silver, Peter. Our Savage Neighbors: How Indian War Transformed Early America. New York: W.W. Norton, 2008.

Ward, Matthew C. Breaking the Backcountry: The Seven Years' War in Virginia and Pennsylvania, 1754-1765. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2003.

Almon, J. Report of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations on the Petition of the Honourable Thomas Walpole, Benjamin Franklin, John Sargent, and Samuel Wharton, Esquires, and their Associates. London: 1772.

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Proclamation Line of 1763 - Encyclopedia of Greater Philadelphia

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The Royal Proclamation of 1763 created an imaginary line along the Appalachian Mountains that prohibited European settlement beyond the crest of the mountains, approximately two hundred miles west of Philadelphia. It thus established the region from the eastern seaboard to the mountains as the extent of British North America.

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At the end of the Seven Years' War in 1763, France surrendered Canada and much of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys-two-thirds of eastern North America-to England. The Proclamation of 1763 "preserved to the said Indians" the lands west of the Appalachian Mountains and ordered White settlers "there forthwith to remove themselves from such Settlements," forbade White settlement, and restricted commerce with the American Indians to traders licensed by the British government, requiring settlers to "take out a License for carrying on such Trade from the Governor or Commander in Chief of any of Our Colonies respectively." Power over westward expansion was in the hands of British officials, outside the colonists' control. By preventing the colonial population from moving inland the British ministry hoped to avoid costly wars, protect the western fur trade, and keep western land speculation under the control of the crown. To enforce the proclamation, Britain authorized positioning 10,000 troops along the frontier, with the costs of 250,000 pounds sterling per year to be paid by the colonists. The Americans, who looked at the new land as an opportunity for settlement without the interference of the British government, resented the terms of the proclamation.

A full transcript is available.

Excerpt

And We do further strictly enjoin and require all Persons whatever, who have either wilfully or inadvertently seated themselves upon any Lands within the Countries above described, or upon any other Lands, which, not having been ceded to, or purchased by Us, are still reserved to the said Indians as aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from such Settlements. And whereas great Frauds and Abuses have been committed in the purchasing Lands of the Indians, to the great Prejudice of Our Interests, and to the great Dissatisfaction of the said Indians; in order therefore to prevent such Irregularities for the future, and to the End that the Indians may be convinced of Our Justice, and determined Resolution to remove all reasonable Cause of Discontent, We do, with the Advice of Our Privy Council, strictly enjoin and require, that no private Person do presume to make any Purchase from the said Indians of any Lands reserved to the said Indians, within those Parts of Our Colonies where We have thought proper to allow Settlement; but that if, at any Time, any of the said Indians should be inclined to dispose of the said Lands, the same shall be purchased only for Us, in Our Name, at some Publick Meeting or Assembly of the said Indians to be held for that Purpose by the Governor or Commander in Chief of Our Colonies respectively, within which they shall lie; and in case they shall lie within the Limits of any Proprietary Government, they shall be purchased only for the Use and in the Name of such Proprietaries, conformable to such Directions and Instructions as We or they shall think proper to give for that Purpose: And We do, by the Advice of Our Privy Council, declare and enjoin, that the Trade with the said Indians shall be free and open to all Our Subjects whatever; provided that every Person who may incline to trade with the said Indians, do take out a License for carrying on such Trade from the Governor or Commander in Chief of any of Our Colonies respectively, where such Person shall reside; and also give Security to observe such Regulations as We shall at any Time think fit, by Ourselves or by Our Commissaries to be appointed for this Purpose, to direct and appoint for the Benefit of the said Trade; and We do hereby authorize, enjoin, and require the Governors and Commanders in Chief of all Our Colonies respectively, as well Those under Our immediate Government as Those under the Government and Direction of Proprietaries, to grant such Licenses without Fee or Reward, taking especial Care to insert therein a Condition, that such License shall be void, and the Security forfeited, in case the Person, to whom the same is granted, shall refuse or neglect to observe such Regulations as We shall think proper to prescribe as aforesaid.

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1763 | at the end of the seven years’ war in 1763

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france surrendered canada and much of the ohio and mississippi valleys—two-thirds of eastern north america—to england. | at the end of the seven years’ war in 1763

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france surrendered canada and much of the ohio and mississippi valleys—two-thirds of eastern north america—to england. the proclamation of 1763 “preserved to the said indians” the lands west of the appalachian mountains and ordered white settlers “there forthwith to remove themselves from such settlements

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and restricted commerce with the american indians to traders licensed by the british government

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requiring settlers to “take out a license for carrying on such trade from the governor or commander in chief of any of our colonies respectively.” power over westward expansion was in the hands of british officials

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outside the colonists’ control. by preventing the colonial population from moving inland the british ministry hoped to avoid costly wars

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and keep western land speculation under the control of the crown. to enforce the proclamation

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000 pounds sterling per year to be paid by the colonists. the americans

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who looked at the new land as an opportunity for settlement without the interference of the british government

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resented the terms of the proclamation. a full transcript is available. excerpt and we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons whatever

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who have either wilfully or inadvertently seated themselves upon any lands within the countries above described

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are still reserved to the said indians as aforesaid

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forthwith to remove themselves from such settlements.  and whereas great frauds and abuses have been committed in the purchasing lands of the indians

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and to the great dissatisfaction of the said indians; in order therefore to prevent such irregularities for the future

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and to the end that the indians may be convinced of our justice

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and determined resolution to remove all reasonable cause of discontent

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that no private person do presume to make any purchase from the said indians of any lands reserved to the said indians

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within those parts of our colonies where we have thought proper to allow settlement; but that if

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any of the said indians should be inclined to dispose of the said lands

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at some publick meeting or assembly of the said indians to be held for that purpose by the governor or commander in chief of our colonies respectively

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within which they shall lie; and in case they shall lie within the limits of any proprietary government

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they shall be purchased only for the use and in the name of such proprietaries

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conformable to such directions and instructions as we or they shall think proper to give for that purpose: and we do

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that the trade with the said indians shall be free and open to all our subjects whatever; provided that every person who may incline to trade with the said indians

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do take out a license for carrying on such trade from the governor or commander in chief of any of our colonies respectively

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where such person shall reside; and also give security to observe such regulations as we shall at any time think fit

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by ourselves or by our commissaries to be appointed for this purpose

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to direct and appoint for the benefit of the said trade; and we do hereby authorize

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and require the governors and commanders in chief of all our colonies respectively

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as well those under our immediate government as those under the government and direction of proprietaries

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to grant such licenses without fee or reward

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taking especial care to insert therein a condition

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shall refuse or neglect to observe such regulations as we shall think proper to prescribe as aforesaid.

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Proclamation of 1763, 1763 | At the end of the Seven Years' War in 1763, France surrendered Canada and much of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys-two-thirds of eastern North America-to England. | At the end of the Seven Years' War in 1763, France surrendered Canada and much of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys-two-thirds of eastern North America-to England.

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On this date, the Confederation Congress approved "An Ordinance for the Government of the Territory of the United States, North-West of the River Ohio," by a vote of 17-1. Better known as the Northwest Ordinance, it provided a path toward statehood for the territories northwest of the Ohio River, encompassing the area that would become the future states of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin, and part of Minnesota. Drafted by Massachusetts Delegates Rufus King and Nathan Dane, the 1787 ordinance sought to revise Thomas Jefferson's 1784 ordinance by designating the territories as one district which fell under Congress's jurisdiction. In addition to information about real estate and estate planning, the 1787 ordinance also outlined a general process for acquiring statehood. The First Federal Congress renewed the Northwest Ordinance during its first session in August 1789. But after obtaining vast amounts of land from France with the Louisiana Purchase and from Spain with the purchase of Spanish Florida, policymakers were forced to adapt the Northwest Ordinance to suit their changing needs. Although the Northwest Ordinance remained a primary model, Congress passed a series of enabling acts that granted greater autonomy to territorial officials while providing a path to eventual statehood.

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The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 | US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives

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On this date, the Confederation Congress approved "An Ordinance for the Government of the Territory of the United States, North-West of the River Ohio," by a vote of 17-1. Better known as the Northwest Ordinance, it provided a path toward statehood for the territories northwest of the Ohio River, encompassing the area that would become the future states of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin, and part of Minnesota.

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Transcript
An Ordinance for the government of the Territory of the United States northwest of the River Ohio.
Section 1. Be it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled, That the said territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be one district, subject, however, to be divided into two districts, as future circumstances may, in the opinion of Congress, make it expedient.

Sec 2. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the estates, both of resident and nonresident proprietors in the said territory, dying intestate, shall descent to, and be distributed among their children, and the descendants of a deceased child, in equal parts; the descendants of a deceased child or grandchild to take the share of their deceased parent in equal parts among them: And where there shall be no children or descendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin in equal degree; and among collaterals, the children of a deceased brother or sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts among them, their deceased parents' share; and there shall in no case be a distinction between kindred of the whole and half blood; saving, in all cases, to the widow of the intestate her third part of the real estate for life, and one third part of the personal estate; and this law relative to descents and dower, shall remain in full force until altered by the legislature of the district. And until the governor and judges shall adopt laws as hereinafter mentioned, estates in the said territory may be devised or bequeathed by wills in writing, signed and sealed by him or her in whom the estate may be (being of full age), and attested by three witnesses; and real estates may be conveyed by lease and release, or bargain and sale, signed, sealed and delivered by the person being of full age, in whom the estate may be, and attested by two witnesses, provided such wills be duly proved, and such conveyances be acknowledged, or the execution thereof duly proved, and be recorded within one year after proper magistrates, courts, and registers shall be appointed for that purpose; and personal property may be transferred by delivery; saving, however to the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the Kaskaskies, St. Vincents and the neighboring villages who have heretofore professed themselves citizens of Virginia, their laws and customs now in force among them, relative to the descent and conveyance, of property.

Sec. 3. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That there shall be appointed from time to time by Congress, a governor, whose commission shall continue in force for the term of three years, unless sooner revoked by Congress; he shall reside in the district, and have a freehold estate therein in 1,000 acres of land, while in the exercise of his office.

Sec. 4. There shall be appointed from time to time by Congress, a secretary, whose commission shall continue in force for four years unless sooner revoked; he shall reside in the district, and have a freehold estate therein in 500 acres of land, while in the exercise of his office. It shall be his duty to keep and preserve the acts and laws passed by the legislature, and the public records of the district, and the proceedings of the governor in his executive department, and transmit authentic copies of such acts and proceedings, every six months, to the Secretary of Congress: There shall also be appointed a court to consist of three judges, any two of whom to form a court, who shall have a common law jurisdiction, and reside in the district, and have each therein a freehold estate in 500 acres of land while in the exercise of their offices; and their commissions shall continue in force during good behavior.

Sec. 5. The governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt and publish in the district such laws of the original States, criminal and civil, as may be necessary and best suited to the circumstances of the district, and report them to Congress from time to time: which laws shall be in force in the district until the organization of the General Assembly therein, unless disapproved of by Congress; but afterwards the Legislature shall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit.

Sec. 6. The governor, for the time being, shall be commander in chief of the militia, appoint and commission all officers in the same below the rank of general officers; all general officers shall be appointed and commissioned by Congress.

Sec. 7. Previous to the organization of the general assembly, the governor shall appoint such magistrates and other civil officers in each county or township, as he shall find necessary for the preservation of the peace and good order in the same: After the general assembly shall be organized, the powers and duties of the magistrates and other civil officers shall be regulated and defined by the said assembly; but all magistrates and other civil officers not herein otherwise directed, shall during the continuance of this temporary government, be appointed by the governor.

Sec. 8. For the prevention of crimes and injuries, the laws to be adopted or made shall have force in all parts of the district, and for the execution of process, criminal and civil, the governor shall make proper divisions thereof; and he shall proceed from time to time as circumstances may require, to lay out the parts of the district in which the Indian titles shall have been extinguished, into counties and townships, subject, however, to such alterations as may thereafter be made by the legislature.

Sec. 9. So soon as there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants of full age in the district, upon giving proof thereof to the governor, they shall receive authority, with time and place, to elect a representative from their counties or townships to represent them in the general assembly: Provided, That, for every five hundred free male inhabitants, there shall be one representative, and so on progressively with the number of free male inhabitants shall the right of representation increase, until the number of representatives shall amount to twenty five; after which, the number and proportion of representatives shall be regulated by the legislature: Provided, That no person be eligible or qualified to act as a representative unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United States three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless he shall have resided in the district three years; and, in either case, shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple, two hundred acres of land within the same; Provided, also, That a freehold in fifty acres of land in the district, having been a citizen of one of the states, and being resident in the district, or the like freehold and two years residence in the district, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an elector of a representative.

Sec. 10. The representatives thus elected, shall serve for the term of two years; and, in case of the death of a representative, or removal from office, the governor shall issue a writ to the county or township for which he was a member, to elect another in his stead, to serve for the residue of the term.

Sec. 11. The general assembly or legislature shall consist of the governor, legislative council, and a house of representatives. The Legislative Council shall consist of five members, to continue in office five years, unless sooner removed by Congress; any three of whom to be a quorum: and the members of the Council shall be nominated and appointed in the following manner, to wit: As soon as representatives shall be elected, the Governor shall appoint a time and place for them to meet together; and, when met, they shall nominate ten persons, residents in the district, and each possessed of a freehold in five hundred acres of land, and return their names to Congress; five of whom Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as aforesaid; and, whenever a vacancy shall happen in the council, by death or removal from office, the house of representatives shall nominate two persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and return their names to Congress; one of whom congress shall appoint and commission for the residue of the term. And every five years, four months at least before the expiration of the time of service of the members of council, the said house shall nominate ten persons, qualified as aforesaid, and return their names to Congress; five of whom Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as members of the council five years, unless sooner removed. And the governor, legislative council, and house of representatives, shall have authority to make laws in all cases, for the good government of the district, not repugnant to the principles and articles in this ordinance established and declared. And all bills, having passed by a majority in the house, and by a majority in the council, shall be referred to the governor for his assent; but no bill, or legislative act whatever, shall be of any force without his assent. The governor shall have power to convene, prorogue, and dissolve the general assembly, when, in his opinion, it shall be expedient.

Sec. 12. The governor, judges, legislative council, secretary, and such other officers as Congress shall appoint in the district, shall take an oath or affirmation of fidelity and of office; the governor before the president of congress, and all other officers before the Governor. As soon as a legislature shall be formed in the district, the council and house assembled in one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a right of debating but not voting during this temporary government.

Sec. 13. And, for extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics, their laws and constitutions are erected; to fix and establish those principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which forever hereafter shall be formed in the said territory: to provide also for the establishment of States, and permanent government therein, and for their admission to a share in the federal councils on an equal footing with the original States, at as early periods as may be consistent with the general interest:

Sec. 14. It is hereby ordained and declared by the authority aforesaid, That the following articles shall be considered as articles of compact between the original States and the people and States in the said territory and forever remain unalterable, unless by common consent, to wit:

Art. 1. No person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly manner, shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiments, in the said territory.

Art. 2. The inhabitants of the said territory shall always be entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, and of the trial by jury; of a proportionate representation of the people in the legislature; and of judicial proceedings according to the course of the common law. All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses, where the proof shall be evident or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate; and no cruel or unusual punishments shall be inflicted. No man shall be deprived of his liberty or property, but by the judgment of his peers or the law of the land; and, should the public exigencies make it necessary, for the common preservation, to take any person's property, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. And, in the just preservation of rights and property, it is understood and declared, that no law ought ever to be made, or have force in the said territory, that shall, in any manner whatever, interfere with or affect private contracts or engagements, bona fide, and without fraud, previously formed.

Art. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged. The utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the Indians; their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent; and, in their property, rights, and liberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized by Congress; but laws founded in justice and humanity, shall from time to time be made for preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship with them.

Art. 4. The said territory, and the States which may be formed therein, shall forever remain a part of this Confederacy of the United States of America, subject to the Articles of Confederation, and to such alterations therein as shall be constitutionally made; and to all the acts and ordinances of the United States in Congress assembled, conformable thereto. The inhabitants and settlers in the said territory shall be subject to pay a part of the federal debts contracted or to be contracted, and a proportional part of the expenses of government, to be apportioned on them by Congress according to the same common rule and measure by which apportionments thereof shall be made on the other States; and the taxes for paying their proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the district or districts, or new States, as in the original States, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. The legislatures of those districts or new States, shall never interfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United States in Congress assembled, nor with any regulations Congress may find necessary for securing the title in such soil to the bona fide purchasers. No tax shall be imposed on lands the property of the United States; and, in no case, shall nonresident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. The navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into the confederacy, without any tax, impost, or duty therefor.

Art. 5. There shall be formed in the said territory, not less than three nor more than five States; and the boundaries of the States, as soon as Virginia shall alter her act of cession, and consent to the same, shall become fixed and established as follows, to wit: The western State in the said territory, shall be bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio, and Wabash Rivers; a direct line drawn from the Wabash and Post Vincents, due North, to the territorial line between the United States and Canada; and, by the said territorial line, to the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. The middle State shall be bounded by the said direct line, the Wabash from Post Vincents to the Ohio, by the Ohio, by a direct line, drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami, to the said territorial line, and by the said territorial line. The eastern State shall be bounded by the last mentioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said territorial line: Provided, however, and it is further understood and declared, that the boundaries of these three States shall be subject so far to be altered, that, if Congress shall hereafter find it expedient, they shall have authority to form one or two States in that part of the said territory which lies north of an east and west line drawn through the southerly bend or extreme of Lake Michigan. And, whenever any of the said States shall have sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, such State shall be admitted, by its delegates, into the Congress of the United States, on an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever, and shall be at liberty to form a permanent constitution and State government: Provided, the constitution and government so to be formed, shall be republican, and in conformity to the principles contained in these articles; and, so far as it can be consistent with the general interest of the confederacy, such admission shall be allowed at an earlier period, and when there may be a less number of free inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand.

Art. 6. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: Provided, always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid.

Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the resolutions of the 23rd of April, 1784, relative to the subject of this ordinance, be, and the same are hereby repealed and declared null and void.

Done by the United States, in Congress assembled, the 13th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of their sovereignty and independence the twelfth

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EnlargeDownload Link Citation: Ordinance for the Government of the Territory of the United States North-West of the River Ohio; 7/13/1787; Miscellaneous Papers of the Continental Congress, 1774 - 1789; Records of the Continental and Confederation Congresses and the Constitutional Convention, Record Group 360; National Archives Building, Washington, DC.

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Mohegan, Algonquian-speaking North American Indian people who originally occupied most of the upper Thames valley in what is now Connecticut, U.S. They later seized land from other tribes in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The Mohegan are not to be confused with the Mohican (Mahican), a different people who originally resided in the upper Hudson River Valley near the Catskill Mountains in what is now New York state.

The traditional Mohegan economy was based on the cultivation of corn (maize) and on hunting and fishing. At the time of the first European settlement of New England early in the 17th century, the Mohegan and the Pequot tribes were ruled jointly by the Pequot chief, Sassacus; later a rebellion by the subchief Uncas led to Mohegan independence. After the destruction of the Pequot in 1637, most of the Pequot survivors and the former Pequot territories came under Mohegan control. Uncas strengthened his position by making an alliance with the English; by the end of King Philip's War against the colonists, the Mohegan were the strongest tribe remaining in southern New England. Colonial settlements gradually displaced the Mohegan, and their numbers dwindled from imported diseases and other hardships. Many of them joined other native settlements.

Population estimates indicated some 2,500 Mohegan descendants in the early 21st century.

Elizabeth Prine Pauls, Associate Editor.

Learn More in these related Britannica articles:

Northeast Indian: Territorial and political organization

Pequot, Mohegan, Nipmuc, Pocomtuc, Mohican (Mahican), Wappinger, Montauk, Delaware,...

The Mohegan and the Pequot were jointly ruled by the Pequot chief Sassacus until a rebellion of the subchief Uncas resulted in Mohegan independence. For a period from 1620 onward the Pequot and British settlers lived side by side in mutual helpfulness and peaceful trade. Gradually,...

...took in remnants of the Mohegan nation. In the following years the Oneida divided into factions resulting from disagreements over Quaker missions, traditional religion, and the sale of lands. By 1833 those who had not settled at Oneida on the Thames River in Ontario had emigrated to Green Bay, Wisconsin;...

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Mohegan, Algonquian-speaking North American Indian people who originally occupied most of the upper Thames valley in what is now Connecticut, U.S. They later seized land from other tribes in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The Mohegan are not to be confused with the Mohican (Mahican), a different

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Yale University Library Research Guides: Native American History Primary Sources: North America

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Hadrian's Wall, continuous Roman defensive barrier that guarded the northwestern frontier of the province of Britain from barbarian invaders. The wall extended from coast to coast across the width of northern Britain; it ran for 73 miles (118 km) from Wallsend (Segedunum) on the River Tyne in the east to Bowness on the Solway Firth in the west. The original plan was to construct a stone wall 10 Roman feet wide (a Roman foot is slightly larger than a standard foot) and at least 12 feet high for the eastern sector and a turf rampart 20 Roman feet wide at the base for the western sector; both were fronted by a ditch, except where the crags rendered this superfluous. At every ¹/ ₃ Roman mile there was a tower, and at every mile a fortlet (milefortlet, or milecastle) containing a gate through the wall, presumably surmounted by a tower, and one or two barrack-blocks. Before this scheme was completed, forts were built on the wall line at roughly 7-mile intervals and an earthwork, known as the vallum, dug behind the wall and the forts. Probably at this stage the stone wall was narrowed from 10 Roman feet wide to about 8 feet. The fortlets, towers, and forts continued for at least 26 miles (42 km) beyond Bowness southward down the Cumbrian coast.

Emperor Hadrian (ruled 117-138 ce) went to Britain in 122 and, in the words of his biographer, "was the first to build a wall, 80 miles long, to separate the Romans from the barbarians." The initial construction of the wall took approximately six years, and expansions were later made. Upon Hadrian's death, his successor Antoninus Pius (138-161) decided to extend the Roman dominion northward by building a new wall in Scotland. The resulting Antonine Wall stretched for 37 miles (59 km) along the narrow isthmus between the estuaries of the Rivers Forth and Clyde. Within two decades, however, the Antonine Wall was abandoned in favour of Hadrian's Wall, which continued in use nearly until the end of Roman rule in Britain (410).

Hadrian's Wall was built mainly by soldiers of the three legions of Britain, but it was manned by the second-line auxiliary troops. Its purpose was to control movement across the frontier and to counter low-intensity threats. There was no intention of fighting from the wall top; the units based on the wall were trained and equipped to encounter the enemy in the open.

In 1990-91 excavations of a milefortlet just north of Maryport, Cumbria, provided information on a Roman garrison's lifestyle. The fortlet, which was occupied for a short time during Hadrian's reign, rendered artifacts such as fragments of game boards and a large number of hearths and ovens. The fortlet has been partially reconstructed and made accessible to the public.

New from Britannica

In 1987 Hadrian's Wall was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site. Over the centuries many sections of the wall have suffered damage caused by roads traversing it and by the plunder of its stones to build nearby houses and other structures. However, the remaining foundations and forts attract tourists from throughout the world. Compare Great Wall of China.

David J. Breeze The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

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Hadrian's Wall | Roman wall, England, United Kingdom

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Hadrian's Wall, continuous Roman defensive barrier that guarded the northwestern frontier of the province of Britain from barbarian invaders. The wall extended from coast to coast across the width of northern Britain; it ran for 73 miles (118 km) from Wallsend (Segedunum) on the River Tyne in the east to Bowness on the Solway Firth in the west.

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Hadrian, Roman emperor (117–138 CE), the emperor Trajan’s cousin and successor, who was a cultivated admirer of Greek civilization and who unified and consolidated Rome’s vast empire. He was the third of the so-called Five Good Emperors. Learn more about Hadrian’s life and reign.

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I. The original home of the family of the Emperor Hadrian was Picenum, the later, Spain; for Hadrian himself relates in his autobiography that his forefathers came from Hadria, but settled in Italica in the time of the Scipios. The father of Hadrian was Aelius Hadrianus, surnamed Afer, a cousin of the Emperor Trajan; his mother was Domitia Paulina, a native of Cadiz; his sister was Paulina, the wife of Servianus, his wife was Sabina, and his great-grandfather's grandfather was Marullinus, the first of his family to be a Roman senator.

Hadrian was born on the ninth day before the Kalends of February in the seventh consulship of Vespasian and the fifth of Titus. Bereft of his father at the age of ten, he became the ward of Ulpius Trajanus, his cousin, then of praetorian rank, but afterwards emperor, and of Caelius Attianus, a knight. He then grew rather deeply devoted to Greek studies, to which his natural tastes inclined so much that some called him "Greekling."

II. He returned to his native city in his fifteenth year and at once entered military service, but was so fond of hunting that he incurred criticism for it, and for this reason Trajan recalled him from Italica. Thenceforth he was treated by Trajan as his own son, and not long afterwards was made one of the ten judges of the inheritance-court, and, later, tribune of the Second Legion, the Adjutrix. After this, when Domitian's principate was drawing to a close, he was transferred to the province of Lower Moesia. There, it is said, he heard from an astrologer the same prediction of his future power which had been made, as he already knew, by his great-uncle, Aelius Hadrianus, a master of astrology. When Trajan was adopted by Nerva, Hadrian was sent to convey to him the army's congratulations and was at once transferred to Upper Germany. When Nerva died, he wished to be the first to bring the news to Trajan, but as he was hastening to meet him he was detained by his brother-in-law, Servianus, the same man who had revealed Hadrian's extravagance and indebtedness and thus stirred Trajan's anger against him. He was further delayed by the fact that his travelling-carriage had been designedly broken, but he nevertheless proceeded on foot and anticipated Servianus' personal messenger. And now he became a favourite of Trajan's, and yet, owing to the activity of the guardians of certain boys whom Trajan loved ardently, he was not free from . . . which Gallus fostered. Indeed, at this time he was even anxious about the Emperor's attitude towards him, and consulted the Vergilian oracle. This was the lot given out:

But who is yonder man, by olive wreath / Distinguished, who the sacred vessel bears? / I see a hoary head and beard. Behold / The Roman King whose laws shall establish Rome / Anew, from tiny Cures' humble land / Called to a mighty realm. Then shall arise ...

Others, however, declare that this prophecy came to him from the Sybilline Verses. Moreover, he received a further intimation of his subsequent power, in a response which issued from the temple of Jupiter at Nicephorium and has been quoted by Apollonius of Syria, the Platonist. Finally, through the good offices of Sura, he was instantly restored to a friendship with Trajan that was closer than ever, and he took to wife the daughter of the Emperor's sister -- a marriage advocated by Plotina, but, according to Marius Maximus, little desired by Trajan himself.

III. He held the quaestorship in the fourth consulship of Trajan and in the first of Articuleius, and while holding this office he read a speech of the Emperor's to the senate and provoked a laugh by his somewhat provincial accent. He thereupon gave attention to the study of Latin until he attained the utmost proficiency and fluency. After his quaestorship he served as curator of the acts of the senate, and later accompanied Trajan in the Dacian war on terms of considerable intimacy, seeing, indeed, that falling in with Trajan's habits, as he says himself, he partook freely of wine, and for this was very richly rewarded by the Emperor. He was made tribune of the plebs in the second consulship of Candidus and Quadratus, and he claimed that he received an omen of continuous tribunician power during this magistracy, because he lost the heavy cloak which is worn by the tribunes of the plebs in rainy weather, but never by the emperors. And down to this day the emperors do not wear cloaks when they appear in public before civilians. In the second Dacian war, Trajan appointed him to the command of the First Legion, the Minervia, and took him with him to the war; and in this campaign his many remarkable deeds won great renown. Because of this he was presented with a diamond which Trajan himself had received from Nerva, and by this gift he was encouraged in his hopes of succeeding to the throne. He held the praetorship in the second consulship of Suburanus and Servianus, and again received from Trajan two million sesterces with which to give games. Next he was sent as praetorian legate to Lower Pannonia, where he held the Samartians in check, maintained discipline among the soldiers, and restrained the procurators, who were overstepping too freely the bounds of their power. In return for these services he was made consul. While he was holding this office he learned from Sura that he was to be adopted by Trajan, and thereupon he ceased to be an object of contempt and neglect to Trajan's friends. Indeed, after Sura's death Trajan's friendship for him increased, principally on account of the speeches which he composed for the Emperor.

IV. He enjoyed, too, the favour of Plotina, and it was due to her interest that later, at the time of the campaign against Parthia, he was appointed legate to the Emperor. At this same time he enjoyed, besides, the friendship of Sosius Papus and Platorius Nepos, both of the senatorial order, and also of Attianus, his former guardian, of Livianus, and of Turbo, all of equestrian rank. And when Palma and Celsus, always his enemies, on whom he later took vengeance, fell under suspicion of aspiring to the throne, his adoption seemed assured; and it was taken wholly for granted when, through Plotina's favour, he was appointed consul for the second time. That he was bribing Trajan's freedmen and courting his favourites all the while that he was in close attendance at court, was told and generally believed.

On the fifth day before the Ides of August, while he was governor of Syria, he learned of his adoption by Trajan, and he later gave orders to celebrate this day as the anniversary of his adoption. On the third day before the Ides of August he received the news of Trajan's death, and this day he appointed as the anniversary of his accession.

There was, to be sure, a widely prevailing belief that Trajan, with the approval of many of his friends, had planned to appoint as his successor not Hadrian but Neratius Priscus, even to the extent of once saying to Priscus: "I entrust the provinces to your care in case anything happens to me." And, indeed, many aver that Trajan had purposed to follow the example of Alexander of Macedonia and die without naming a successor. Again, many others declare that he had meant to send an address to the senate, requesting this body, in case aught befell him, to appoint a ruler for the Roman Empire, and merely appending the names of some from among whom the senate might choose the best. And the statement has even been made that it was not until Trajan's death that Hadrian was declared adopted, and then only by means of a trick of Plotina's; for she smuggled in someone who impersonated the Emperor and spoke in a feeble voice.

V. On taking possession of the imperial power Hadrian at once resumed the policy of the early emperors, and devoted his attention to maintaining peace throughout the world. For the nations which Trajan had conquered began to revolt; the Moors, moreover, began to make attacks, and the Sarmatians to wage war, the Britons could not be kept under Roman sway, Egypt was thrown into disorder by riots, and finally Libya and Palestine showed the spirit of rebellion. Whereupon he relinquished all the conquests east of the Euphrates and the Tigris, following, as he used to say, the example of Cato, who urged that the Macedonians, because they could not be held as subjects, should be declared free and independent. And Parthamasiris, appointed king of the Parthians by Trajan, he assigned as ruler to the neighbouring tribes, because he saw that the man was held in little esteem by the Parthians.

Moreover, he showed at the outset such a wish to be lenient, that although Attianus advised him by letter in the first few days of his rule to put to death Baebius Macer, the prefect of the city, in case he opposed his elevation to power, also Laberius Maximus, then in exile on an island under suspicion of designs on the throne, and likewise Crassus Frugi, he nevertheless refused to harm them. Later on, however, his procurator, though without an order from Hadrian, had Crassus killed when he tried to leave the island, on the ground that he was planning a revolt. He gave a double donative to the soldiers in order to ensure a favourable beginning to his principate. He deprived Lusius Quietus of the command of the Moorish tribesmen, who were serving under him, and then dismissed him from the army, because he had fallen under the suspicion of having designs on the throne; and he appointed Marcius Turbo, after his reduction of Judaea, to quell the insurrection in Mauretania.

After taking these measures he set out from Antioch to view the remains of Trajan, which were being escorted by Attianus, Plotina, and Matidia. He received them formally and sent them on to Rome by ship, and at once returned to Antioch; he then appointed Catilius Severus governor of Syria, and proceeded to Rome by way of Illyricum.

VI. Despatching to the senate a carefully worded letter, he asked for divine honours for Trajan. This request he obtained by a unanimous vote; indeed, the senate voluntarily voted Trajan many more honours than Hadrian had requested. In this letter to the senate he apologized because he had not left it the right to decide regarding his accession, explaining that the unseemly haste of the troops in acclaiming him emperor was due to the belief that the state could not be left without an emperor. Later, when the senate offered him the triumph which was to have been Trajan's, he refused it for himself, and caused the effigy of the dead Emperor to be carried in a triumphal chariot, in order that the best of emperors might not lose even after death the honour of a triumph. Also he refused for the present the title of Father of his Country, offered to him at the time of his accession and again later on, giving as his reason the fact that Augustus had not won it until late in life. Of the crown-money for his triumph he remitted Italy's contribution, and lessened that of the provinces, all the while setting forth grandiloquently and in great detail the straits of the public treasury.

Then, on hearing of the incursions of the Sarmatians and Roxolani, he sent the troops ahead and set out for Moesia. He conferred the insignia of a prefect on Marcius Turbo after his Mauretanian campaign and appointed him to the temporary command of Pannonia and Dacia. When the king of the Roxolani complained of the diminution of his subsidy, he investigated his case and made peace with him.

VII. A plot to murder him while sacrificing was made by Nigrinus, with Lusius and a number of others as accomplices, even though Hadrian had destined Nigrinus for the succession; but Hadrian successfully evaded this plot. Because of this conspiracy Palma was put to death at Tarracina, Celsus at Baiae, Nigrinus at Faventia, and Lusius on his journey homeward, all by order of the senate, but contrary to the wish of Hadrian, as he says himself in his autobiography. Whereupon Hadrian entrusted the command in Dacia to Turbo, whom he dignified, in order to increase his authority, with a rank analagous to that of the prefect of Egypt. He then hastened to Rome in order to win over public opinion, which was hostile to him because of the belief that on one single occasion he had suffered four men of consular rank to be put to death. In order to check the rumours about himself, he gave in person a double largess to the people, although in his absence three aurei had already been given to each of the citizens. In the senate, too, he cleared himself of blame for what had happened, and pledged himself never to inflict punishment on a senator until after a vote of the senate. He established a regular imperial post, in order to relieve the local officials of such a burden. Moreover, he used every means of gaining popularity. He remitted to private debtors in Rome and in Italy immense sums of money owed to the privy-purse, and in the provinces he remitted large amounts of arrears; and he ordered the promissory notes to be burned in the Forum of the Deified Trajan, in order that the general sense of security might thereby be increased. He gave orders that the property of condemned persons should not accrue to the privy-purse, and in each case deposited the whole amount in the public treasury. He made additional appropriations for the children to whom Trajan had allotted grants of money. He supplemented the property of senators impoverished through no fault of their own, making the allowance in each case proportionate to the number of children, so that it might be enough for a senatorial career; to many, indeed, he paid punctually on the date the amount allotted for their living. Sums of money sufficient to enable men to hold office he bestowed, not on his friends alone, but also on many far and wide, and by his donations he helped a number of women to sustain life. He gave gladiatorial combats for six days in succession, and on his birthday he put into the arena a thousand wild beasts.

VIII. The foremost members of the senate he admitted to close intimacy with the emperor's majesty. All circus-games decreed in his honour he refused, except those held to celebrate his birthday. Both in meetings of the people and in the senate he used to say that he would so administer the commonwealth that men would know that it was not his own but the people's. Having himself been consul three times, he reappointed many to the consulship for the third time and men without number to a second term; his own third consulship he held for only four months, and during his term he often administered justice. He always attended regular meetings of the senate if he was present in Rome or even in the neighbourhood. In the appointment of senators he showed the utmost caution and thereby greatly increased the dignity of the senate, and when he removed Attianus from the post of prefect of the guard and created him a senator with consular honours, he made it clear that he had no greater honour which he could bestow upon him. Nor did he allow knights to try cases involving senators whether he was present at the trial or not. For at that time it was customary for the emperor, when he tried cases, to call to his council both senators and knights and give a verdict based on their joint decision. Finally, he denounced those emperors who had not shown this deference to the senators. On his brother-in-law Servianus, to whom he showed such respect that he would advance to meet him as he came from his chamber, he bestowed a third consulship, and that without any request or entreaty on Servianus' part; but nevertheless he did not appoint him as his own colleague, since Servianus had been consul twice before Hadrian, and the Emperor did not wish to have second place.

IX. And yet, at the same time, Hadrian abandoned many provinces won by Trajan, and also destroyed, contrary to the entreaties of all, the theatre which Trajan had built in the Campus Martius. These measures, unpopular enough in themselves, were still more displeasing to the public because of his pretence that all acts which he thought would be offensive had been secretly enjoined upon him by Trajan. Unable to endure the power of Attianus, his prefect and formerly his guardian, he was eager to murder him. He was restrained, however, by the knowledge that he already laboured under the odium of murdering four men of consular rank, although, as a matter of fact, he always attributed their execution to the designs of Attianus. And as he could not appoint a successor for Attianus except at the latter's request, he contrived to make him request it, and at once transferred the power to Turbo; at the same time Similis also, the other prefect, received a successor, namely Septicius Clarus.

After Hadrian had removed from the prefecture the very men to whom he owed the imperial power, he departed for Campania, where he aided all the towns of the region by gifts and benefactions and attached all the foremost men to his train of friends. But when at Rome, he frequently attended the official functions of the praetors and consuls, appeared at the banquets of his friends, visited them twice or thrice a day when they were sick, even those who were merely knights and freedmen, cheered them by words of comfort, encouraged them by words of advice, and very often invited them to his own banquets. In short, everything that he did was in the manner of a private citizen. On his mother-in-law he bestowed especial honour by means of gladiatorial games and other ceremonies.

X. After this he travelled to the provinces of Gaul, and came to the relief of all the communities with various acts of generosity; and from there he went over into Germany. Though more desirous of peace than of war, he kept the soldiers in training just as if war were imminent, inspired them by proofs of his own powers of endurance, actually led a soldier's life among the maniples, and, after the example of Scipio Aemilianus, Metellus, and his own adoptive father Trajan, cheerfully ate out of doors such camp-fare as bacon, cheese and vinegar. And that the troops might submit more willingly to the increased harshness of his orders, he bestowed gifts on many and honours on a few. For he re-established the discipline of the camp, which since the time of Octavian had been growing slack through the laxity of his predecessors. He regulated, too, both the duties and the expenses of the soldiers, and now no one could get a leave of absence from camp by unfair means, for it was not popularity with the troops but just deserts that recommended a man for appointment as tribune. He incited others by the example of his own soldierly spirit; he would walk as much as twenty miles fully armed; he cleared the camp of banqueting-rooms, porticoes, grottos, and bowers, generally wore the commonest clothing, would have no gold ornaments on his sword-belt or jewels on the clasp, would scarcely consent to have his sword furnished with an ivory hilt, visited the sick soldiers in their quarters, selected the sites for camps, conferred the centurion's wand on those only who were hardy and of good repute, appointed as tribunes only men with full beards or of an age to give to the authority of the tribuneship the full measure of prudence and maturity, permitted no tribune to accept a present from a soldier, banished luxuries on every hand, and, lastly, improved the soldiers' arms and equipment. Furthermore, with regard to length of military service he issued an order that no one should violate ancient usage by being in the service at an earlier age than his strength warranted, or at a more advanced one than common humanity permitted. He made it a point to be acquainted with the soldiers and to know their numbers.

XI. Besides this, he strove to have an accurate knowledge of the military stores, and the receipts from the provinces he examined with care in order to make good any deficit that might occur in any particular instance. But more than any other emperor he made it a point not to purchase or maintain anything that was not serviceable.

And so, having reformed the army quite in the manner of a monarch, he set out for Britain, and there he corrected many abuses and was the first to construct a wall, eighty miles in length, which was to separate the barbarians from the Romans.

He removed from office Septicius Clarus, the prefect of the guard, and Suetonius Tranquillus, the imperial secretary, and many others besides, because without his consent they had been conducting themselves toward his wife, Sabina, in a more informal fashion than the etiquette of the court demanded. And, as he was himself wont to say, he would have sent away his wife too, on the ground of ill-temper and irritability, had he been merely a private citizen. Moreover, his vigilance was not confined to his own household but extended to those of his friends, and by means of his private agents he even pried into all their secrets, and so skilfully that they were never aware that the Emperor was acquainted with their private lives until he revealed it himself. In this connection, the insertion of an incident will not be unwelcome, showing that he found out much about his friends. The wife of a certain man wrote to her husband, complaining that he was so preoccupied by pleasures and baths that he would not return home to her, and Hadrian found this out through his private agents. And so, when the husband asked for a furlough, Hadrian reproached him with his fondness for his baths and his pleasures. Whereupon the man exclaimed: "What, did my wife write you just what she wrote to me?" And, indeed, as for this habit of Hadrian's, men regard it as a most grievous fault, and add to their criticism the statements which are current regarding the passion for males and the adulteries with married women to which he is said to have been addicted, adding also the charges that he did not even keep faith with his friends.

XII. After arranging matters in Britain he crossed over to Gaul, for he was rendered anxious by the news of a riot in Alexandria, which arose on account of Apis; for Apis had been discovered again after an interval of many years, and was causing great dissension among the communities, each one earnestly asserting its claim as the place best fitted to be the seat of his worship. During this same time he reared a basilica of marvellous workmanship at Nimes in honour of Plotina. After this he travelled to Spain and spent the winter at Tarragona, and here he restored at his own expense the temple of Augustus. To this place, too, he called all the inhabitants of Spain for a general meeting, and when they refused to submit to a levy, the Italian settlers jestingly, to use the very words of Marius Maximus, and the others very vigorously, he took measures characterized by skill and discretion. At this same time he incurred grave danger and won great glory; for while he was walking about in a garden at Tarragona one of the slaves of the household rushed at him madly with a sword. But he merely laid hold on the man, and when the servants ran to the rescue handed him over to them. Afterwards, when it was found that the man was mad, he turned him over to the physicians for treatment, and all this time showed not the slightest sign of alarm.

During this period and on many other occasions also, in many regions where the barbarians are held back not by rivers but by artificial barriers, Hadrian shut them off by means of high stakes planted deep in the ground and fastened together in the manner of a palisade. He appointed a king for the Germans, suppressed revolts among the Moors, and won from the senate the usual ceremonies of thanksgiving. The war with the Parthians had not at that time advanced beyond the preparatory stage, and Hadrian checked it by a personal conference.

XIII. After this Hadrian travelled by way of Asia and the islands to Greece, and, following the example of Hercules and Philip, had himself initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries. He bestowed many favours on the Athenians and sat as president of the public games. And during this stay in Greece care was taken, they say, that when Hadrian was present, none should come to a sacrifice armed, whereas, as a rule, many carried knives. Afterwards he sailed to Sicily, and there he climbed Mount Aetna to see the sunrise, which is many-hued, they say, like a rainbow. Thence he returned to Rome, and from there he crossed over to Africa, where he showed many acts of kindness to the provinces. Hardly any emperor ever travelled with such speed over so much territory.

Finally, after his return to Rome from Africa, he immediately set out for the East, journeying by way of Athens. Here he dedicated the public works which he had begun in the city of the Athenians, such as the temple to Olympian Jupiter and an altar to himself; and in the same way, while travelling through Asia, he consecrated the temples called by his name. Next, he received slaves from the Cappadocians for service in the camps. To petty rulers and kings he made offers of friendship, and even to Osdroes, king of the Parthians. To him he also restored his daughter, who had been captured by Trajan, and promised to return the throne captured at the same time. And when some of the kings came to him, he treated them in such a way that those who had refused to come regretted it. He took this course especially on account of Pharasmanes, who had haughtily scorned his invitation. Furthermore, as he went about the provinces he punished procurators and governors as their actions demanded, and indeed with such severity that it was believed that he incited those who brought the accusations.

XIV. In the course of these travels he conceived such a hatred for the people of Antioch that he wished to separate Syria from Phoenicia, in order that Antioch might not be called the chief city of so many communities. At this time also the Jews began war, because they were forbidden to practise circumcision. As he was sacrificing on Mount Casius, which he had ascended by night in order to see the sunrise, a storm arose, and a flash of lightning descended and struck both the victim and the attendant. He then travelled through Arabia and finally came to Pelusium, where he rebuilt Pompey's tomb on a more magnificent scale. During a journey on the Nile he lost Antinous, his favourite, and for this youth he wept like a woman. Concerning this incident there are varying rumours; for some claim that he had devoted himself to death for Hadrian, and others -- what both his beauty and Hadrian's sensuality suggest. But however this may be, the Greeks deified him at Hadrian's request, and declared that oracles were given through his agency, but these, it is commonly asserted, were composed by Hadrian himself.

In poetry and in letters Hadrian was greatly interested. In arithmetic, geometry, and painting he was very expert. Of his knowledge of flute-playing and singing he even boasted openly. He ran to excess in the gratification of his desires, and wrote much verse about the subjects of his passion. He composed love-poems too. He was also a connoisseur of arms, had a thorough knowledge of warfare, and knew how to use gladiatorial weapons. He was, in the same person, austere and genial, dignified and playful, dilatory and quick to act, niggardly and generous, deceitful and straightforward, cruel and merciful, and always in all things changeable.

XV. His friends he enriched greatly, even though they did not ask it, while to those who did ask, he refused nothing. And yet he was always ready to listen to whispers about his friends, and in the end he treated almost all of them as enemies, even the closest and even those whom he had raised to the highest of honours, such as Attianus and Nepos and Septicius Clarus. Eudaemon, for example, who had been his accomplice in obtaining the imperial power, he reduced to poverty; Polaenus and Marcellus he drove to suicide; Heliodorus he assailed in a most slanderous pamphlet; Titianus he allowed to be accused as an accomplice in an attempt to seize the empire and even to be outlawed; Ummidius Quadratus, Catilius Severus, and Turbo he persecuted vigorously; and in order to prevent Servianus, his brother-in-law, from surviving him, he compelled him to commit suicide, although the man was then in his ninetieth year. And he even took vengeance on freedmen and sometimes on soldiers. And although he was very deft at prose and at verse and very accomplished in all the arts, yet he used to subject the teachers of these arts, as though more learned than they, to ridicule, scorn, and humiliation. With these very professors and philosophers he often debated by means of pamphlets or poems issued by both sides in turn. And once Favorinus, when he had yielded to Hadrian's criticism of a word which he had used, raised a merry laugh among his friends. For when they reproached him for having done wrong in yielding to Hadrian in the matter of a word used by reputable authors, he replied: "You are urging a wrong course, my friends, when you do not suffer me to regard as the most learned of men the one who has thirty legions."

XVI. So desirous of a wide-spread reputation was Hadrian that he even wrote his own biography; this he gave to his educated freedmen, with instructions to publish it under their own names. For indeed, Phlegon's writings, it is said, are Hadrian's in reality. He wrote Catachannae, a very obscure work in imitation of Antimachus. And when the poet Florus wrote to him:

I don't want to be a Caesar,
Stroll about among the Britons,
Lurk about among the . . . .
And endure the Scythian winters,

he wrote back:

I don't want to be a Florus,
Stroll about among the taverns,
Lurk about among the cook-shops,
And endure the round fat insects.

Furthermore, he loved the archaic style of writing, and he used to take part in debates. He preferred Cato to Cicero, Ennius to Vergil, Caelius to Sallust; and with the same self-assurance he expressed opinions about Homer and Plato. In astrology he considered himself so proficient that on the Kalends of January he would actually write down all that might happen to him in the whole ensuing year, and in the year in which he died, indeed, he wrote down everything that he was going to do, down to the very hour of his death.

However ready Hadrian might have been to criticize musicians, tragedians, comedians, grammarians, and rhetoricians, he nevertheless bestowed both honours and riches upon all who professed these arts, though he always tormented them with his questions. And although he was himself responsible for the fact that many of them left his presence with their feelings hurt, to see anyone with hurt feelings, he used to say, he could hardly endure. He treated with the greatest friendship the philosophers Epictetus and Heliodorus, and various grammarians, rhetoricians, musicians, geometricians -- not to mention all by name -- painters and astrologers; and among them Favorinus, many claim, was conspicuous above all the rest. Teachers who seemed unfit for their profession he presented with riches and honours and then dismissed from the practice of their profession.

XVII. Many whom he had regarded as enemies when a private citizen, when emperor he merely ignored; for example, on becoming emperor, he said to one man whom he had regarded as a mortal foe, "You have escaped." When he himself called any to military service, he always supplied them with horses, mules, clothing, cost of maintenance, and indeed their whole equipment. At the Saturnalia and Sigillaria he often surprised his friends with presents, and he gladly received gifts from them and again gave others in return. In order to detect dishonesty in his caterers, when he gave banquets with several tables he gave orders that platters from the other tables, even the lowest, should be set before himself. He surpassed all monarchs in his gifts. He often bathed in the public baths, even with the common crowd. And a jest of his made in the bath became famous. For on a certain occasion, seeing a veteran, whom he had known in the service, rubbing his back and the rest of his body against the wall, he asked him why he had the marble rub him, and when the man replied that it was because he did not own a slave, he presented him with some slaves and the cost of their maintenance. But another time, when he saw a number of old men rubbing themselves against the wall for the purpose of arousing the generosity of the Emperor, he ordered them to be called out and then to rub one another in turn. His love for the common people he loudly expressed. So fond was he of travel, that he wished to inform himself in person about all that he had read concerning all parts of the world. Cold and bad weather he could bear with such endurance that he never covered his head. He showed a multitude of favours to many kings, but from a number he even purchased peace, and by some he was treated with scorn; to many he gave huge gifts, but none greater than to the king of the Hiberi, for to him he gave an elephant and a band of fifty men, in addition to magnificent presents. And having himself received huge gifts from Pharasmanes, including some cloaks embroidered with gold, he sent into the arena three hundred condemned criminals dressed in gold-embroidered cloaks for the purpose of ridiculing the gifts of the king.

XVIII. When he tried cases, he had in his council not only his friends and the members of his staff, but also jurists, in particular Juventius Celsus, Salvius Julianus, Neratius Priscus, and others, only those, however, whom the senate had in every instance approved. Among other decisions he ruled that in no community should any house be demolished for the purpose of transporting any building-materials to another city. To the child of an outlawed person he granted a twelfth of the property. Accusations for lese majeste he did not admit. Legacies from persons unknown to him he refused, and even those left to him by acquaintances he would not accept if they had any children. In regard to treasure-trove, he ruled that if anyone made a find on his own property he might keep it, if on another's land, he should turn over half to the proprietor thereof, if on the state's, he should share the find equally with the privy-purse. He forbade masters to kill their slaves, and ordered that any who deserved it should be sentenced by the courts. He forbade anyone to sell a slave or a maid-servant to a procurer or trainer of gladiators without giving a reason therefor. He ordered that those who had wasted their property, if legally responsible, should be flogged in the amphitheatre and then let go. Houses of hard labour for slaves and free he abolished. He provided separate baths for the sexes. He issued an order that, if a slave-owner were murdered in his house, no slaves should be examined save those who were near enough to have had a knowledge of the murder.

XIX. In Etruria he held a praetorship while emperor. In the Latin towns he was dictator and aedile and duumvir, in Naples demarch, in his native city duumvir with the powers of censor. This office he held at Hadria, too, his second native city, as it were, and at Athens he was archon.

In almost every city he built some building and gave public games. At Athens he exhibited in the stadium a hunt of a thousand wild beasts, but he never called away from Rome a single wild-beast-hunter or actor. In Rome, in addition to popular entertainments of unbounded extravagance, he gave spices to the people in honour of his mother-in-law, and in honour of Trajan he caused essences of balsam and saffron to be poured over the seats of the theatre. And in the theatre he presented plays of all kinds in the ancient manner and had the court-players appear before the public. In the Circus he had many wild beasts killed and often a whole hundred of lions. He often gave the people exhibitions of military Pyrrhic dances, and he frequently attended gladiatorial shows. He built public buildings in all places and without number, but he inscribed his own name on none of them except the temple of his father Trajan. At Rome he restored the Pantheon, the Voting-enclosure, the Basilica of Neptune, very many temples, the Forum of Augustus, the Baths of Agrippa, and dedicated all of them in the names of their original builders. Also he constructed the bridge named after himself, a tomb on the bank of the Tiber, and the temple of the Bona Dea. With the aid of the architect Decrianus he raised the Colossus and, keeping it in an upright position, moved it away from the place in which the Temple of Rome is now, though its weight was so vast that he had to furnish for the work as many as twenty-four elephants. This statue he then consecrated to the Sun, after removing the features of Nero, to whom it had previously been dedicated, and he also planned, with the assistance of the architect Apollodorus, to make a similar one for the Moon.

XX. Most democratic in his conversations, even with the very humble, he denounced all who, in the belief that they were thereby maintaining the imperial dignity, begrudged him the pleasure of such friendliness. In the Museum at Alexandria he propounded many questions to the teachers and answered himself what he had propounded. Marius Maximus says that he was naturally cruel and performed so many kindnesses only because he feared that he might meet the fate which had befallen Domitian.

Though he cared nothing for inscriptions on his public works, he gave the name of Hadrianopolis to many cities, as, for example, even to Carthage and a section of Athens; and he also gave his name to aqueducts without number. He was the first to appoint a pleader for the privy-purse.

Hadrian's memory was vast and his ability was unlimited; for instance, he personally dictated his speeches and gave opinions on all questions. He was also very witty, and of his jests many still survive. The following one has even become famous: When he had refused a request to a certain grey-haired man, and the man repeated the request but this time with dyed hair, Hadrian replied, "I have already refused this to your father." Even without the aid of a nomenclator he could call by name a great many people, whose names he had heard but once and then all in a crowd; indeed, he could correct the nomenclators when they made mistakes, as they not infrequently did, and he even knew the names of the veterans whom he had discharged at various times. He could repeat from memory, after a rapid reading, books which to most men were not known at all. He wrote, dictated, listened, and, incredible as it seems, conversed with his friends, all at one and the same time. He had as complete a knowledge of the state-budget in all its details as any careful householder has of his own household. His horses and dogs he loved so much that he provided burial-places for them, and in one locality he founded a town called Hadrianotherae, because once he had hunted successfully there and killed a bear.

XXI. He always inquired into the actions of all his judges, and persisted in his inquiries until he satisfied himself of the truth about them. He would not allow his freedmen to be prominent in public affairs or to have any influence over himself, and he declared that all his predecessors were to blame for the faults of their freedmen; he also punished all his freedmen who boasted of their influence over him. With regard to his treatment of his slaves, the following incident, stern but almost humorous, is still related. Once when he saw one of his slaves walk away from his presence between two senators, he sent someone to give him a box on the ear and say to him: "Do not walk between those whose slave you may some day be." As an article of food he was singularly fond of tetrapharmacum, which consisted of pheasant, sow's udders, ham, and pastry.

During his reign there were famines, pestilence, and earthquakes. The distress caused by all these calamities he relieved to the best of his ability, and also he aided many communities which had been devastated by them. There was also an overflow of the Tiber. To many communities he gave Latin citizenship, and to many others he remitted their tribute.

There were no campaigns of importance during his reign, and the wars that he did wage were brought to a close almost without arousing comment. The soldiers loved him much on account of his very great interest in the army and for his great liberality to them besides. The Parthians always regarded him as a friend because he took away the king whom Trajan had set over them. The Armenians were permitted to have their own king, whereas under Trajan they had had a governor, and the Mesopotamians were relieved of the tribute which Trajan had imposed. The Albanians and Hiberians he made his friends by lavishing gifts upon their kings, even though they had scorned to come to him. The kings of the Bactrians sent envoys to him to beg humbly for his friendship.

XXII. He very often assigned guardians. Discipline in civil life he maintained as rigorously as he did in military. He ordered senators and knights to wear the toga whenever they appeared in public except when they were returning from a banquet, and he himself, when in Italy, always appeared thus clad. At banquets, when senators came, he received them standing, and he always reclined at table dressed either in a Greek cloak or in a toga. The cost of a banquet he determined on each occasion, all with the utmost care, and he reduced the sums that might be expended to the amounts prescribed by the ancient laws. He forbade entry into Rome of heavily laden waggons, and he did not permit riding on horseback in cities. None but invalids were allowed to bathe in the public baths before the eighth hour of the day. He was the first to put knights in charge of the imperial correspondence and of the petitions addressed to the emperor. Those men whom he saw to be poor and innocent he enriched of his own accord, but those who had become rich through sharp practice he actually regarded with hatred. He despised foreign cults, but native Roman ones he observed most scrupulously; moreover, he always performed the duties of pontifex maximus. He tried a great number of lawsuits himself both in Rome and in the provinces, and to his council he called consuls and praetors and the foremost of the senators. He drained the Fucine Lake. He appointed four men of consular rank as judges for all Italy. When he went to Africa it rained on his arrival for the first time in the space of five years, and for this he was beloved by the Africans.

XXIII. After traversing, as he did, all parts of the world with bare head and often in severe storms and frosts, he contracted an illness which confined him to his bed. And becoming anxious about a successor he thought first of Servianus. Afterwards, however, as I have said, he forced him to commit suicide; and Fuscus, too, he put to death on the ground that, being spurred on by prophecies and omens, he was hoping for the imperial power. Carried away by suspicion, he held in the greatest abhorrence Platorius Nepos, whom he had formerly so loved that, once, when he went to see him while ill and was refused admission, he nevertheless let him go unpunished. Also he hated Terentius Gentianus, but even more vehemently, because he saw that he was then beloved by the senate. At last, he came to hate all those of whom he had thought in connection with the imperial power, as though they were really about to be emperors. However, he controlled all the force of his innate cruelty down to the time when in his Tiburtine Villa he almost met his death through a hemorrhage. Then he threw aside all restraint and compelled Servianus to kill himself, on the ground that he aspired to the empire, merely because he gave a feast to the royal slaves, sat in a royal chair placed close to his bed, and, though an old man of ninety, used to arise and go forward to meet the guard of soldiers. He put many others to death, either openly or by treachery, and indeed, when his wife Sabina died, the rumour arose that the Emperor had given her poison.

Hadrian then determined to adopt Ceionius Commodus, son-in-law of Nigrinus, the former conspirator, and this in spite of the fact that his sole recommendation was his beauty. Accordingly, despite the opposition of all, he adopted Ceionius Commodus Verus and called him Aelius Verus Caesar. On the occasion of the adoption he gave games in the Circus and bestowed largess upon the populace and the soldiers. He dignified Commodus with the office of praetor and immediately placed him in command of the Pannonian provinces, and also conferred on him the consulship together with money enough to meet the expenses of the office. He also appointed Commodus to a second consulship. And when he saw that the man was diseased, he used often to say: "We have leaned against a tottering wall and have wasted the four hundred million sesterces which we gave to the populace and the soldiers on the adoption of Commodus." Moreover, because of his ill-health, Commodus could not even make a speech in the senate thanking Hadrian for his adoption. Finally, too large a quantity of medicine was administered to him, and thereupon his illness increased, and he died in his sleep on the very Kalends of January. Because of the date Hadrian forbade public mourning for him, in order that the vows for the state might be assumed as usual.

XXIV. After the death of Aelius Verus Caesar, Hadrian was attacked by a very severe illness, and thereupon he adopted Arrius Antoninus (who was afterwards called Pius), imposing on him the condition that he adopt two sons, Annius Verus and Marcus Antoninus. These were the two who afterwards ruled the empire together, the first joint Augusti. And as for Antoninus, he was called Pius, it is said, because he used to give his arm to his father-in-law when weakened by old age. However, others assert that this surname was given to him because, as Hadrian grew more cruel, he rescued many senators from the Emperor; others, again, that it was because he bestowed great honours upon Hadrian after his death. The adoption of Antoninus was lamented by many at that time, particularly by Catilius Severus, the prefect of the city, who was making plans to secure the throne for himself. When this fact became known, a successor was appointed for him and he was deprived of his office.

But Hadrian was now seized with the utmost disgust of life and ordered a servant to stab him with a sword. When this was disclosed and reached the ears of Antoninus, he came to the Emperor, together with the prefects, and begged him to endure with fortitude the hard necessity of illness, declaring furthermore that he himself would be no better than a parricide, were he, an adopted son, to permit Hadrian to be killed. The Emperor then became angry and ordered the betrayer of the secret to be put to death; however, the man was saved by Antoninus. Then Hadrian immediately drew up his will, though he did not lay aside the administration of the empire. Once more, however, after making his will, he attempted to kill himself, but the dagger was taken from him. He then became more violent, and he even demanded poison from his physician, who thereupon killed himself in order that he might not have to administer it.

XXV. About this time there came a certain woman, who said that she had been warned in a dream to coax Hadrian to refrain from killing himself, for he was destined to recover entirely, but that she had failed to do this and had become blind; she had nevertheless been ordered a second time to give the same message to Hadrian and to kiss his knees, and was assured of the recovery of her sight if she did so. The woman then carried out the command of the dream, and reeived her sight after she had bathed her eyes with the water in the temple from which she had come. Also a blind old man from Pannonia came to Hadrian when he was ill with fever, and touched him; whereupon the man received his sight, and the fever left Hadrian. All these things, however, Marius Maximus declares were done as a hoax.

After this Hadrian departed for Baiae, leaving Antoninus at Rome to carry on the government. But he received no benefit there, and he thereupon sent for Antoninus, and in his presence he died there at Baiae on the sixth day before the Ides of July. Hated by all, he was buried at Puteoli on an estate that had belonged to Cicero.

Just before his death, he compelled Servianus, then ninety years old, to kill himself, as has been said before, in order that Servianus might not outlive him, and, as he thought, become emperor. He likewise gave orders that very many others who were guilty of slight offences should be put to death; these, however, were spared by Antoninus. And he is said, as he lay dying, to have composed the following lines:

O blithe little soul, thou, flitting away,
Guest and comrade of this my clay,
Whither now goest thou, to what place
Bare and ghastly and without grace?
Nor, as thy wont was, joke and play.

Such verses as these did he compose, and not many that were better, and also some in Greek.

He lived 62 years, 5 months, 17 days. He ruled 20 years, 11 months.

XXVI. He was tall of stature and elegant in appearance; his hair was curled on a comb, and he wore a full beard to cover up the natural blemishes on his face; and he was very strongly built. He rode and walked a great deal and always kept himself in training by the use of arms and the javelin. He also hunted, and he used often to kill a lion with his own hand, but once in a hunt he broke his collar-bone and a rib; these hunts of his he always shared with his friends. At his banquets he always furnished, according to the occasion, tragedies, comedies, Atellan farces, players on the sambuca, readers, or poets. His villa at Tibur was marvellously constructed, and he actually gave to parts of it the names of provinces and places of the greatest renown, calling them, for instance, Lyceum, Academia, Prytaneum, Canopus, Poecile and Tempe. And in order not to omit anything, he even made a Hades.

The premonitions of his death were as follows: On his last birthday, when he was commending Antoninus to the gods, his bordered toga fell down without apparent cause and bared his head. His ring, on which his portrait was carved, slipped of its own accord from his finger. On the day before his birthday some one came into the senate wailing; by his presence Hadrian was as disturbed as if he were speaking about his own death, for no one could understand what he was saying. Again, in the senate, when he meant to say, "after my son's death," he said, "after mine." Besides, he dreamed that he had asked his father for a soporific; he also dreamed that he had been overcome by a lion.

XXVII. Much was said against him after his death, and by many persons. The senate wished to annul his acts, and would have refrained from naming him "the Deified" had not Antoninus requested it. Antoninus, moreover, finally built a temple for him at Puteoli to take the place of a tomb, and he also established a quinquennial contest and flamens and sodales and many other institutions which appertain to the honour of one regarded as a god. It is for this reason, as has been said before, that many think that Antoninus received the surname Pius.

The Site Concept and Design: created 26 Jan 1996: latest revision 20 January 2021 [ Internet History Sourcebooks Project is located at the History Department of Fordham University, New York. The Internet Medieval Sourcebook, and other medieval components of the project, are located at the Fordham University Center for Medieval Studies.The IHSP recognizes the contribution of Fordham University, the Fordham University History Department, and the Fordham Center for Medieval Studies in providing web space and server support for the project. The IHSP is a project independent of Fordham University. Although the IHSP seeks to follow all applicable copyright law, Fordham University is not the institutional owner, and is not liable as the result of any legal action. Paul Halsall Curriculum vitae]

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I. The original home of the family of the Emperor Hadrian was Picenum, the later, Spain; for Hadrian himself relates in his autobiography that his forefathers came from Hadria, but settled in Italica in the time of the Scipios.

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The Berlin Wall (1961-1989) was a guarded, concrete wall between West Berlin (controlled by the Western Allies) and East Berlin (the Soviet sector of Berlin and the capital of East Germany). It was constructed by East Germany, officially known as the German Democratic Republic, and was described by its government as a barrier protecting its people from "fascist elements." The Berlin Wall closed off the population flow between East Germany and West Germany. Between 1949 and 1961 about 2.5 million East Germans had fled to the West. By the 1980s the Wall, including electrified fences and fortifications, extended 28 miles (45 km) through Berlin and a further 75 miles (120 km) around West Berlin. It came to physically symbolize the Iron Curtain that separated Western Europe and the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War. The Berlin Wall was demolished in 1989 as a result of the wave of democratization in East Europe, and was followed by the unification of Germany in 1990.

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The Berlin Wall (1961-1989) was a guarded, concrete wall between West Berlin (controlled by the Western Allies) and East Berlin (the Soviet sector of Berlin and the capital of East Germany). It was constructed by East Germany, officially known as the German Democratic Republic, and was described by its government as a barrier protecting its people from "fascist elements."

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Berlin Wall | Definition, Length, & Facts

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Berlin Wall, barrier that surrounded West Berlin and prevented access to it from East Berlin and adjacent areas of East Germany during the period from 1961 to 1989. The system of walls, electrified fences, and fortifications extended 28 miles through Berlin and extended a further 75 miles around West Berlin.

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Table of Contents

What is the Han dynasty known for?

When was the Han dynasty founded?

How did the Han dynasty fall?

Han dynasty, Wade-Giles romanization Han, the second great imperial dynasty of China (206 bce-220 ce), after the Zhou dynasty (1046-256 bce). It succeeded the Qin dynasty (221-207 bce). So thoroughly did the Han dynasty establish what was thereafter considered Chinese culture that "Han" became the Chinese word denoting someone who is ethnically Chinese.

History of the Han dynasty

The dynasty was founded by Liu Bang, later the Gaozu emperor (reigned 206-195 bce), a man of humble birth who led the revolt against the repressive policies of the preceding short-lived Qin dynasty. The Han copied the highly centralized Qin administrative structure, dividing the country into a series of administrative areas ruled by centrally appointed officials and developing a salaried bureaucracy in which promotion was based primarily on merit. Unlike the Qin, however, the Han adopted a Confucian ideology that emphasized moderation, virtue, and filial piety and thereby masked the authoritarian policies of the regime.

So successful was that policy that the Han lasted longer than any other Chinese empire, reigning-with a short interruption when Wang Mang temporarily usurped the throne and established the Xin dynasty (9-25 ce)-for more than 400 years. Eleven members of the Liu family followed in the Gaozu emperor's place until 6 ce (a 12th briefly occupied the throne as a puppet). In 25 ce the authority of the Han dynasty was reaffirmed by Liu Xiu (posthumous name Guangwudi), who reigned as Han emperor until 57. Thirteen of his descendants maintained the dynastic succession until 220, when the rule of a single empire was replaced by that of three separate kingdoms. ( See Three Kingdoms [Sanguo].)

Some scholars divide the Han into two sections. The period before Wang Mang's usurpation-when the capital was in the western Chinese city of Chang'an (now Xi'an, Shaanxi province)-is called the Qian (Former), or Xi (Western) Han (206 bce-25 ce), and the period after Wang Mang-when the capital was moved eastward to Luoyang (in present-day Henan province-is named the Hou (Later), or Dong (Eastern), Han (25-220 ce). The four centuries in question, however, may be treated as a single historical period by virtue of dynastic continuity, for, apart from the short interval of 9-25, imperial authority was unquestionably vested in successive members of the same family, although the period was one of considerable changes in imperial, political, and social development. Organs of government were established, tried, modified, or replaced, and new social distinctions were brought into being. Chinese prestige among other peoples varied with the political stability and military strength of the Han house, and the extent of territory that was subject to the jurisdiction of Han officials varied with the success of Han arms. At the same time, the example of the palace, the activities of government, and the growing luxuries of city life gave rise to new standards of cultural and technological achievement.

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Han dynasty | Definition, Map, Time Period, Achievements, & Facts

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Han dynasty, the second great imperial dynasty of China (206 BCE-220 CE), after the Zhou dynasty (1046-256 BCE). So thoroughly did the Han dynasty establish what was thereafter considered Chinese culture that 'Han' became the Chinese word denoting someone who is ethnically Chinese.

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Korea, located on a large peninsula on the eastern coast of the Asian mainland, has been inhabited since Neolithic times. The first recognisable political state was Gojoseon in the second half of the…

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Selections from the Han Narrative Histories The period of the Han Dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) in many ways can be said to mark the beginning of the history of the Silk Road. This time marked the first lengthy period of unified rule over China, a time of great political, economic and cultural achievements.

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Al-Andalus, also called Muslim Spain, Muslim kingdom that occupied much of the Iberian Peninsula from 711 ce until the collapse of the Spanish Umayyad dynasty in the early 11th century. The Arabic name Al-Andalus was originally applied by the Muslims ( Moors) to the entire Iberian Peninsula; it likely refers to the Vandals who occupied the region in the 5th century. In the 11th century, when European Christians began to reconquer the peninsula, Al-Andalus, or Andalusia, came to mean only the area still under Muslim control and thus became permanently attached to the modern-day region.

© Brandus Dan Lucian/Shutterstock.com

Initial Muslim conquests

The Byzantine Empire, weakened by its wars with Persia and the alienation of its Coptic Christian and Jewish populations, lost Syria (636) and Egypt (640) to the nascent Muslim caliphate, which then invaded Libya. The Byzantines managed to hold Carthage until almost the end of the 7th century, but the establishment of the Muslim military headquarters at Kairouan in 670 marked the beginning of the Islamic conquest of the Maghreb. From there ʿUqbah ibn Nafiʿ (Sīdī ʿUqbah) led an expedition to Morocco ( c. 680-682). ʿUqbah was killed on the return journey, and it was not until 705 that the caliph al-Walid appointed a new governor, Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr. Mūsā annexed the entirety of North Africa as far as Tangier, leaving his general Ṭāriq ibn Ziyād to administer and Islamize the Berbers. Only Ceuta remained in Christian hands, being supplied from Spain by the Goth Witiza.

On the death of Witiza, his dispossessed family appealed to the Muslims, ceded Ceuta, and enabled Ṭāriq to land in Spain with a Berber army. On hearing the news, Roderick, who had succeeded Witiza as king of the Visigoths, hastened southward, and Ṭāriq called on Mūsā for reinforcements. Roderick was killed in battle near Arcos de la Frontera, on July 23, 711. Ṭāriq at once marched on Toledo (Ṭulayṭulah) and occupied it, probably while the family of Witiza was still negotiating with Mūsā and the caliph. Mūsā himself brought another army, reduced Merida, the last stronghold of the followers of Roderick, entered Toledo and Zaragoza (Saraqusṭah), and perhaps crossed the northern Meseta, forcing the Visigoths to submit or flee.

When the caliph summoned Mūsā to return to the Umayyad capital at Damascus, Mūsā left his son Abd al-Aziz to govern Al-Andalus from Sevilla (Ishbīliyah). Both Mūsā and Ṭāriq were accused of misappropriation and died in obscurity in the East. Abd al-Aziz was murdered, and the caliphs appointed a succession of governors. The capital was moved to Córdoba, and the three sons of Witiza were restored to the "royal estates" but not to royal power. Pelayo, a follower of Roderick, established himself in a strong position in the Asturias (718-737). After an unsuccessful attempt to subdue him, in which Pelayo won a small but significant battle at Covadonga, he was left alone.

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Islamic hegemony in Spain

The Muslim governors carried their advance into Gothic Gaul, settling Berbers in the Pyrenees, and penetrated deep into France. A Muslim army was defeated by Charles Martel at the Battle of Tours (732), but significant raids into Frankish territory would continue for the next decade. Muslim expansion north of the Pyrenees would come to a halt largely because of the great rebellion of the Berbers which erupted throughout North Africa in 739. This uprising spread to Spain, and the governor of Al-Andalus requested assistance from Damascus. The caliph dispatched an army from Syria under Balj ibn Bishr, which suppressed the Berbers in North Africa before embarking from Ceuta to Spain. Balj put down the rebellion in Spain, seized power in Córdoba (742), and executed the governor, only to be killed in combat shortly thereafter. These troubles enabled Alfonso I of the Asturias to briefly assert himself in Galicia and the Meseta, but he lacked the resources to occupy them permanently.

A new governor temporarily pacified Al-Andalus, but the Umayyad caliphate was on the verge of collapse. Caliph Hishām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik had kept the factional tensions between northern (Qays) and southern (Kalb) Arab tribes in check, but those simmering feuds turned into open conflicts after his death in 743. Meanwhile, many mawālī (non-Arab Muslims) had gravitated toward Hāshimiyyah, an explicitly anti-Umayyad sect, and in 747 Abu Muslim launched a major uprising against the Umayyad caliph Marwān II. Abu Muslim's armies propelled the ʿAbbāsids to power in 749, and the defeat of Marwān II at the Battle of the Great Zāb River in 750 marked the end of the Umayyad caliphate. During this time, Spain was governed by Yusuf al-Fihrī, an experienced general who had established himself at Narbonne, and al-Sumail, Yusuf's Syrian lieutenant, who held Zaragoza and the northeast frontier. While the ʿAbbāsids worked to exterminate the remnants of the Umayyad line, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān I, the grandson of Hishām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik, fled to North Africa. After making his way to Spain in 755, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān surveyed the political landscape, and he expertly played the rival factions of Al-Andalus against each other. Backed by a mercenary army, he eventually gathered enough strength to challenge Yusuf for supremacy. In May 756 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān defeated Yusuf's forces outside Córdoba, and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān chose that city as the capital of the Spanish Umayyad emirate (caliphate from 929).

Reign of the Andalusian Umayyads

The ascent of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān assured the survival of Muslim power in Spain. Confronted by the intrigues of the ʿAbbāsids, by the jealousy of the earlier Muslim settlers, who opposed his appointments, and by the uncertain situation on the Frankish frontier, he nevertheless succeeded in establishing himself in Córdoba, setting up an Umayyad administration, and introducing the elements of Syrian culture into Al-Andalus. Supported by his standing mercenary army, he temporarily repressed the rivalries of the Arab aristocracy. In 763 he defended his territories against an invasion organized by al-Manṣūr, the ʿAbbāsid caliph of Baghdad. After defeating the ʿAbbāsid force, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān executed its leaders and sent their preserved heads to Baghdad as a gesture of defiance. The ʿAbbāsids were subsequently unable to effectively intervene in Spain and never succeeded in recovering northwest Africa.

ʿAbd al-Raḥmān introduced internal reforms to Al-Andalus, which included the formation of a council of state, the reorganization of the judiciary under a senior qadi (judge), and the division of Spain into six military provinces. His embellishment of Córdoba included the construction of a spectacular mosque, schools, and hospitals, and he was noted for his clemency toward Spain's Christian population. The Frankish annexation of Narbonne and of the hitherto independent duchy of Aquitaine further weakened the Pyrenean frontier, and, when a dissident governor of Zaragoza appealed to the Franks, their king, Charlemagne, invaded Spain, only to find the gates of Zaragoza shut against him. He was defeated by a combination of Basques and Muslims as he retreated through the Pyrenees at Roncesvalles (778).

After this failure, Charlemagne realized that he could not win Spanish support for his designs without the favour of the Spanish church. He intervened in the adoptionist controversy in order to discredit the metropolitan of Toledo and to separate the church of the small independent kingdom of Asturias. He succeeded in undermining the authority of Toledo, and the creation of the kingdom of Toulouse enabled his frontiersmen to conquer Barcelona (801), which was placed under a Gothic governor. The imperialism of the Franks soon led to a revival of localist sentiment, however, and, after Charlemagne's death in 814, the Basques and other Pyrenean peoples broke away from Frankish rule. In the Asturias, the peace with the Muslims had ended as the authority of Toledo was rejected, and armies from Córdoba advancing up the Ebro began to raid Álava and Castile. The young Alfonso II withstood these attacks for 10 years, until a succession crisis in the emirate of Córdoba gave him some respite.

ʿAbd al-Raḥmān had designated his second son, Hishām I (788-796), to follow him, but this was challenged by his elder son, Sulaiman, governor of Toledo. The standoff was resolved when Sulaiman accepted a pension in Africa. Hisham was succeeded by his young son al-Ḥakam I (796-822), but again the succession was disputed. The rebellion of Toledo, savagely repressed by the murder of many of the Gothic inhabitants, obliged the emir to engage large numbers of professional soldiers, often Slavs or Berbers, and to levy new taxation to support them. When the population of Córdoba rebelled, the uprising was put down with great bloodshed, and the suburb of Secunda was razed.

Under ʿAbd al-Raḥmān II (822-852), the urban rebellions were stilled, as the Muslim garrisons protected themselves in inner fortresses. Frankish pressure, after the fall of Barcelona and Tarragona, was relaxed, and the Muslims left the northeast to the mawālī Banū Qāsī family, whose influence was for a time so great that they were called the "Third Kings of Spain." The court of Córdoba, now prosperous, cultivated Arabic literature and the refinements of Eastern life. The tranquility of Al-Andalus was shaken in 844 when the Norsemen sailed down the Atlantic seaboard and forced their way into the Guadalquivir, raiding Sevilla.

In the north, Alfonso II's small Asturian kingdom had allied itself with its Basque neighbours and repopulated the frontier of Castile. It occupied the new capital of Oviedo and attracted the bishops of Galicia, where the discovery of the supposed tomb of St. James at Padrón had turned the nearby town of Santiago de Compostela into a significant Christian religious centre.

In the south, the Christians of Córdoba, now obliged to use Arabic or be excluded from the business of the state, again became restless. When ʿAbd al-Raḥmān II was succeeded by his son Mohammed I (852-886), some of these Mozarabs (Spanish Christians who retained their faith but adopted the Arabic language) protested by seeking out martyrdom. This movement, led by Eulogius (died 859), ultimately collapsed, and many Christians subequently converted to Islam. Finding themselves still discriminated against, they joined the great rebellion of the crypto-Christian chief ʿUmar ibn Ḥafṣūn, which raged from 880 until 928. ʿUmar's rebellion grew under a pair of weak emirs-al-Mundhir (886-888) and ʿAbd Allāh (888-912)-and for a moment ʿUmar threatened Córdoba itself.

ʿUmar's contemporary, Alfonso III (866-910), king of Asturias, supported the cult of St. James at Santiago de Compostela in an effort to energize his Christian kingdom. He authorized Vimara Peres to set up the county of Portugal, and claimed that his goal was the restoration of the Visigothic monarchy in Spain. Alfonso styled himself as emperor, but his aspirations were quashed when he was deposed by his sons, and his dream of a reborn Visigothic kingdom died with ʿUmar. Instead, the new ruler of Córdoba, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III (912-961), outplayed the Christians with a shrewd combination of diplomacy and aggression.

The Golden Age of Muslim Spain

ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III would prove to be the greatest of the Spanish Umayyad rulers. His grandfather was the emir ʿAbd Allāh, and his father, Muhammad, was assassinated when ʿAbd al-Raḥmān was still an infant. Gifted with charm and a keen intellect, the young prince quickly became ʿAbd Allāh's favourite, and he was selected as the emir's heir apparent over a number of other contenders. ʿAbd Allāh died in October 912, and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ascended the throne when he was just 21 years old. He would govern Muslim Spain for nearly half a century.

The first 10 years of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III's reign were spent in restoring central authority, the rest in defending his northern borders against the inroads of the Leonese and in stemming the westward advance in North Africa of the Fāṭimids. Almost from the moment he assumed the throne, he campaigned against ʿUmar, reducing the warlord's sphere of influence and capturing his strongholds. ʿUmar died in 917, and, although his sons resumed their allegiance to the rulers of Córdoba, the rebel fortress of Bobastro would not fall until 928. In 929 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III declared himself caliph, and under his rule Córdoba grew to become the largest and most cultured city of Europe. The seat of Europe's first academy of medicine and a centre for geographers, architects, craftsmen, artists, and scholars of every kind, Córdoba rivaled for a brief period the splendour of Harun al-Rashid's Baghdad. He also built the opulent royal city of Madīnat al-Zahrāʾ (Medina Azahara) some 5 miles (8 km) west of Córdoba. The city was abandoned after the unrest that consumed the Umayyad caliphate in 1009, and the ruins of Madīnat al-Zahrāʾ would remain undiscovered until the early 20th century. In 2018 Madīnat al-Zahrāʾ was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site as an outstanding example of the arts and architecture of Muslim Spain.

For a time ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III's navy mastered the western Mediterranean, and he maintained diplomatic relations with the Byzantine emperor and with the princes of southern Europe. He also dominated northwest Africa, which supplied him with Berber troops. These forces would prove vital for his struggle against the Christian kings of Leon and Navarre. The Leonese had tested ʿAbd al-Raḥmān in the first year of his reign by driving deep into Umayyad territory and slaughtering the Muslim population of Talavera de la Reina. Beginning in 920, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān led a series of campaigns that culminated in the sacking of the Navarrese capital at Pamplona in 924. This brought a period of stability to the Christian frontier, but the ascent of Ramiro II to the Leonese throne in 932 ushered in an era of renewed hostility. Skirmishes along the frontier led to a clash at Simancas in 939, where the Muslims were soundly beaten and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān himself narrowly escaped death. A growing Castilian separatist movement within his own domains rendered Ramiro unable to capitalize on this victory, however, and he negotiated a five-year truce with the caliphate in 944.

After Ramiro's death in 950, the Christian kingdoms descended into civil war, and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān was quick to recover that which had been lost. By the end of the decade, Muslim domination of Spain was virtually complete. The king of Navarre, Garcia Sánchez, was ʿAbd al-Raḥmān's cousin, and he owed his throne to the caliph's support. Sancho I, the king of Leon, was deposed by his own nobles but regained the crown in 960 entirely as a result of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān's intervention. By the time of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān's death in 961, the Christian kingdoms had been thoroughly subjugated. Ambassadors from Leon, Navarre, Barcelona, and Castile all traveled to Cordóba to pledge homage and pay tribute to the caliph.

The decline of the Spanish Umayyads

ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III was succeeded by his son, al-Ḥakam II (961-976), a lover of learning who gave protection to writers and thinkers who were not strictly orthodox. During his largely peaceful reign, the library of Cordóba boasted a collection of more than 400,000 books. Al-Ḥakam came to the throne relatively late in life, and his heir, Hishām II (976-1013), succeeded him at age 12. The young caliph would spend his reign as a puppet; his mother had supported the rise of Abū ʿĀmir al-Manṣūr (Almanzor), a courtier who could trace his descent to the initial Muslim conquest. Manṣūr possessed keen political instincts and, with skill, tact, and efficiency, came to establish himself as the de facto ruler of the caliphate. With his father-in-law, the general Ghālib, he overthrew the previous ḥajib (chief minister) in 978. A rupture with Ghālib led to the latter's defeat and death in battle in 981, and that year Manṣūr adopted the honorific al-Manṣūr bi-Allāh ("Made Victorious by God").

Manṣūr gave the African territories local independence under Umayyad suzerainty, maintaining the caliphate's influence in the Maghreb while reducing the drain on his own treasury. He introduced military reforms that professionalized the army, and he recruited a new cadre of skilled Berber troops. Manṣūr showed no hesitation about using this force, and he carried out dozens of punishing campaigns against the Christian states of northern Spain. He sacked the capitals of virtually every Christian kingdom on the Iberian Peninsula, and in 997 he razed Santiago de Compostela. Although Hishām II retained the nominal title of caliph, in 994 Manṣūr began to style himself as al-Malik al-Karīm ("Noble King") as a reflection of the power he wielded. He died at Medinaceli on August 10, 1002, while returning from a campaign.

Manṣūr's eldest son, ʿAbd al-Malik al-Muẓaffar, continued the so-called ʿĀmirid dictatorship, ruling for six years before his premature death in 1008. His younger brother, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Sanchuelo, lacked the political skill to operate the delicate machinery that his father had constructed. He lost control of the Berber generals and angered the Arab aristocracy by having himself proclaimed successor to the caliph. In 1009 a revolution in Cordóba led to the deposition of Hishām II and murder of Sanchuelo. No Umayyad could control the Berbers, who sacked the capital and began to demand land in Al-Andalus. The uprising would usher in some 20 years of unrest.

In 1016 the Ḥammūdids of Ceuta intervened and set up their own caliphate but spent nearly a decade fighting among themselves. Finally, in November 1031 the leading families of Cordóba abolished the caliphate and declared a republic. The provinces of Al-Andalus became independent taifas (principalities) whose rulers pretended to be ḥajib s of a no-longer existent caliphate.
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Al-Andalus, Muslim kingdom that occupied much of the Iberian Peninsula from 711 CE until the collapse of the Spanish Umayyad dynasty in the early 11th century. The Arabic name Al-Andalus likely refers to the Vandals who occupied the Iberian Peninsula in the 5th century.

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Table of Contents

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Mozarabic art, architecture and other visual arts of the Mozarabs, Christians who lived in the Iberian Peninsula after the Arab invasion of 711. The conquered Christians were tolerated, although called mustaʿrib ("arabicized," from which "Mozarab" is derived), and maintained their traditional religion. Exposure to Islāmic culture and art forms proved to be influential, however, and their art became a synthesis of the two traditions. The subject matter is Christian, but the style shows the assimilation of Islāmic decorative motifs and forms. Even those who emigrated to reconquered territory or to other countries continued to produce art and architecture in the Mozarabic style, and it was in part the result of these movements that Arabic influences spread northward into Europe.

The Mozarabic style is identifiable only in religious art; in the minor arts-especially textiles, ceramic tiles, and pottery-the style is so close to contemporary Islāmic work that only by the Christian subject matter is it known that the artists were not Arabs. Among the most characteristic Mozarabic productions was a series of manuscripts called the Beatus Apocalypses, brightly illustrated copies of commentaries on the Book of Revelation by the monk Beatus of Liébana. Their iconography influenced the Romanesque works that superseded them.

Mozarabic architecture also shows the influence of Islāmic style, especially in its use of the horseshoe-shaped arch and the ribbed dome. Restrictions on building and restoring their shrines inhibited the Mozarabs still living under Muslim rule, but a large number of churches built in the Mozarabic style by monks who emigrated to the non-Islāmic territories of northern Spain survive from the late 9th to early 11th century. San Miguel de Escalada, near León, for example, the largest surviving example of Mozarabic architecture, was founded by monks from Córdoba and consecrated in 913.

Amy Tikkanen.

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Mozarabic art, architecture and other visual arts of the Mozarabs, Christians who lived in the Iberian Peninsula after the Arab invasion of 711. The conquered Christians were tolerated, although called mustaʿrib ("arabicized," from which "Mozarab" is derived), and maintained their traditional religion.

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NOTES: copyrighted means the text is not available for free distribution. In some cases alternate versions are available, and are working through the pipeline. Dates of accession of material can be seen in the

Internet Medieval Sourcebook

Selected Sources: Islam

Contents
Pre-Islamic Arabia

Ancient Accounts of Arabia
Accounts from Herodotus, Strabo, Dio Cassius, Ammianus Marcellinus, and Procopius.

Pre-Islamic Arabia: The Hanged Poems, before 622 CE
The Pre-Islamic poems of Imru-Ul-Quais, Antar, and Zuhair which Muhammad allowed to remain hanging in the Ka'aba.

Muhammad and Foundations - to 632 CE Islamic Expansion and Empire - to 750 CE

Al-Baladhuri: The Battle of The Yarmuk and After, 636 CE

Accounts of the Arab Conquest of Egypt, 642 CE
The Coptic account from The History of The Patriarchs of Alexandria and an Arab account - Al-Baladhuri: The Conquest of Alexandria

The Pact of Umar, 7th-9th Century?

Pact of Umar (another version), 7th-9th century CE?

Ibn Abd-el-Hakem: The Islamic Conquest of Spain .

Al Maggari: Tarik's Address to His Soldiers, 711 CE, from The Breath of Perfumes

Anonymous Arab Chronicler: The Battle of Poitiers (Tours), 732 CE

Arabs, Franks, and the Battle of Poitiers (Tours): Three Accounts, 732 CE

Abû Ûthmân al-Jâhiz: From The Essays, c. 860 CE
Arab Muslim views on the Zanj (Black Africans)

Ibn Fadlan: Risala 921 CE [At VikingAnswerLady]
Ibn Fadlan was an Arab chronicler. In 921 C.E., the Caliph sent Ibn Fadlan with an embassy to the King of the Bulgars of the Middle Volga. Ibn Fadlan wrote an account of his journeys with the embassy, called aRisala. This Risala is of great value as a history, although it is clear in some places that inaccuracies and Ibn Fadlan's own prejudices have slanted the account to some extent.

Nasir-i-Khusraw (1046-1052): Book of Travels (Safarnama) [At Traveling to Jerusalem/U Sth Colorado]

Benjamin of Tudela (1160-1173): The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela Critical Text, Translation and Commentary by Marcus Nathan Adler. [At Traveling to Jerusalem/U Sth Colorado]

Ibn Battuta (1307-1377 CE): Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354

Ibn Battuta (1307-1377 CE): Travels, selections.

The Abbasid Caliphate - after 750 CE

Philosophy
Ibn Rushd (Averroës) (1126-1198 CE): Religion & Philosophy, c. 1190 CE. The text is On the Harmony of Religions and Philosophy, or in ArabicKitab fasl al-maqal, with its appendix (Damina). Appended is an extract fromKitab al-kashf`an manahij al-adilla.

Science
Ibn Sina (Avicenna) (973-1037): On Medicine, c. 1020 CE

Literature

Al-Andalus: Muslim Spain Muslim Persia

See Ancient History Sourcebook: Near East for pre-Islamic Persian texts.

Omar Khayyam (d. 1123 CE): The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam (first edition), trans. by Edward FitzGerald (page images [At Virginia]

Omar Khayyam (d. 1123 CE):: The Rubiayat, c. 1120 CE, oranother version, both editions translated by Edward Fitzgerald.

Omar Khayyam (d. 1123 CE): The Rubaiyat, c. 1120
This is not the famous translation by Edward Fitgerald, but a more complete version by E. H. Whinfield.

Omar Khayyam (d. 1123 CE): In Praise of Wine, c. 1100

Omar Khayyam (d. 1123 CE): The Vanity of Regret, c. 1100

Omar Khayyam (d. 1123 CE): The Cup, c. 1110

Omar Khayyam (d. 1123 CE): Profession of Faith, c. 1120

Omar Khayyam (d. 1123 CE): The Wisdom of the Supreme, c. 1120

Nizami (1140-1203 CE): Khosru & Shireen, c. 1190
Nizami, Rumi and Jami (belowt) are the great classical poets of Muslim Persia.

Sa'di (1184-1292 CE): Gulistan, 1258 CE, Full text, in short sections. [At MIT]

Sa'di (1184-1292 CE): Gulistan, 1258 CE, Full text of Persian prose/poetry text with significant homoerotic content.

Sa'di (1184-1292 CE): The Gulistan, c. 1256 CE. translation by James Ross (1890)

Sa'di (1184-1292 CE): The Bustan

Jalal ad-Din Rumi (1207-1273 CE): The Masnavi, excerpts, c. 1250 CE

Jalal ad-Din Rumi (1207-1273 CE): The Fairest Land, c. 1250 CE

Jalal ad-Din Rumi (1207-1273 CE): Poems from the Divan-I Shams-I Tabriz, c. 1270 CE

Hafiz (1325-1389 CE): Verses in Praise of God, c. 1370 CE

Jami (114-1492 CE): Joseph and Zuleika, c. 1470 CE

Ibn al-Athir: On The Tatars, 1220-1221CE
The effects of the Mongols in Persia

Egypt and North Africa Muslim Religious Development

Alpamysh, a Central Asian, Turkic epic, [At ukc.ac.uk]
Full text of H.B. Paksoy, ALPAMYSH Central Asian Identity under Russian Rule (Hartford, Connecticut: AACAR, 1989), including translation

The Legends & Poetry of The Turks, selections

Old Turkish Tales: The Queen of Night

Sidi Ali Reis (16th Century CE): Mirat ul Memalik (The Mirror of Countries), 1557 CE
A Turkish traveler's account of the world of India and the Middle East.

The Status of Jews and Christians in Muslim Lands, 1772
A question on the position of Jews in Islam, and the answer of the Shaikh Hasan Al Kafrawi, The Shafiite [Professor of canon law in Cairo, d. 1788]

The The Internet History Sourcebooks Project is located at the Site Concept and Design: Internet Medieval Sourcebook is part of the History Department of Fordham University, New York. The Internet Medieval Sourcebook, and other medieval components of the project, are located at the Fordham University Center for Medieval Studies.The IHSP recognizes the contribution of Fordham University, the Fordham University History Department, and the Fordham Center for Medieval Studies in providing web space and server support for the project. The IHSP is a project independent of Fordham University. Although the IHSP seeks to follow all applicable copyright law, Fordham University is not the institutional owner, and is not liable as the result of any legal action.Internet History Sourcebooks Project. Paul Halsall

© created 26 Jan 1996: latest revision 20 January 2021
New Accessions Page. The date of inception was 1/20/1996. Links to files at other site are indicated by [At some indication of the site name or location]. No indication means that the text file is local. WEB indicates a link to one of small number of high quality web sites which provide either more texts or an especially valuable overview.

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NOTES: copyrighted means the text is not available for free distribution. In some cases alternate versions are available, and are working through the pipeline. Dates of accession of material can be seen in the Internet Medieval Sourcebook Selected Sources: Islam Contents Pre-Islamic Arabia Ancient Accounts of Arabia Accounts from Herodotus, Strabo, Dio Cassius, Ammianus Marcellinus, and Procopius.

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The origins of the crisis date back to the Congress of Berlin (13 June to 13 July 1878). In the course of this reorganisation of South East Europe, the Habsburg Empire attained the right to occupy the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the so-called Sanjak of Novi Pazar. Furthermore, the Habsburg Monarchy became the proprietor of state power in Bosnia and Herzegovina: not de jure, but de facto, because the Treaty of Berlin granted Austria-Hungary the right to build up its own administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well. After the outbreak of the Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire three decades later, Viennese politicians feared that the new rulers of the Sublime Porte would enforce a restoration of Ottoman political power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In particular, Vienna was afraid that representatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina could be sent to the new Ottoman parliament.

The Austro-Hungarian Approach and the Reactions of Constantinople and Belgrade ↑

Not least because of the enormous efforts Austria-Hungary had invested in the infrastructural development of Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1878 and 1918, the Ballhausplatz aimed at avoiding such a scenario at any price. On 6 October 1908, the Habsburg Monarchy informed the Ottoman Empire of its "annexation" of Bosnia and Herzegovina, stressing at the same time that the k. u. k. army would be withdrawn from the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. In other words, from this time on, Austria-Hungary was also de jure the ruler of Bosnia and Herzegovina. For the time being, the monarchy's step was strongly rejected in Constantinople. On 26 February 1909, the Habsburg-Ottoman crisis was resolved by a bilateral compromise, which inter alia provided certain privileges for the Muslim population of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

It is evident that the Habsburg Monarchy pursued yet another goal when it formally incorporated Bosnia and Herzegovina, namely the containment of the South Slav movement. Against this background, it is not surprising that the historian Zijad Šehić emphasizes that Francis Joseph I, Emperor of Austria (1830-1916) already announced the future constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina within his proclamation to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian people issued on the occasion of the "annexation." Concerning Austria-Hungary's neighbour, Serbia, which claimed Bosnia and Herzegovina within the context of its own national ambitions, it is easily understandable that the reaction of the Serbian public to the Danube Monarchy's "annexation" of the (former) Ottoman territories was more than vehement. The vast majority of the Serbian people demanded war with Vienna - even at the price of a possible defeat.

Russia's Reaction and the Reinforcement of European Alliances ↑

At the time of the "annexation", Serbia's traditional protecting power, Russia, was weakened because of the drawback it suffered at the end of the Russian-Japanese War in 1905. In the run-up to the formal incorporation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Austria-Hungary's ambassador to Russia, Leopold Graf Berchtold (1863-1942), arranged a personal meeting of Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal (1854-1912), the Austro-Hungarian minister of foreign affairs, and Aleksandr Petrovich Izvolʹskiĭ (1856-1919), Aerenthal's Russian counterpart, at Buchlau on 2 and 3 September 1908. On this occasion, Izvolʹskiĭ recognised Vienna's right to incorporate Bosnia and Herzegovina, but he insisted on a discussion of the question at hand (as well as that of the Dardanelles) within the scope of a prior international conference. Aerenthal did not inform Izvolʹskiĭ about the intended date of incorporation and did not mention the fact that Austria-Hungary aimed at executing its project without consultation with other (relevant) political powers. This amounted to a diplomatic defeat of Russia, followed by massive protests by the Russian public. During the crisis, Germany had stressed its willingness to support its ally Austria-Hungary. Russia grew closer to France and Great Britain in the further course of events. The constellation of World War I powers emerged more clearly during and after the so-called "Bosnian Crisis" of 1908 and 1909.

Marc Stefan Peters, Independent Scholar

Section Editor: Tamara Scheer

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In the narrow sense, the so-called "Bosnian Crisis" (or "Annexation Crisis") of 1908 and 1909 was a political conflict between Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire caused by the (formal) incorporation of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the territory of the Dual Monarchy.

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WWI Document Archive > Pre - 1914 Documents > The Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary

September - October, 1908
The Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary

Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin (July 13,1878) gave Austria-Hungary the right to occupy and administer the two provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Austria-Hungary in 1908 annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was announced formally on October 6, 1908.

Documents I and II.:
Johannes Lepsius, Albrecht Mendelssohn-Bartholdy and Friedrich Thimme, eds., Die große Politik der europäischen Kabinette, 1871-1914; Sammlung der diplomatischen Akten des Auswärtigen Amtes (40 vols. Berlin 1922-26), XXVI, pt. 1, 97ff., No. 8978, p. 129ff., No. 9006.
Document III.
London Weekly Times, October 9, 1908.

Francis Joseph to Wilhelm II :

The recent events in Turkey leading to the establishment of a constitutional state have not been without effect upon the provinces, Bosnia and Herzegovina, administered by my Government.

While these provinces, which have progressed culturally and materially in so gratifying a manner, have expressed a desire for some time to establish a constitution, these aims now, because of the altered state of affairs in the Ottoman Empire, have asserted themselves so vigorously that my Government no longer feels that it can oppose them, especially if the peaceful development of affairs on the southern borders of the monarchy is to be free of disturbances.

Since a constitution can be granted only by a sovereign power, I shall find myself forced to announce the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

We shall inform the Ottoman Empire of this and at the same time shall notify it, as proof of our policy of peace and our rejection of any thought of acquiring territory in the Balkans, we shall withdraw our troops stationed in the Sanjak [ of Novi-Bazar] and in the future shall renounce the privileges granted to us in the Sanjak by the Treaty of Berlin.

I am reporting this matter to you immediately since I owe that to the close relationship which unites us as friends. I am certain that you will judge this with friendly good-will and that you will not fail to understand that we are acting under the pressure of urgent necessity.

Your faithful friend,

FRANCIS JOSEPH

Wilhelm II to Francis Joseph:

Heartiest thanks for your friendly letter, in which you did me the courtesy of informing me of the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I appreciate indeed the reasons that have moved you to take this important step. In this matter you can count on my firm personal friendship and respect as well as the close friendship that unites our Empires as Allies. Certainly the annexation will prove to be a blessing to the two provinces, which have progressed so admirably under your administration.

I consider it wise that you have decided at the same time to withdraw your troops from the Sanjak of Novi-Bazar and in the future renounce the exercise of the privileges you acquired in the Sanjak by the Treaty of Berlin. I cannot fail to agree. This step will certainly have a good effect, since it bears out your peaceful intentions and makes it easy for Turkey, whose kindly treatment and strengthening are likewise in the interest of our Allied Empires, to agree to the new state of affairs.

Your faithful friend

WILLIAM

Francis Joseph's Proclamation of the Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
6 October, 1908

We, Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria, King of Bohemia, and Apostolic King of Hungary, to the inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina: When a generation ago our troops crossed the borders of your lands, you were assured that they came not as foes, but as friends, with the firm determination to remedy the evils from which your fatherland had suffered so grievously for many years. This promise given at a serious moment has been honestly kept. It has been the constant endeavour of our government to guide the country by patient and systematic activity to a happier future.

To our great joy we can say that the seed then scattered in the furrows of a troubled soil has richly thrived. You yourselves must feel it a boon that order and security have replaced violence and oppression, that trade and traffic are constantly extending, that the elevating influence of education has been brought to bear in your country, and that under the shield of an orderly administration every man may enjoy the fruits of his labours.

It is the duty of us all to advance steadily along this path. With this goal before our eyes, we deem the moment come to give the inhabitants of the two lands a new proof of our trust in their political maturity. In order to raise Bosnia and Herzegovina to a higher level of political life, we have resolved to grant both of those lands constitutional governments that are suited to the prevailing conditions and general interests, so as to create a legal basis for the representation of their wishes and needs. You shall henceforth have a voice when decisions are made concerning your domestic affairs, which, as hitherto, will have a separate administration. But the necessary premise for the introduction of this provincial constitution is the creation of a clear and unambiguous legal status for the two lands.

For this reason, and also remembering the ties that existed of yore between our glorious ancestors on the Hungarian throne and these lands, we extend our suzerainty over Bosnia and Herzegovina, and it is our will that the order of succession of our House be extended to these lands also. The inhabitants of the two lands thus share all the benefits which a lasting confirmation of the present relation can offer. The new order of things will be a guarantee that civilization and prosperity will find a sure footing in your home.

WWI Document Archive > Pre - 1914 Documents > The Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary

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The Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary

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WWI Document Archive > Pre - 1914 Documents > The Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin (July 13,1878) gave Austria-Hungary the right to occupy and administer the two provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Austria-Hungary in 1908 annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was announced formally on October 6, 1908.

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The Seven Years' War, a prelude to the American Revolution, fundamentally realigned colonial power around the world. Although sparked by conflicts in North America, it grew into a global contest between all major European nations fought on five continents and surrounding seas. The war finally ended with the Treaty of Paris in 1763. As illustrated on the adjacent map, France's defeat meant ceding all its land claims in North America to Britain and Spain. After the war, France soon began plotting revenge on Britain.

Battle of the Monongahela

The Battle of the Monongahela in July 1755 was the most important early battle of the Seven Years' War in North America. There British forces, under General Edward Braddock, lost badly to French soldiers and their American Indian allies. Braddock was mortally wounded, but his American ally George Washington fought valiantly and gained wide acclaim.

Imagined depiction of George Washington at the Battle of the Monongahela, 1854

General Braddock's Pistol, around 1750

"The Wounding of General Braddock"

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The Seven Years' War, a prelude to the American Revolution, fundamentally realigned colonial power around the world. Although sparked by conflicts in North America, it grew into a global contest between all major European nations fought on five continents and surrounding seas. The war finally ended with the Treaty of Paris in 1763.

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Lesson Purpose

Mount Vernon's Primary Source Sets contain documents, maps, objects, and images all related to a given theme. Each primary source includes a brief background for students and supporting content for instruction (additional background information, discussion questions, activity suggestions, and resources). Supporting content is available as one complete document for teachers. Use these sets as a whole collection, in small groups or pairs, or individually depending on classroom needs.

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Mount Vernon's Primary Source Sets contain documents, maps, objects, and images all related to a given theme. Each primary source includes a brief background for students and supporting content for instruction (additional background information, discussion questions, activity suggestions, and resources). Supporting content is available as one complete document for teachers.

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Booker T. Washington, (born April 5, 1856, Franklin county, Virginia, U.S.-died November 14, 1915, Tuskegee, Alabama), educator and reformer, first president and principal developer of Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute (now Tuskegee University), and the most influential spokesman for Black Americans between 1895 and 1915.

He was born in a slave hut but, after emancipation, moved with his family to Malden, West Virginia. Dire poverty ruled out regular schooling; at age nine he began working, first in a salt furnace and later in a coal mine. Determined to get an education, he enrolled at the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute (now Hampton University) in Virginia (1872), working as a janitor to help pay expenses. He graduated in 1875 and returned to Malden, where for two years he taught children in a day school and adults at night. Following studies at Wayland Seminary, Washington, D.C. (1878-79), he joined the staff of Hampton.

In 1881 Washington was selected to head a newly established normal school for African Americans at Tuskegee, an institution with two small converted buildings, no equipment, and very little money. Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute became a monument to his life's work. At his death 34 years later, it had more than 100 well-equipped buildings, some 1,500 students, a faculty of nearly 200 teaching 38 trades and professions, and an endowment of approximately $2 million.

Washington believed that the best interests of Black people in the post- Reconstruction era could be realized through education in the crafts and industrial skills and the cultivation of the virtues of patience, enterprise, and thrift. He urged his fellow Blacks, most of whom were impoverished and illiterate farm labourers, to temporarily abandon their efforts to win full civil rights and political power and instead to cultivate their industrial and farming skills so as to attain economic security. Blacks would thus accept segregation and discrimination, but their eventual acquisition of wealth and culture would gradually win for them the respect and acceptance of the white community. This would break down the divisions between the two races and lead to equal citizenship for Blacks in the end. In his epochal speech (September 18, 1895) to a racially mixed audience at the Atlanta Exposition, Washington summed up his pragmatic approach in the famous phrase:

In all things that are purely social we can be separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress.

These sentiments were called the Atlanta Compromise by such critics as the Black intellectual W.E.B. Du Bois, who deplored Washington's emphasis on vocational skills to the detriment of academic development and civil rights. And indeed it is true that, during the period of Washington's ascendancy as national spokesman for African Americans, his race was systematically excluded both from the franchise and from any effective participation in national political life, and rigid patterns of segregation and discrimination became institutionalized in the Southern states. Even Washington's visit to the White House in 1901 was greeted with a storm of protest as a "breach of racial etiquette."

Most Blacks felt comfortable with Washington's approach, however, and his influence among whites was such that he became an unofficial arbiter determining which Black individuals and institutions were deemed worthy to benefit from government patronage and white philanthropic support. He went on to receive honorary degrees from Harvard University (1896) and Dartmouth College (1901). Among his dozen books is his autobiography, Up from Slavery (1901), translated into many languages.

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Booker T. Washington | Biography, Books, Facts, & Accomplishments

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Booker T. Washington, educator and reformer, first president and principal developer of Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute (now Tuskegee University), and the most influential spokesman for African Americans between 1895 and 1915. In the Atlanta Compromise he articulated the benefits of vocational education.

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Booker T. Washington
Library of Congress

Booker T. Washington was born on April 5 th, 1856 on a farm near Hale's Ford, Virginia. He and his family were slaves of James Burroughs who was a prominent member of a small community of slave-owning farmers. Washington' mother was a cook for Burroughs' family and for the other slaves, but he did not know who his father was. His lighter skin indicated that he was probably the son of a white man, but Washington never learned the identity of his father.

Washington was nine years old in 1865 when the Civil War ended and all of the slaves were set free. However, their family quickly found out that legal freedom did not provide them with freedom from racism, inequality, and inopportunity. The family moved to Malden, West Virginia where Washington and his brother became salt packers. Because it had been illegal for slaves to be educated, it was only at this point that Washington could pursue his desire to learn how to read and write. A school opened up in the area, but Washington's stepfather refused to let him attend. Eventually, Washington was able to make a deal with him so that he would pack salt before and after he went to school every day.

Briefly afterward, Washington decided to leave his home and job and move into one of the wealthiest homes in town to become a house servant of General Lewis Ruffner and his wife Viola who were one of the leading families of Malden. While Washington worked there, all of his income went back to his parents. Viola took a particular interest in him and worked with him in his education. The experience had a great impact on Washington and it is where he attributed his knowledge of the Puritan work ethic, cleanliness, and thrift.

From his determination to learn, Washington finally gained the support of his family in 1872 to attend Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute, a school of higher learning in Virginia for blacks. While attending, he worked as a janitor which allowed him close contact with the whites running the school. The man who founded the institute, General Samuel Chapman Armstrong, was his primary educator and had an immense influence on Washington. General Armstrong became "more than a father" to him and acted as a mentor. At the school, Washington was primarily trained to be a teacher, but he also studied the Bible and practiced oratory while he was there. Washington believed that the experience at Hampton changed his life and was the place where he matured from a boy to a man.

After graduation at age twenty, Washington was finally living alone. He opened a night school that about 80 students attended and became a strong presence in the community. In 1878, he attended Wayland Seminary in Washington D.C. but left after only one year. He then got a teaching job at Hampton Institute where he acted like a graduate student, both teaching the night school while taking additional coursework. In 1881, General Armstrong was asked to recommend a white student or teacher to take the position of principal at a normal school for blacks in Tuskegee, Alabama. General Armstrong, however, boldly recommended Washington as the most qualified for the position instead. To everyone's joy at Hampton, the Tuskegee commissioner decided that Washington's appointment was acceptable.

Washington began to gain skills in interracial diplomacy as he worked closely with the white commissioners as they set up the school in Tuskegee. The school first opened up in the African Methodist Episcopal Church with 37 students. From there, enrollment increased steadily. The goal was then to get the school on a labor basis so that they would not have to charge tuition. Washington knew that charging the students would seriously limit enrollment because most blacks at this time were very poor. They then purchased a farm to move the school to and Washington continued to work to raise funds for buildings and equipment for the institute. Eventually, hundreds of students were enrolled.

At the school, Washington encouraged his students to seek white approval and to behave in a respectable, hard-working manner so that blacks could show whites that they knew how to conduct themselves properly. He told his students to stay out of politics and to never put on airs, always being courteous. Washington wanted his students to focus on learning practical skills rather than pursuing higher learning because he felt that this would ignore the reality of a black person's situation in life in the United States. He wanted the school to have peaceful relations with Southern conservatives and he supported forms of segregation in the South. Washington always pursued a racial policy of accommodation. Washington led a life seeking delicate balance, trying to help the black race as much as he could but always careful not to upset the white majority.

The scope of his work and influence continued to widen and he began to give speeches. He spoke at the Atlanta Convention in 1893 to a crowd of a few thousand whites on "the relations of the races." From there, he was invited to make an appearance before the House Committee on Approbations in Washington D.C. along with a group of white men from Atlanta in order to ask for a federal grant for the Atlanta Exposition. The grant was approved.

Washington became a speaker for the opening day of the Atlanta Exposition, giving him a national audience for the first time. His Atlanta Address, which later became known as the Atlanta Compromise, launched him into national prominence, despite its controversy. In the speech, Washington argued for blacks to work hard in lower-level occupations and to slowly earn the respect of whites, allowing them to work their way up in society through peace and white cooperation. He discouraged blacks from clamoring for civil rights while encouraging whites to be patient with the black race as they figured out how to become respectable citizens. The speech earned him the approval of many whites and many blacks were proud to have a respected representative of their race.

His influence and power among the black community and black institutions grew quickly. Politics absorbed more and more of his time, leaving little time for teaching. Despite his other obligations, he still was concerned about the details of the operations at Tuskegee and ruled the institute in a very firm and rigorous manner. In 1896, Washington hired George Washington Carver to be a teacher of agriculture at his school and it would be in later years that Carver became famous for promoting the peanut.

Washington was a conservative, Southern-based leader and black intellectuals in the north were often critical of him for not being militant enough in his promotion for black civil rights. Washington believed in self-help and economic advancement for blacks and that they should not try to promote their interests through politics. Washington's biggest critic was W.E.B. Du Bois, a professor of sociology at Atlanta University. He criticized Washington's surrender of civil rights and refusal to promote the fact that whites and blacks deserved civil equality. He disagreed with Washington's view on liberal education for black students, believing that by de-emphasizing liberal education, blacks would lose sight of their goal of social improvement.

Washington's personal life was at times tragic. In 1882, Washington married his first wife, Fannie Smith. They had a daughter together they named Portia. Fannie died only two years later. In 1885, he married Olivia Davidson and they had two sons they named Booker T. Washington Jr. and Ernest Washington. In 1889, Olivia also died. Washington eventually met a woman named Margaret Murray while visiting Fisk University. He hired her as an English teacher, later making her the head of women's industries at Tuskegee. The two became close and eventually married in 1892. They did not have any children, but Margaret played a major role in raising Washington's children from previous marriages.

During his career, Washington was able to gain presidential favor. In 1898, President William McKinley visited Tuskegee. McKinley said the institute was "progressive" and declared Washington to be "one of the great leaders of his race." Then in 1901 when Theodore Roosevelt became president after McKinley's assassination, Roosevelt invited Washington to dine with him at the White House. The two men had already formed a relationship with one another starting in 1898 when Washington agreed to support Roosevelt's future bid for the presidency. Roosevelt was very fond of Washington personally and approved of his overall approach towards racial matters. When the two men dined at the White House just a month after Roosevelt's inauguration, the event became a sensation - it was the first time a president had ever invited a black man to a White House dinner. While Roosevelt had not meant for the event to have great political significance, many whites were outraged while many blacks applauded the president for the move. Even Washington's critics acknowledged Washington's success and approved of the meeting. If it had not been true before, the dinner secured Washington's position as the leading black figure and spokesman in the United States. From there, Washington became an advisor to Roosevelt on race politics and Southern politics in general. While Theodore Roosevelt did appoint a few offices to black politicians, he did not feel that many blacks would make competent politicians. Part of the reason he desired to work with Washington was because of Washington's policy of accommodation and because he did not clamor forcefully for advancing blacks politically or civically. While Roosevelt could admire a few black men that he considered to be exceptional, such as Washington, he generally held the same racist attitudes common to many white Americans of the day.

Washington remained principal of Tuskegee up to his death on November 14 th, 1915 at the age of 59. He is remembered as being one of the most prominent black figures in United States history - for founding and running Tuskegee Institute, for his position on racial matters as expressed in his speech at the Atlanta Exposition, and for the contributions he made to racial and Southern politics.

"Booker T. Washington Biography." Encyclopedia of World Biography. n.p., n.d. Web. 21 Apr.

Harlan, Louis R. Booker T. Washington: The Making of a Black Leader. New York: Oxford

University Press, 1972.

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Booker T. Washington - Theodore Roosevelt Inaugural National Historic Site (U.S. National Park Service)

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Booker T. Washington was born on April 5 th, 1856 on a farm near Hale's Ford, Virginia. He and his family were slaves of James Burroughs who was a prominent member of a small community of slave-owning farmers. Washington' mother was a cook for Burroughs' family and for the other slaves, but he did not know who his father was.

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Negro education not a failure : address by Booker T. Washington in the Concert Hall of Madison Square Garden, New York, Lincoln’s Birthday, February 12, 1904.

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Cover title. Also available in digital form on the Library of Congress Web site. LC copy formerly part of YA Collection: YA 17597. Source: Source unknown.

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This page contains links to the freely accessible e-texts of some of W.E.B. Du Bois' writings. I have also included a few secondary sources, such as commentaries and discussions, which concentrate on a particular DuBoisian work. Also, some hyperlinks point to audio and video presentations. In general, the works contained below are arranged in chronological order from earliest to latest.

The first section below presents links to online bibliographies of DuBois's works as well as links to web pages describing the collections of his works at various physical repositories.

In the next section below comes a listing of primary texts written by DuBois as well as any related materials by him or other authors. The following drop-down menus provide an easy way to peruse the items listed on this web page; by clicking the desired selection one can jump to view its details. The primary sources include:

Because many of Du Bois's publications are not-or at least not yet-available on the Internet, I do not claim to provide a full and complete listing of all of his works. I will, however, add more links to re/sources as I find them on the Web.

- Robert W. Williams, Ph.D.

A Secondary Source

Posted below is an external link to an essay by Robert Gooding-Williams, "Democratic Despotism and the New Imperialism" (2020), that was posted as part of a series on Abolition Democracy organized by the Columbia Center for Contemporary Critical Thought.

Posted below is a link to the text of Du Bois's "Address to the Country" ​(ATTC) as published in The Broad Ax newspaper (25 August 1906), and which is available on this web site. The ATTC is posted as one of my digital humanities projects.

Bibliographies and Collections of Du Bois's Works

The Credo online repository of the Du Bois Collection of primary and secondary materials at the University of Massachusetts Amherst library provides a searchable and browsable interface for examining the materials found within the Du Bois holdings at the library. Note that only the metadata description can be searched (not the items themselves themselves that are part of the additives that help with impotence). For more information visit my intra-site About page.

Bibliographies of Texts by Du Bois. Available online are several sites with reference details for his primary texts. These sites do not have hyperlinks to the actual texts.

Robert W. McDonnell's " The W.E.B. Du Bois Papers" ( The Crisis, 1980) provides an interesting account of how a multitude of Du Bois's written works, including correspondence as well as published and unpublished documents, came to be archived at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst library. McDonnell also describes how individual papers were carefully organized (or even reassembled from scattered pages) and laboriously processed for storage on microfilm. In the article he indicates the other repositories that house original works by Du Bois: specifically, the libraries at Fisk University and Yale University, as well as the Schomburg Center.
[Citation: McDonnell, Robert W. 1980. "The W.E.B. Du Bois Papers." The Crisis, 87:9 (November): 359-364].

The Papers of W.E.B. Du Bois: A Guide. 1981. Compiled and written by Robert W. McDonnell, this very large (12 Meg PDF file) provides a "table of contents" for the papers available for viewing at the University of Massachusetts Amherst's W.E.B. Du Bois Library. The Library also has a "Du Bois Central" page for links to the DuBois-related resources that are physically accessible there.

Finding Aid for the W.E.B. Du Bois Papers in the Special Collections and University Archives at the W.E.B. Du Bois Library of the University of Massachusetts Amherst (no date provided). In addition to a "Biographical Note" (by Kerry W. Buckley), a "Scope and Content of the Collection," and a "History of the Collection", there is a detailed inventory of the collection with its items corresponding to their location on the various reels of the microfilm set. The content list basically parallels those of the 1981 Guide/Finding Aid compiled by Robert McDonnell (described above). However, there are several notable differences between the later and earlier Finding Aids for the Du Bois Collection:

* Later materials added to the collection are contained in "Series 22. Additions to the Du Bois Papers." [as printed in the PDF file].
* "The Series 17. Photographs" are categorized differently than the 1981 Finding Aid-the latter more typically listing the photos by the name of the persons photographed.
* The "Series 18. Memorabilia" section and "Series 19: Audiovisual" section (as printed in the PDF file) are presented with less detail than the 1981 Finding Aid.
* The 1981 Finding Aid's "Selective Index to the Correspondence" is not included (presumably because a search function can be used to locate items on the webpage and in the PDF versions of the later Aid).

Dr. Randolph Bromery, former Chancellor of the University of Massachusetts Amherst (1971-1980) and a geophysicist, describes in two different video interviews how the University obtained the bulk of Du Bois's papers for the Special Collections repository at the school's library. Neither of the videos is dated in any explicit manner. The interviews convey Bromery's personal role in procuring the papers held by Shirley Graham Du Bois in Cairo, Egypt and the papers held by Herbert Aptheker in New York City. Further information on Bromery's life is available at the National Visionary Leadership Project, which contains a series of video interviews in which he conveys his life experiences and career (among which is the video regarding Du Bois's papers).

W. E. B. Dubois Collection at Yale University. Yale University houses the W. E. B. Dubois Collection (JWJ MSS 8) of correspondence and drafts of various works. In the words of the Beinecke Library staff: the collection "contains items presented to the James Weldon Johnson Collection by Mr. DuBois, by way of Carl Van Vechten, with additional items from other persons". Note that this is a listing of items that only can be accessed physically at the Library itself.

Umbra Search is a metasearch engine that concentrates directly on primary and secondary sources of African American history. As a metasearch engine it compiles results based on the search hits of the various repositories that it specifically accesses, such as the Digital Public Library, the Credo repository at the University of Massachusetts Amherst Library, the collection at Yale's Beinecke Library, and many others. When one types a search string, Umbra Search will suggest names and keywords that pertain to the terms being typed. In general, this metasearch engine is very useful. In my experience, however, it did not always find a document by Du Bois that I knew was located at, for example, the Credo repository. Umbra Search hence does not substitute for a focused search of individual repositories.

Freedomways was a quarterly journal initially edited by Shirley Graham, W. Alphaeus Hunton, Margaret G. Burroughs, and Ester Jackson. W.E.B. Du Bois contributed several articles to the early issues (see below). The journal spanned from Spring 1961 to Fall 1985. It covered African American and African diaspora topics, including the various civil rights struggles in the United States. Freedomways also foregrounded topics relevant to Black women and featured numerous works written by Black women. The journal also covered the Middle East and the Palestinians, the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, Native Americans, as well as topics in general that pertained to the exploitation and marginalization of peoples.

Freedomways published, as well as reprinted, various essays by Du Bois, and even published a poem by him:

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "The Negro People and the United States". Freedomways, v1,n1 (Spring 1961): 11-19.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Africa and the French Revolution". Freedomways, v1,n2 (Summer 1961): pp.136-151.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Ghana Calls-A Poem". Freedomways, v2,n1 (Winter 1962): pp.71-74.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Fifty Years After". [Reprint of a new Preface to the Jubilee Edition of The Souls of Black Folk (Blue Heron Press)]. Freedomways, v2,n2 (Spring 1962): pp.165-166.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Conference of Encyclopedia Africana", Freedomways, v3,n1 (Winter 1963): pp.28-30.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Behold the Land". Freedomways, v4,n1 (Winter 1964): pp.8-15. [Reprinted also as "An Historical Perspective: Behold the Land", Freedomways, v15,n3 (3rd Q. 1975): pp.206-211].

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "The African Roots of War". Freedomways, v8,n1 (Winter 1968): pp.12-22.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "The American Negro and the Darker World". Freedomways, v8,n3 (Summer 1968): pp.245-250.

The periodical is accessible at an online repository: "Independent Voices: An Open-Access Collection of an Alternative Press".

Primary Sources by DuBois and Related Materials
[Arranged chronologically from earliest to latest]

" The Renaissance of Ethics: A Critical Comparison of Scholastic and Modern Ethics." 1889. Du Bois wrote this essay as a Harvard undergraduate for Philosophy IV, a class taught by William James. "The Renaissance of Ethics" (TROE) is accessible at the W.E.B. Du Bois Collection (Call No. JWJ MSS 8, Box 3, Folder 57)[ Finding Aid], which is housed at the Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Yale University.
TROE is a hand-written essay spanning 51 pages of text. The manuscript contains marginal comments by William James, the professor. Du Bois the student discussed the limitations of scholastic philosophy and the important role that science has in attempting to discover the ultimate ends/goals of the world. On the basis of that future discovery, he argued, our duty in the world will be grounded. For Du Bois, duty was paramount. In his words:

The fundamental question of the Universe, for ages past, present, and to come, is Duty. Given a universe with two horrible futures and the question becomes to each individual How much difference will it make if This be tomorrow's universe rather than That? in [ sic] other words the great question the world asks is How much better is the best possible universe I can help make, than the worst possible? (pp.15-16)

" The Afro-American." Circa 1894. This previously unpublished manuscript from the "Papers of W. E. B. Du Bois" (Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Massachusetts Amherst) is presented online in the Journal of Transnational American Studies (2010). Dr. Nahum D. Chandler ( bio) provides the abstract accompanying the text.

This hitherto unpublished essay by W. E. B. Du Bois, the text titled "The Afro-American," which likely dates to the late autumn of 1894 or the winter of 1895, is an early attempt by the young scholar to define for himself the contours of the situation of the Negro, or "Afro-American," in the United States in the mid-1890s. It is perhaps the earliest full text expressing his nascent formulations of both the global "problem of the color-line" and the sense of "double-consciousness" among African Americans in North America.

An essay by Dr. Chandler accompanies the Du Boisian manuscript. As the abstract conveys,

[Chandler] proposes a path for the initial reading of this essay by rendering thematic the worldwide horizon that framed Du Bois's projection from this early moment and by bringing into relief the interwoven motifs of the global "problem of the color-line" and the sense of "double-consciousness" for the "Afro-American" in the United States.

Chandler relates the text to Du Bois' thinking as expressed in various early writings, including "Strivings of the Negro People" (1897), "Beyond the Veil in a Virginia Town" (unpublished manuscript circa 1897 written presumably during his time conducting research in the Farmville, VA area), "The Study of the Negro Problems" (1898), and The Souls of Black Folk (1903).

My Dear Mr. Washington: DuBois Congratulates Washington. 1895. This is a graphics file of a letter that Du Bois sent to Booker T. Washington after the latter's Atlanta Exposition speech on 18 September 1895. Given their later debates over socio-political goals and tactics, it is interesting to read what Du Bois sent Washington in a handwritten letter:

Let me heartlily congratulate you upon your
phenomenal success at Atlanta -- it was a word
fitly spoken.
Sincerely Yours,
W.E.B. Du Bois

Wilberforce, 24 Sept., '95

The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of America, 1638-1870. 1896. Based on his doctoral dissertation, this was Du Bois' first book; it was published as Volume 1 in the Harvard Historical Studies (NY: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1896).

[Review] "Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. By Frederick L. Hoffman, F.S.S." Du Bois pubished this book review in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, v.9 (January 1897): pp.127-133.

" The Conservation of Races." The American Negro Academy Occasional Papers, Nr. 2. 1897.

The Negroes of Farmville, Virginia: A Social Study. Bulletin of the Department of Labor, Vol. 14. Washington, DC: GPO, January 1898, pp. 1-38.

[ Secondary Source:
In the "Notes" section of The Yale Review, Vol. 6 (February 1898) we find an anonymously written piece, "The Bulletins of the Department of Labor". The one-paragraph note indicates the social-scientific importance of The Negroes of Farmville, Virginia, but does not refer to Du Bois by name (p. 437):
The Bulletins of the Department of Labor for November, 1897, and January, 1898, contain valuable studies of especial classes of the population. The former has articles on the Italians in Chicago, and on the Anthracite Mine Laborers, while the latter treats in a special paper of the Negroes of Farmville. These special studies are a valuable supplement to the general statistics published by the Department of Labor as well as by the Census Bureau for the entire country. Mass figures, if they are to be made of any use, must be interpreted in the light of detailed study of specific classes and localities, and Col. Wright is giving great value to the Bulletin of the Department of Labor by inspiring such investigations. Note: With the exception of the boldface at the beginning of this short note, nothing else was put in bold or even italic lettering. - RWW]
Page 437 in the full text of the periodical (at Google Books)
http://books.google.com/books?id=SFsCAAAAIAAJ&pg=RA1-PA437....

Related Information:
Charles Edward Burrell, in his A History of Prince Edward County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1753 to the Present (Richmond, VA: Williams Printing Co.,1922), covered the history of the county in which Farmville is located. While Burrell discussed African Americans in the county (search for the word "Negro"), his overall -- and patronizing -- perspective is evident in his justification of the disfranchisement of African American males (see, e.g., pp. 191, 192-3, 203, 360). The work is available at the Internet Archive: download page.

Background Source:
"Interview with Bancroft Winner Melvin Patrick Ely" (dated 23 May 2005):
Dr. Ely [faculty page 1; page 2] discusses the African American town of Israel Hill -- a town where Du Bois had conducted some of the sociological work that was published in his Negroes of Farmville, Virginia (1898). Ed Pompeian is the interviewer, asking questions about Ely's Israel on the Appomattox: A Southern Experiment in Black Freedom from the 1790s Through the Civil War (NY: Knopf, 2004). The interview is posted at the History News Network site (sponsored by George Mason University):
http://hnn.us/articles/11823.html

The Philadelphia Negro. 1899. This is Du Bois' path-breaking book of social research on African Americans in an urban environment.

" The Negro in the Black Belt: Some Social Sketches" [ NBBS]. Bulletin of the Department of Labor, No.22. Washington, DC: GPO (May 1899): pp.401-417. Students of Atlanta University gathered data for this report, which Du Bois acknowledged within the document.

Contemporary Sources related to "The Negro in the Black Belt"

* The Dr. Dubois [ Boston Evening Transcript (7 June 1899: p.10, col.5) printed a summary of the NBBS entitled "A Study of the Negro; Interesting Sketch of Types in the South". It was a "Special to the Transcript" written by someone named "Lincoln" and included several long quotations from the NBBS. The article also presented the following biographical sketch:
sic] is an instructor in Atlanta University, but is perhaps principally known by reason of his close-range studies of the negro [ sic] in various parts of the United States. He is perhaps the most scholarly colored [ sic] man in this country, and as such his observations and conclusions are entitled to great weight.
[The article at the Google News Archive]

* In the New York Times (17 July 1899; p.3) an anonymous writer published a review of the NBBS. Entitled "Negro Life in the South" , the news article contained an extensive set of subtitles: "A Study of the Residents of the Georgia 'Black Belt.' Much Depravity Is Found. Whisky, Tobacco, and Snuff Used to Excess-The People in the Towns Better than in the Country."
[ Citation page at the New York Times Archives (free registration is required to view or download the ~121 KB PDF file of the news article)]

* The American Monthly Review of Reviews [20:1 (July 1899): p.11] noted anonymously the NBBS as "giving statistical information about groups of negro [ sic] families in certain towns and villages of Georgia and Alabama."
[ Page 111 at Google Books]

* Kelly Miller published "The Education of the Negro" as Chapter XVI in the [As part of a brief bio of Du Bois, Kelly Miller wrote" "Mr. Du Bois has done more to give scientific accuracy and method to the study of the race question than any other American who has essayed to deal with it." ( [DuBois's Farmville study is summarized also: p U.S. Dept. of Interior Annual Report, FY Ending 1901; Report of the Commissioner of Education, v.1 (1902): pp.731-859. He provided a synopsis of the NBBS, summarizing the findings for the different locales studied (at pp.777-778).
[ Page 777 at Google Books]
p.859).]
p.775-777.]

* John R. Commons briefly outlined the sociological and geographical scope of the NBBS in his article "Racial Composition of the American People: The Negro" published in The Chautauquan (8:3, November 1903: pp.223-234) at p.234.
[ Page 234 at Google Books]

Bibliographies referencing "The Negro in the Black Belt"

* Studies in American Social Conditions-2: The Negro Problem. Edited by Richard Henry Edwards. (Madison, WI: s.n., December 1908). Under a section heading, "What are the Negro's social, moral, and religious conditions?", Edwards briefly noted NBBS provided "Interesting social sketches." [ p.23]. In crafting the bibliography Edwards acknowledged the assistance and approval of Du Bois himself, among others (p p.13-14). Also note that many of DuBois's other works were included within the bibliography (between pp.15-32).
[ Start page at Google Books]

* In Social Progress: A Year Book and Encyclopedia of Economic, Industrial, Social and Religious Statistics 1905, edited by Josiah Strong (NY: Baker and Taylor, Publishers, 1905) we find an anonymously written piece on "Bureaus of Labor" (pp.259-260) which contains a section on "The [U.S.] Department of Commerce and Labor." That section contained a subsection entitled "Leading Articles of the Bulletin" in which the NBBS was listed (p.260).
[ Page 260 at Google Books]

* G.W.W. Hanger wrote an entry on "Labor Bureaus" for the The New Encyclopedia of Social Reform, edited by William D. P. Bliss (NY: Funk & Wagnalls, 1908): pp.675-677, which contained a subsection, "Some Leading Articles of the Bulletin", published by what he called the "U.S. Federal Department of Labor". Listed therein was the NBBS (p.676). This subsection is very similar to the one in the Social Progress yearbook (see above).
[ Page 676 at Google Books]

* "Books for Negro Study Groups" appeared in several issues of [Note also that, among other authors's books, many of DuBois's works were included on the lists of "Books for Negro Study Groups"; visit: Madison Hall Notes (University of Virginia). The NBBS was specifically listed in v.8, n.22 (15 February 1913): p.2.
[The NBBS listed on Page 2 at Google Books]

* Madison Hall Notes, v.8, n.25 (8 March 1913): p.2
* Madison Hall Notes, v.8, n.26 (15 March 1913): pp.1-2.]

" To the Nations of the World" -- Address at the 1900 Pan-African Conference. Initially conceived and then organized by H. Sylvester Williams, a Trinidadian-born lawyer practicing in London, the Pan-African Conference (sometimes called Pan-African Congress) was held in London from July 23 to 25, 1900. After participating in the 1900 Paris Exposition, Du Bois attended this conference, which also included Anna Julia Cooper. A.M.E. Zion Bishop Alexander Walters was elected to preside. Du Bois chaired the "Committee on Address to the Nations of the World," which was designated to craft a document to be sent to colonial governments.
Du Bois read "To the Nations of the World" on the closing day of the conference. The colonial powers were asked to preserve the independence of the free peoples of Africa and African descent, and to treat humanely their subjects in Africa and of African heritage around the world. The address is also notable for the second sentence of its first paragraph (which is quoted in its entirety here):

"In the metropolis of the modern world, in this the closing year of the Nineteenth Century, there has been assembled a Congress of men and women of African blood, to deliberate solemnly upon the present situation and outlook of the darker races of mankind. The problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color line, the question as to how far differences of race, which show themselves chiefly in the color of the skin and the texture of the hair, are going to be made, hereafter, the basis of denying to over half the world the right of sharing to their utmost ability the opportunities and privileges of modern civilization."

The "problem of the color line" later appeared in Du Bois' "The Freedmen's Bureau" (1901) and in Chapter 2 of The Souls of Black Folk (1903).

" The Evolution of Negro Leadership." 1901. This DuBoisian book review of Booker T. Washington's Up from Slavery became part of Chapter III in Souls.

" The Black North, a Social Study." Originally published in the New York Times, November 17, 1901.

" The Laboratory in Sociology at Atlanta University." 1903.

" The Talented Tenth." 1903. Pp. 33-75 (Ch. 2) in The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles by Representative American Negroes of To-day, by Booker T. Washington, et al. (New York: James Pott and Company, 1903).

Primary Source by a Contemporary:
The Rev. Henry Lyman Morehouse wrote an essay in 1896 that is considered to have originated the term, the "talented tenth". Initially published in the periodical, The Independent (23 April 1896, p.1), Morehouse's "The Talented Tenth" can be found in The American Missionary, 50:6 (June 1896): pp.182-183, which is the provenance of the essay found on this website.
http://www.webdubois.org/MorehouseTalentedTenth.html

Secondary Source:
In the "Talented Tenth", an encyclopedia entry by Dr. Christopher George Buck [ home page], Buck compares DuBois's use of the idea of a Talented Tenth with Alain Locke's more international application of it. The citation: pp.1295-7 in Richard T. Schaefer (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society, v.3 (Sage Publications, 2008).
http://christopherbuck.com/Buck_PDFs/Buck_Talented-Tenth_2008.pdf

Du Bois published his review of The Negro in Africa and America by Joseph A. Tillinghast in the Political Science Quarterly, 18:4 (December 1903): 695-697.

" The Future of the Negro Race in America". 1904. Du Bois published this text in The East and the West, Vol. 2 (January 1904): 4-19. The essay includes some details relevant to understanding Du Bois's understanding of Darwinian evolutionary theory.

" The Development of a People". 1904. Du Bois published this essay in the International Journal of Ethics, Vol.14, No.3 (April 1904): pp.292-311. He analyzed the factors that promoted-and that would continue to promote, he argued-a racial group on the path to social progress. He summarized his analysis thusly:

Let me for a moment recapitulate. In the life of advancing peoples there must go on simultaneously a struggle for existence, accumulation of wealth, education of the young, and a development in culture and the higher things of life. The more backward the nation the larger sum of effort goes into the struggle for existence; the more forward the nation the larger and broader is the life of the spirit. For guidance, in taking these steps in civilization, the nation looks to four sources: the precepts of parents, the sight of seers, the opinion of the majority and the traditions of the past. [Par.37]

" The Negro Farmer" by W.E. Burghardt Du Bois. 1904.
(Original citation: Pp. 69-98 in U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor. Bureau of the Census. Negroes in the United States. Bulletin 8. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1904).
Du Bois' piece is the second of two essays plus many pages of data in tabular format -- all of which utilized data from the 1900 U.S. Census (the Twelfth Census). The first essay was written by Walter F. Willcox; it is entitled "The Negro Population" (pp. 11-68) and summarizes demographic and occupational data gathered from the 1900 U.S. Census.
In his essay Du Bois examined a variety of data, including farm distribution by geographic region, the sources of farm income, and the classification of farms by land tenure. He pointed out that in many Southern states Black farmers contributed much to the rural economy, especially through their operation of farms(p. 91).

No man, perhaps, is better equipped than Professor Du Bois to interpret the economic situation of the negro peasantry. Not so much because he possesses some negro blood, and under our social conventions is accounted a negro. He was born in Massachusetts, not among the cabins of the cotton kingdom; and his spiritual affinity, if not with his white kin rather than his black, is at least with the instructed rather than the simple. But, after his sociological training at Harvard and Berlin, and after his service at the University of Pennsylvania, he turned to work for the negroes of the South. He has studied their condition with a trained eye and a passionate interest. He has been the moving spirit of the Atlanta negro conferences. He has directed the valuable investigations of special topics, such as the college-bred negro, the negro common schools, and negroes in business, the results of which have been published by Atlanta University. His more personal observations and conclusions have been given in various magazines, and in his book, "The Souls of Black Folk." His studies illuminate those data of the agricultural census which most need to be interpreted in the light of facts beyond the field of the enumerator, -- such data as those of ownership, forms of tenancy, and sizes of farms. [ Secondary Source:
Charles D. Edgerton. Review of Negroes in the United States. By Walter F. Willcox and W. E. Burghardt Du Bois. Bulletin 8, Bureau of the Census. Washington, 1904 [Citation: Publications of the American Statistical Association, New Series, v. IX, No. 69, (March 1905): 182-191].
In general, Edgerton commended the new data published in the report by Willcox and Du Bois, as well as the useful ways in which the presentation of the data made comparisons over time and region easier (p. 183). He made suggestions about data that should be collected during later censuses. Regarding Du Bois and the necessity for a "textual interpretation" of census data, Edgerton wrote:

Notes: Quotation is located on pp. 188-189. Also to be stated is that "Negro" was not capitalized in the original. - RWW]
http://books.google.com/...id=2U1EAAAAIAAJ&pg=PPA182.... [Start page]

Du Bois published a short self-review of The Souls of Black Folk (SBFI) in The Independent of 17 November 1904 (Vol.57, No.2920 at p.1152). It was entitled "The Souls of Black Folk". Du Bois reached the following conclusion:

In its larger aspects the style is tropical - African. This needs no apology. The blood of my fathers spoke through me and cast off the English restraint of my training and surroundings. The resulting accomplishment is a matter of taste. Sometimes I think very well of it and sometimes I do not.

" Sociology Hesitant." Ca. 1904-1905. This is an unpublished document that scholars have determined was composed by Du Bois somewhere in late 1904 or early 1905. It is an important text that allows us to explore Du Bois's views on social science, including sociology's unit of analysis as well as his understanding of sociological laws in relation to human free will. The Credo online database, housed at the University of Massachusetts Amherst library, contains page facsimiles of the typescript, along with pencil corrections and Du Bois's signature at the end of the document.

" The Individual and Social Conscience." 1905. This primary source by Du Bois resulted from his participation as a discussant at the Third Annual Convention of the Religious Education Association which convened in Boston during February 1905. The piece was originally untitled and was Du Bois's contribution to a session on the theme "How Can We Develop in the Individual a Social Conscience?"

The Niagara Movement. 1905-1909. The Niagara Movement often is considered to be the first civil rights movement organized in the 20th Century. The W.E.B. Du Bois Library at the University of Massachusetts Amherst provides numerous items pertaining to the formation and organization of the Niagara Movement. Included are letters to and from Du Bois as well as other documents that illustrate the range of issues confronting the Movement. Many of the documents were written by persons other than Du Bois. Also, there are a few items dated in the years after its ultimate end in 1909.

Secondary Source: Journal
Afro-Americans in New York Life and History, the journal of the Afro-American Historical Association of the Niagara Frontier [ website], published five articles relating to the Niagara Movement in the July 2008 issue. They are accessible online at FindArticles.com:
(a) "Introduction to the Niagara Movement Special Issue" by Felix Armfield;
(b) "The Niagara Movement of 1905: A Look Back to a Century Ago" by Kyle D. Wolf;
(c) "African American Women and the Niagara Movement, 1905-1909" by Anita Nahal and Lopez D. Matthews, Jr.;
(d) "The Question of Color-Blind Citizenship: Albion Tourgee, W.E.B. Du Bois and the Principles of the Niagara Movement" by Mark Elliott; and
(e) "Coming of the Race: Kelly Miller and Two Historically Black Colleges and Universities in the Niagara Movement Era" by Ida Jones.
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0SAF/is_2_32

" Address to the Country" [ATTC] (a.k.a. "Address to the Nation" or the Niagara Movement Address). 1906. Du Bois wrote the ATTC for the Second Annual Meeting of the Niagara Movement, which was held at Harper's Ferry, West Virginia, in mid-August 1906. It was published in the New York Times on 20 August 1906.

Page on this web site with the ATTC text published in The Broad Ax, a Chicago newspaper (Vol. XI, No. 44 (August 25, 1906) at p.1), as well as versions (re-)arranged via my digital humanities project, Retextualizer.
http://www.webdubois.org/dhp/retext-attc.html

" In this long essay, Du Bois continued his practice of using different publishing venues to communicate information about African Americans, especially the progress made in economic and educational terms as well as the impediments to African American success within U.S. society and politics. He provided an overview of the economic history of blacks in America, first in terms of a slave economy, and later under different forms of tenant farming. He analyzed the negative consequences of the convict labor system, especially with regard to its tendency to undermine the legitimacy of the criminal justice system due to the sham legal proceedings often associated with it (p. 256). Du Bois also offered details on the industrial condition of Blacks with particular emphasis on labor unions and the discriminatory practices of some unions. Turning to political history he covered the long struggle for voting rights and the various ways that African Americans had been hindered from exercising their franchise, including those practiced by state governments. Du Bois explicitly connected race, class, and politics: "[T]he fact that there is in America a proscribed race also makes it easier to proscribe classes, and class privileges are responsible for the fact that Negroes find deaf ears for their wishes." (p. 284) Die Negerfrage in den Vereinigten Staaten." 1906. Translated as "The Negro Question in the United States" by Joseph G. Fracchia and published in New Centennial Review (v.6, n.3 (2006): pp. 241-290). DuBois originally published this essay in Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, v.22 (January 1906): pp. 31-79.

DuBois ended with a moral appeal grounded in the data that he had presented throughout the essay (p. 287):

The fact of racial antipathy is as old as the interaction of people with one another. But the history of the centuries is the history of the discovery of the human soul and in every age the curse of the average person was his own narrowness, his blindness toward the riches that surrounded him, the notion that his own narrow heart and his small mind are the measure and borders of the universe. Above all in our days we do not want to forget the trivial observation that even in the nooks and alleys, and under threadbare clothing, lay hidden riches and depths of human life that we will perhaps never experience in ourselves.
In the struggle for his human rights the American Negro relies above all on the feeling of justice in the civilized world. We are no barbarians or heathen, we are educable and our education is increasing; our economic abilities have proven themselves. We too want to have our chance in life. Whoever wants to get acquainted with our living conditions, be welcome; we demand nothing other than that one gets acquainted with us honestly and face to face, and does not judge us according to hearsay or according to the verdict of our despisers.

Note by Robert Williams:

Joseph Fracchia [ department page] offers us a nicely rendered translation; he appends several translator's endnotes that amplify or clarify several aspects of the original DuBoisian text. The translation is contained within a special issue of the New Centennial Review on Du Bois that is edited by Nahum Dimitri Chandler. Other pieces in this issue are written by Nahum D. Chandler, Hortense J. Spillers, Nicole A. Waligora-Davis, Rebecka Rutledge Fisher, Karen E. Fields, and Jeremy W. Pope. The entire issue and individual articles can be purchased either in print form or else in downloadable PDF files. For purchases one would need first to use the "Table of Contents" drop-down menu list located on the navigation bar and select "Volume 6, Number 3 (2006)". After the contents of that particular issue are displayed, one then can make purchase choices.

[W.E.B. Du Bois's Reply] (1906) is an untitled response to the question "What's Next; or, Shall a Man Live Again?" that seems to have been sent to numerous persons by Clara Spalding Ellis ( Introduction). As was written on the title page:

"The great question answered by two hundred living Americans of prominence in politics; in the army and navy; in science, art, music and literature; in the mercantile world; in the professions; and in the chairs of universities. An expression from secular life only (the views of all clergymen being excluded.)"

The replies were compiled in a book published by Ellis as What's Next; or, Shall a Man Live Again? (Boston: The Gorham Press, 1906).
Du Bois's brief reply (perhaps written by him or received by Ellis in January 1904) is presented here verbatim and in its entirety:

W. E. B. Du Bois, A. M., Ph.D., Professor of Economics and History, Atlanta University. January 30, 1904.

I have a thousand years of work laid out before me. And each year as it flies leaves the vision of another thousand. I should like to live to finish all this; it seems reasonable that I should; I hope I may. [p.46]

There does not appear to be a reference to Clara Spalding Ellis in the Du Bois Papers' Finding Aid (University of Massachusetts Library).

" The Economic Revolution in the South" (ch.iii) and " Religion in the South" (ch.iv). 1907. Two lectures by Du Bois.

" Mixed Blood Aided White Geniuses." 1907. Du Bois targeted those critical of mixed-race heritage at a speech for the Society for Ethical Culture at Carnegie Hall, NY. The speech was reported in The New York Times on 18 February 1907. Du Bois said:
[A]s a subtle and far-reaching blend of blood, you have in many great white men this negro element coming in to color and make wonderful the genius which they had -[-] a fact which was as true of Robert Browning and Alexander Hamilton as it was of Lew Wallace and a great many other Americans who may wish to have it forgotten. To train this talent we need colleges. We ask these things not because we want to be helped, but that we may help ourselves."

John Brown. 1909. Du Bois published this interpretive biography of the abolitionist John Brown with G.W. Jacobs & Company (Philadelphia). In the conclusion Du Bois relates the significance of John Brown to the race -- and class -- relations of the early 20th century:
John Brown taught us that the cheapest price to pay for liberty is its cost to-day. The building of barriers against the advance of Negro-Americans hinders but in the end cannot altogether stop their progress. The excuse of benevolent tutelage cannot be urged, for that tutelage is not benevolent that does not prepare for free responsible manhood. Nor can the efficiency of greed as an economic developer be proven -- it may hasten development but it does so at the expense of solidity of structure, smoothness of motion, and real efficiency. Nor does selfish exploitation help the undeveloped; rather it hinders and weakens them. [pp. 395-6]

There is a life of John Brown by W. E. B. DuBois, the colored scholar and author, which is well worth reading. It may be regarded as an index of the ultimate attitude of the race for which Kansas bled and the gallows of Virginia ushered in the tragic drama of the Civil War. DuBois's book does credit to himself and his people. It reflects their gratitude for liberation from bondage, and the estimate of Brown's followers who fought to accomplish this is thoughtful and conservative. It is evident, however, that the author has in mind the present and future of his race and a somber appreciation of prejudices to be overcome and wrongs to be righted. He insists that the negro [ [ Contemporary Secondary Source:
In an article entitled "John Brown" C.B. Galbreath surveyed various works on that historical person (in Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, v.30 (1921): 184-289). DuBois's biography was acknowledged in a positive but also patronizing way, as conveyed by this quotation presented here in its entirety and verbatim:
sic] still suffers grievous injustice; that the times call for another John Brown to batter down the walls and break the fetters that deprive his people of the rights and opportunities which should be theirs under our institutions. He has a grievance to present and a purpose to accomplish; he gets a hearing through his ably written biography of John Brown, even as Charles Sumner in his scholarly lecture on Lafayette found an avenue for an attack on the institution of slavery. Note: "Negro" is not capitalized in the original. - RWW]
Page 195 in the full text of the periodical [Article's start page]
http://books.google.com/books?id=Guu7AAAAIAAJ. . .#PPA195
[Another digital copy]

" Evolution of the Race Problem." 1909. Presented by DuBois at the National Negro Conference held in New York City in 1909, this paper is interesting for, among other reasons, his interpretation of Darwinian evolution as it applied to the progress of races over time (and the human race also), and its implications for social policies -- all in contradistinction to many of the tenets of the so-called social Darwinism found in the U.S.A. at the time.

In the early 20th Century L.L. Bernard sent a questionnaire to various programs of sociology within U.S. institutions of higher education, seeking information, as the title of his article indicated, on " The Teaching of Sociology in the United States" ( American Journal of Sociology, 15:2 (September 1909): pp.164-213). W.E.B. Du Bois was queried and his response to Question 15 was printed in the journal article. Question 15 asked: "Express fully your judgment of the present tendencies of sociology, and your forecast of its future in your own institution. In this connection give statistical data if possible. Also give any other facts that you regard as important." [p.166]
Du Bois's response is presented below verbatim and in its entirety. Note that he is listed as the president of Atlanta University and also note that "Negro" was not capitalized in the original.

President Du Bois, Atlanta University: "Sociology will, in my opinion, for the next decade or so leave the theoretical side largely alone and devote itself carefully to a practical intensive study, emphasizing in such points as are of importance to students who are going into social work, and who wish to understand the full significance of history. In this institution, naturally, the statistical and historical study of the negro [sic] problem will be the chief content of the courses in sociology for some years to come." [p.195]

" Fifty Years Among Black Folks." DuBois published this piece on the progress of African Americans in The New York Times on 12 December 1909. DuBois concluded:
This, then, is the transformation of the negro in America in fifty years: from slavery to freedom, from 4,000,000 to 10,000,000, from denial of citizenship to enfranchisement, from being owned chattels to ownership of $600,000,000 in property, from unorganized irresponsibility to organized group life, from being spoken for to speaking, from contemptuous forgetfulness on the part of their neighbors to uneasy fear and dawning respect, and from inarticulate complaint to self-expression and dawning consciousness of manhood.

The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races. 1910-today. Du Bois was the first editor of The Crisis, the main periodical of the N.A.A.C.P., and served in that capacity from 1910 to 1934. He published numerous editorials and articles in this magazine. Henry Lee Moon published the "History of The Crisis" in November 1970: online at the magazine's web site.
Various volumes are accessible online:

In " Reconstruction and Its Benefits" (1910) Du Bois prefigured some of the later analyses he put forth in Black Reconstruction. This article was published in the American Historical Review, 15:4 (July 1910) at pp.781-799, and is based on a presentation that he delivered at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association in 1909. In the essay Du Bois sketched the political consequences of the 15th Amendment on the legislation of the South. For example, he examined the democratic facets of the state constitutions established by Black legislators, including the creation of public education for all citizens.

" The First Universal Race [sic] Congress in London, England." 1911.
This is an anonymously written article that contains the text of a speech delivered by Du Bois at the Lyceum Club in London on 26 June 1911. The speech took place prior to the start of the First Universal Races Congress which was held at the University of London on July 26-29, 1911.
[Citation: Anonymous. 1911. "The First Universal Race Congress in London, England." The American Missionary, 45:9 (September): 323-324].

" The Economics of Negro Emancipation in the United States." 1911. While Du Bois was attending the First Universal Races Congress during the summer of 1911 he delivered a paper at a meeting of the Sociological Society in London. The paper was later published in the Sociological Review, 4:3 (October 1911): 303-313.

" The Upbuilding of Black Durham. The Success of the Negroes and Their Value to a Tolerant and Helpful Southern City." World's Work, vol. 23 (Jan. 1912). [S. l.: s. n., 1912]. pp. 334-338.

W.E.B. Du Bois Testimony. Hearing on U.S. Senate Bill 180, " Celebration of the Semicentennial Anniversary of the Act of Emancipation" (on 2 February 1912). The hearing was conducted by the Senate Committee on Industrial Expositions. Du Bois spoke after R.R. Wright Sr. ("president of the organization that is promoting this semicentennial exposition" [p.2]) and R.R. Wright Jr., and before Rev. I.N. Ross.
The Senate report was entitled "Semicentennial Anniversary of Act of Emancipation" (Senate Report No. 311; 62d Congress, 2d Session; Printed 5 February 1912). The bill is described in the report as follows:

The bill proposes that the fiftieth anniversary of the emancipation of the Negro race in the United States by President Lincoln's proclamation shall be celebrated by an exposition to show the progress of the race during their first half century of freedom.

The committee think that such an exposition will be of value by encouraging the negroes [ sic] in the country toward thrift, industry, and effort to become more useful citizens; that it will be instructive to all the people of the country by pointing out the ways in which they can most practically and usefully help the negroes [ sic] of the country to improve their condition. [pp.1-2]

This particular report was included in a different document that also pertained to the proposed bill: "Anniversary Celebration of Act of Emancipation; Speech of Hon. William O. Bradley" (Senate Document 602; 62d Congress, 2d Session; printed 23 April 1912)[Full text at Google Books or HathiTrust].
Du Bois's testimony is presented below verbatim and in its entirety. Note that the original source misspells several words, including misrepresenting one of his middle names. Also note that the word "Negro" was not usually capitalized in the original source.

Dr. Du Bois. I wanted to say a word to the committee about the kind of exposition we would like to have. I think a committee like this must be a little chary of expositions, because they have grown so enormous in size and they cost so much money. It has been in our minds that we could organize an exposition in this case upon a lot of new lines, distinctly educational, for the people of the United States, both for the colored people and for the white people. As a center of those exhibits it has been thought we should have a section devoted to a scheme which should be the same exhibits, something on the order of the child welfare that the committee of women have been doing - or tuberculosis, and so on - that this main scheme should try to show the condition of the colored people throughout the United States. For instance, it should have something of the African background, and in this department, and in all departments, we could make use of all the different things that can be shown to illustrate the concrete things and spiritual things which affect the colored people. For instance, maps and charts and models and mechanical figures of various sizes, and marble pictures, and, perhaps, phonographs could be shown.

I presume most of you know that in nearly all of the great countries of the world there is an African exhibit. The African museums in London, Paris, and Berlin are sources in each of those cities of great educational value, and there is very little information of that sort in the United States. Something might be done to get together the things which show the wonderful mechanical genius of certain African tribes, especially their work in iron and in cloth. Then, in the second place, the question of the development of the negro race throughout the world, and the distribution of the negroes in the United States could be shown by relief maps with groups of figures showing this distribution, and movable figures, perhaps, showing the migration. Then the question of the physique of the negro could be shown. Very little has been done in this country to show what is the typical negro physique. A great deal could be done by photographs and by plaster casts. Then the question of health and disease could be covered. My idea is that this exhibit should be a truthful exhibit. It should not be simply a thing that would be exaggerated in any way. It should be a real picture so far as possible of the condition of the negro people so that not only would it show the progress but also the dangers and the diseases to which they are liable.

Then the question of occupation could be covered. Of course, that would be one of the most interesting parts of the exhibit. This could be shown perhaps by mechanical figures of correct relative size showing the occupations of the negroes and the value of their sevices [ sic] in a relative manner in all the different departments in which the negro takes a considerable part.

Then the matter of education has been spoken of. We could have models and charts showing illiteracy, and conditions in cities, and photographs of institutions and especially photographs and models showing the work of the graduates of institutions as the work of the institution filters down to the actual mass of the people. In no department has the negro shown more genius for modern organization than in his churches, and the models of churches and of the work in churches be shown. The younger Mr. Wright here is a representative of one of the great churches and there is a great publish-house as he says in Nashville, Tenn., and there are several other organizations. That work could be shown and a person could grasp it and it would show the tremendous development that has taken place in that line.

Then in the matter of civics - I suppose most of you would be surprised to know the number of negro towns and quarters throughout the United States more or less organized as independent entities. Exhibits could be had showing those towns and the workings of those towns which would be of great interest. Then there would be of course charts and diagrams and models showing the orgainzed [ sic] life, the business life, the social life, the work of social uplift among the negro people. There are orphan asylums and there are a good number of hospitals and homes. The family life, the interior of the homes could be shown. And then the question of art which has been mentioned. Negro music could be shown and photographs of art and other work, and a collection of negro books. There are something like 200 weekly newspapers. And finally statistics of crimes and of delinquencies could be shown. In this way it seems to me we might build up a comparatively small central exhibit and then around that could come the various voluntary exhibits which are always sent to expositions of this sort. Then there could be congresses held in connection with it - congresses on agriculture and on industry, on education, on health, on music.

There should be, of course, awards and medals. Then there might be a historical pageant. I have been looking up the history of the negro, and it is interesting indeed to know what a continuous history would show in connection with the development of the negro from the time of the Egyptian civilization down through the negro kingdoms in the Sudan and the migration of the Buntu [ sic] tribes from North Africa to South Africa; and, as you know, the negro has been connected with almost every event in American history. Then, finally, our idea is that this central exhibit could be kept or established as a permanent exhibit and placed in a permanent museum. Perhaps from time to time it might be moved from place to place where people who wanted to could obtain exact information concerning the negro in a definite form.

With these ideas it seems to me that we could have an exposition which would not be costly - and we are not asking for very much money - that would be educational, and something that we could pay for with the amount of money that we got from the Government and which we could raise among ourselves. [pp.5-6]
[Du Bois's testimony ends]

" Suffering Suffragettes." A Du Bois editorial in The Crisis, Vol. 4 (June 1912), pp. 76-77.

Other Primary Sources by Du Bois on Suffrage:
Various members of the American Journalism Historians Association developed a website, "Suffrage and the Media", that contains resources to recognize and celebrate the 2019-2020 centennial anniversary of women�s suffrage in the USA. The site contains primary and secondary sources useful for educational and scholarly purposes. One web page is entitled "Race, Gender, and the Fight for Votes for Women: W.E.B. Du Bois On Suffrage" ​[ page]. It presents a list of editorials by Du Bois from the Crisis, along with their page numbers. Items on the list point to PDFs of the periodical housed at the Brown University library. One scrolls through the issue in order to locate a particular Du Bois editorial. In addition, the Du Bois page at the "Suffrage and the Media" site also provides several scholarly secondary sources that discuss Du Bois's views on the franchise for women.

" Sir: Your inauguration to the Presidency of the United States is to the colored people, to the white South and to the nation a momentous occasion. Open Letter to Woodrow Wilson". Written by DuBois and published in the March 1913 issue of The Crisis. His words to the new President:
[. . . .]
[....] We believe that the Negro problem is in many respects the greatest problem facing the nation, and we believe that you have the opportunity of beginning a just and righteous solution of this burning human wrong. This opportunity is yours because, while a Southerner in birth and tradition, you have escaped the provincial training of the South and you have not had burned into your soul desperate hatred and despising of your darker fellow men. [. . . .]
[... Y]ou face no insoluble problem. The only time when the Negro problem is insoluble is when men insist on settling it wrong by asking absolutely contradictory things. You cannot make 10,000,000 people at one and the same time servile and dignified, docile and self-reliant, servants and independent leaders, segregated and yet part of the industrial organism, disfranchised and citizens of a democracy, ignorant and intelligent. This is impossible and the impossibility is not factitious; it is in the very nature of things.
[ Note: the transcription error in the first sentence of the online text has been corrected in the quotation above.]

[W.E.B. Du Bois's Reply to "What is Americanism?"] (1915) is an untitled response to the question posed to Du Bois, among others, by the editors of the American Journal of Sociology. As the editors wrote:

Beginning in August, 1914, this Journal sent a circular letter with the above title ["What is Americanism?"] to a carefully selected list of 250 American men and women. The attempt was made to reach representatives of every type of group in the United States which may be reckoned as consciously contributing to our public opinion or as having ideas about our common interests which, if formulated and published, would become factors in our public opinion. [ p.433]

The letter sent included the following (excerpted here):

In the judgment of the editors, an important contribution to this object may be made by assembling the answers of typical Americans to this question: With a view to the interests not primarily of individuals or of classes; considering not merely the next decade nor the next generation nor the next century, but having in mind our relationships both to one another and to our successors for many centuries; upon what ideals, policies, programs, or specific purposes should Americans place most stress in the immediate future?

With the exception of the present paragraph, this letter was drafted and approved by the editors before the European war was regarded as probable. In the present situation the reasons for the inquiry here made are immeasurably more urgent than when the plan was adopted.

Will you indicate, within the limits of from 500 to 1,000 words, your answer to the foregoing question? [ p.435]

The numerous replies were compiled in a symposium entitled "What Is Americanism?" and published in the American Journal of Sociology, 20:4 (January 1915): 433-486. No author was listed.

Du Bois's brief reply is presented here verbatim and in its entirety as it was published in the journal (including "du" instead of "Du"):

W. E. Burghardt du Bois (New York City)

Americans in the immediate future should place most stress upon the abolition of the color line. Just so long as the majority of men are treated as inhuman, and legitimate objects of commercial exploitation, religious damnation, and social ostracism, just so long will democracy be impossible in the world. Without democracy we must have continual attempts at despotism and oligarchy, with the resultant failure through the ignorance of those who attempt to rule their fellow-men without knowing their fellow-men. America, instead of being the land of the free, has made herself a hot-bed of racial prejudice and of despicable propaganda against the majority of men. [ p.463]

The Credo online repository of Du Bois's papers at the University of Massachusetts Library provides the related correspondence between Albion Small, who signed the letter that Du Bois received from the American Journal of Sociology. Du Bois's reply, dated 18 December 1914, is also accessible. Note that, in the published text, the journal made several small changes in punctuation and spelling ("indespicable" became "despicable"). Notably the "abolition of the color line" was italicized, which Du Bois had not done.

" The African Roots of War." Essay by Du Bois published in The Atlantic Monthly, May 1915.

"The first paradox is the pursuit of peace in the midst of imperialist expansion." "...Du Bois embraces three major initiatives reflective of his commitment to Secondary Source:
"Du Bois and the Question of the Color Line: Race and Class in the Age of Globalization" by Maulana Karenga ( Socialism and Democracy Online, Issue 33, Winter-Spring 2003 [Vol. 17, No. 2]). Karenga examines Du Bois' "The African Roots of War", among other Du Boisian texts, in order to better situate our current era of globalization within its historical context. According to Karenga, Du Bois set forth several paradoxes in "African Roots":

[. . . .]
"The second paradox Du Bois identifies as that of 'democratic despotism,' an ongoing brutal domination masked in the disguise and discourse of democracy.
[. . . .]
freedom, justice and equality of the peoples of color and humanity as a whole.
These are socialism, the peace movement, and Pan-Africanism."
[The 3rd is] "the paradox of 'civilized savagery' or savagery in the midst of
claims to civilization."
Karenga also outlines the principles offered by Du Bois through which a more just world can be created. In his words:

https://sdonline.org/issue/33/du-bois-and-question-color-line...

Another Secondary Source:

Robert Gooding-Williams posted his essay "Democratic Despotism and the New Imperialism" on 12 October 2020 as part of a series on Abolition Democracy that the Columbia Center for Contemporary Critical Thought organized [ web page]. He cited "The African Roots of War" extensively.

In this essay on the importance of Du Bois's concept of "democratic despotism" Gooding-Williams distinguishes Du Bois from another theorist of imperialism, J.A. Hobson. Hobson argued, writes Gooding-Williams, that the interests of industrial and financial capitalists had coalesced with the interests of state institutions in order to promote the new imperialism of the modern era.

As Gooding-Williams indicates, Du Bois differed from Hobson. Du Bois emphasized that the increasing trend towards democracy in the modern era was evidenced in the increased agitation for political participation in governance. In this manner the goals of some citizens were fused with the governance of the state institutions. Imperialism became a significant historical result of that fusion. The "some citizens" were persons of the White working class who could economically benefit from the imperialistic exploitation of persons of color abroad. Historically, for Du Bois, an increasing democratization in Europe and America also generated an increasing oppression of others outside of Europe​-​hence, the term "democratic despotism".

https://blogs.law.columbia.edu/abolition1313/robert-gooding-williams-...

" Woman Suffrage." Editorial by Du Bois in The Crisis, November 1915, pp. 29-30. He wrote:

The Negro. 1915. This is Du Bois' first book on the history of Africans and those of the African diaspora. It was published in New York by Henry Holt and Company. (Du Bois' other historical works on this theme include Black Folk, Then and Now (1939) and The World and Africa (1947).)

""We must defend ourselves, our homes, our wives and children against the Let Us Reason Together." 1919. This editorial was originally published in The Crisis, Vol.18 (September 1919): 231. With an apparent allusion to a Biblical passage in Isaiah I:16-18, Du Bois wrote this piece in response to the Chicago Race Riot of 1919 In Du Bois's words:

lawless without stint or hesitation: but we must carefully and scrupulously
avoid on our own part bitter and unjustifiable aggression against anybody."

Table of Contents for Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil. 1920. (NY: Harcourt, Brace & Co.)
This collection of DuBois' essays and short fictional works offers compelling ideas about a range of topics, including democracy, women's issues, and the idea of whiteness, among others.
Darkwater:

Postscript

I. The Shadow of Years

"A Litany at Atlanta"

II. The Souls of White Folk

"The Riddle of the Sphinx"

III. The Hands of Ethiopia

"The Princess of the Hither Isles"

IV. Of Work and Wealth

"The Second Coming"

V. "The Servant in the House"

"Jesus Christ in Texas"

VI. Of the Ruling of Men

VII. The Damnation of Women

"Children of the Moon"

VIII. The Immortal Child

"Almighty Death"

IX. Of Beauty and Death

"The Prayers of God"

X. The Comet

"A Hymn to the Peoples"

" Race Intelligence." 1920. This editorial was published by Du Bois in the July 1920 issue of The Crisis. In this brief piece he attacked the methodological flaws in the IQ testing conducted by the U.S. Army.

The Brownies' Book. 1920-1921. This periodical, edited by Du Bois, was oriented primarily to African-American children, providing them with positive role models and moral messages about personal conduct. It carried the subitle: "A Monthly Magazine for the Children of the Sun." Adults also had found a few pages devoted to worldly political events. Here is what seems to be the "mission statement" ffrom the inside front cover of Vol. 1, No. 1 (and complete with its original capitalization of words):

DESIGNED FOR ALL CHILDREN BUT ESPECIALLY FOR OURS.

It aims to be a thing of Joy and Beauty, dealing in Happiness, Laughter, and Emulation, and designed especially for Kiddies from Six to Sixteen.

It will seek to teach Universal Love and Brotherhood for all little folk--black and brown and yellow and white.

Of course, pictures, stories, letters frrom little ones, games and oh--everything!

The monthly periodical ran from Vol. 1, No. 1 (January 1920) through Vol. 2, No. 12 (December 1921). Note, however, that the Library of Congress (LOC) digital copy presented here is missing the last issue (December 1921) [The LOC's " permalink" to bibliographic data].

Page Images at the Library of Congress's American-Digitized Materials (Rare Book and Special Collections Reading Room)
http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.rbc/ser.01351 [to view the page images online]
[Or download the 2 volumes as an approx. 350 MB PDF file]

" The Superior Race (An Essay)." 1923. Du Bois published this in The Smart Set: A Magazine of Cleverness, v.70, n.4 (April 1923) at pp.55-60. In this satire Du Bois conducts an imaginary conversation with a White friend about various issues pertinent to living in a racialized and racist America. The friend is a fictional, composite character. Most of the piece was later published in Du Bois's 1940 book Dusk of Dawn as part of Chapter 6 ("The White World").

" The Hosts of Black Labor." 1923. This article was published in The Nation, 9 May 1923 (v.116, no.3018): pp.539-541. Du Bois addressed the migration of African American workers from the South to the North. In particular, he focused on various consequences of the recent migration for Northerners, both Blacks and Whites: labor relations and housing, among several others.

The Gift of Black Folk: The Negroes in the Making of America. 1924. This is a page facsimile of the first edition of the book which was published in 1924 by the Stratford Company (Boston, MA) and copyrighted by the Knights of Columbus. It contains a short introduction by Edward F. McSweeney.
In The Gift of Black Folk Du Bois continued an abiding theme of his work and activism: namely, that of highlighting the agency of African diasporic persons as it relates to their own development and to their contributions to the history of the United States and the world.

Secondary Source: Brief Notice of The Gift of Black Folk
Anonymous. [Section: "In Brief Review"]. The Bookman, Vol. LX, No. 3 (November 1924): p.357.
The text is presented here verbatim and in its entirety:

The Knights of Columbus are issuing a series of volumes telling the contributions of various races to our country. They are fortunate in securing Dr. William E. B. DuBois to write on "The Gift of Black Folk" (Stratford). Dr. DuBois is a bit chary in his praise of the younger generation among his people, and he has told the story of the Negro so often that his interest in history seems perfunctory, but he has the gift of style and of polemic. He pays a special tribute to Negro women and relates the achievement of his people in exploration, martial service, labor, literature, music, and science, with special emphasis on the spiritual gifts of his group with their perpetual challenge to American democracy.

" The Black Man Brings His Gifts." 1925. This is a satirical short story by DuBois on a White "high society" organization which, in attempting to create a pageant of so-called real American culture, discover the many African American contributions which are integral to "American" life. It was originally published in The Survey Graphic, vol. VI, no. 6 (March 1925): 655-657, 710. [This issue, edited by Alain Locke, is entitled " Harlem: Mecca of the New Negro" (online)].

" Criteria of Negro Art." Essay by Du Bois published in The Crisis, October 1926.

" Immortality". 1929. A brief statement written by Du Bois and published as part of an anthology edited by Sydney Strong, We Believe in Immortality: Affirmations by One Hundred Men and Women (NY: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1929). Note that a second edition appeared in 1935: We Believe in Immortality: Affirmations by One Hundred Men and Women, Second Edition. Edited by Sydney Dix Strong. NY: Press of the Pioneers, 1935 (accessible at HathiTrust: catalog page).
UMass's Credo Repository contains materials related to this brief writing by Du Bois, including correspondence between him and Sydney Strong, as well as a typescript of Du Bois's response itself. Search for Sydney Strong. Sydney Strong initiated the collection of statements on personal immortality in a February 1928 letter to Du Bois ( viewable at Credo). Du Bois responded with his statement in a letter dated 17 February 1928 ( viewable at Credo). That letter enclosed the typescript that was published ( viewable at Credo).
Du Bois's statement - presented here verbatim (p.18) - seemingly belies the title of the anthology:

My thought on personal immortality is easily explained. I do not know. I do not see how any one could know. Our whole basis of knowledge is so relative and contingent that when we get to argue concerning ultimate reality and the real essence of life and the past and the future, we seem to be talking without real data and getting nowhere. I have every respect for people who believe in the future life, but I cannot accept their belief or their wish as knowledge. Equally, I am not impressed by those who deny the possibility of future life. I have no knowledge of the possibilities of this universe and I know of no one who has.

[ Note regarding the asterisk before Du Bois's name: According to the editor in his Preface, entries so designated appeared originally in the New York Times newspaper. Aptheker in his Annotated Bibliography of the Published Writings of W.E.B. Du Bois provided the following citation (Item 237): New York Times, April 8, 1928, Section 9, p.1.]

" Douglass, Frederick" (1930). DuBois published this short biography of Frederick Douglass in the Dictionary of American Biography: Cushman - Eberle, Volume V. Edited by Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone (London: Humphrey Milford & Oxford University Press, 1930): pp.406-407.

" Marxism and the Negro Problem" (1933). The essay was published in The Crisis, v.40, n.5 (May 1933): pp.103-104, 118. Du Bois provides a summary of Marxian analysis; he spells out its major tenets. Examining the situation in the U.S.A., he also indicates that the racism of many white workers in the early decades of the 20th Century means that the world's proletarians cannot become united to challenge the owners and directors of capital. It is with Black workers, Du Bois concludes, that the ideals of democracy reside.

" The Church and Religion" (1933). DuBois differentiated religion from the church, highlighting the tension between the two. Religion was the expression of the human quest for a deeper understanding of life, while the church was an organization that historically has often declared itself to be the final arbiter of the nature of that deeper understanding. The piece was published as an editorial in The Crisis, v.40, n.10 (October 1933): pp.236-237.

" My Evolving Program for Negro Freedom." 1944. This essay was originally published in Rayford W. Logan, Ed., What the Negro Wants, pp. 31-70 (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press). Du Bois provides autobiographical details on how his thought, research, and activism were modified in light of the changing -- and unchanging -- aspects of social relations in the U.S.A. and around the world. The essay interestingly conveys Du Bois' views on the connections between social-scientific research and the exigencies of social activism.

* Note: This anthology also contains essays by Mary McLeod Bethune, Sterling A. Brown, Gordon B. Hancock, Leslie Pinckney Hill, Langston Hughes, Rayford W. Logan, Frederick D. Patterson, A. Philip Randolph, George S. Schuyler, Willard S. Townsend, Charles H. Wesley, Doxey A. Wilkerson, and Roy Wilkins.

Alternate website for Du Bois's "My Evolving Program" at Clinical Sociology Review, 8:1 (1990): download page   [

Jan M. Fritz provides an introduction, entitled "In Pursuit of Justice: W.E.B. Du Bois".

]

" The Talented Tenth Memorial Address." 1948. In an address before the social organization, Sigma Pi Phi, DuBois reexamined his concept of the Talented Tenth. It was published in The Boul� Journal, v.15, n.1 (October 1948) [ full text]. He presented a modification of his initial concept:

[....] Here comes a new idea for a Talented Tenth: The concept of a group-leadership, [ sic] not simply educated and self-sacrificing, but with clear vision of present world conditions and dangers, and conducting American Negroes to alliance with culture groups in Europe, America, Asia and Africa, and looking toward a new world culture. We can do it. We have the ability. The only question is, have we the will?

This calls for leadership through special organization. Such organization calls for more than a tenth of our number. One one-hundredth, or thirty thousand persons is indicated, with a directing council composed of educated and specially trained experts in the main branches of science and the main categories of human work, and a paid executive committee of five or six persons to carry out the program.

Du Bois casts his argument in terms of a Marxian-inspired theoretical framework. At the end of the address he said: "This, then, in my re-examined and restated theory of the "Talented Tenth," which has thus become the doctrine of the "Guiding Hundredth."

Nota Bene: My thanks to Dr. Paul C. Taylor for sendng me the link to the "The Talented Tenth Memorial Address."

" The Nature of Intellectual Freedom" [IFRE]. 1949. Du Bois delivered this piece at the Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace, which was held in New York during March 25, 26, and 27, 1949, under the auspices of the National Council of Arts, Sciences and Professions. IFRE was published in Gillmor, Daniel S. (Ed.), Speaking of Peace. New York: National Council of Arts, Sciences and Professions, 1949, at p.78.
Source in Anthology: "The Nature of Intellectual Freedom." Pp.267-268 in Herbert Aptheker (Editor), Writings by W.E.B. Du Bois in Non-Periodical Literature Edited by Others, a volume in The Complete Published Works of W.E.B. Du Bois. Millwood, NY: Kraus-Thomson Organization Limited, 1982.
Alternate Source: The work is accessible online at the Credo repository of the Special Collections and University Archives, W.E.B. Du Bois Library at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
The Credo database has drafts of the conference presentation IFRE (which Du Bois had entitled "Thinking and Writing"), as well as other materials related to the conference. Search Credo for "Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace".

" Negroes and the Crisis of Capitalism in the United States." Monthly Review, April 1953. Du Bois uses a Marxist perspective to interpret the implications of demographic data on African Americans, like wages, population distribution, and social organizations.

" If Eugene Debs Returned." This DuBoisian piece was originally published in the American Socialist, January 1956.

" I Won't Vote." The Nation, October 20, 1956. Regarding the 1956 general elections DuBois wrote:
In 1956, I shall not go to the polls. I have not registered. I believe that democracy has so far disappeared in the United States that no "two evils" exist. There is but one evil party with two names, and it will be elected despite all I can do or say. There is no third party. On the Presidential ballot in a few states (seventeen in 1952), a "Socialist" Party will appear. Few will hear its appeal because it will have almost no opportunity to take part in the campaign and explain its platform. If a voter organizes or advocates a real third-party movement, he may be accused of seeking to overthrow this government by "force and violence." Anything he advocates by way of significant reform will be called "Communist"....

The Black Flame: A Trilogy. 1957, 1959, 1961. This trilogy, published during the last decade of Du Bois's life, included three novels: The Ordeal of Mansart (1957), Mansart Builds a School (1959), and Worlds of Color (1961). The novels portrayed the fictional Mansart family over several generations. From a radical perspective, Du Bois discussed and analyzed various historical events via a narrative of the lives and activities of the fictional characters.
Note: The Internet Archive has the second and third novel of the Black Flame Trilogy available in DAISY format (developed by the DAISY Consortium). A DAISY work can be read aloud via text-to-speech software and hardware. Within the files that comprise a complete DAISY book, there is an .xml file that can be displayed by .xml-capable browsers or word processors. The DAISY books of the two Black Flame works from the Internet Archive contain various errors that arose during the Optical Character Recognition process-a process used to convert a page image into plain text. The Internet Archive acknowledges such errors in a note at the beginning of the .xml files. Those errors may not hinder causal reading of the books, but likely prohibit the extant files from being used as part of a computer-assisted analysis.

Contemporary Secondary Source (Item 1):
Arthur B. Springarn [A.B.S.] wrote a brief, positive notice of Du Bois' The Ordeal of Mansart for the The Crisis (1957) in the "Book Bits" section. Springarn was a member of The Crisis's Editorial Advisory Board. His notice is presented here in its entirety and verbatim:

The full text of Springarn's note in The Crisis: Page 454.

Contemporary Secondary Source (Item 2):
James W. Ivy [J.W.I.], then editor of The Crisis, wrote a brief, negative notice of Du Bois' Worlds of Color for the periodical (1961) in the "Book Review" section. It is presented here verbatim and in its entirety:

The full text of Ivy's note in The Crisis: Page 378.

" Postscript" to Du Bois's novel The Ordeal of Mansart [ above]. 1957. In this text Du Bois provided insights into his understanding of the complementarity of literature and social research, particularly when used in the projects for racial and social justice.

Selections from Du Bois's Autobiography. Posthumously published in 1968, Du Bois provides a personal account of his long life.
The full citation is: Du Bois, W. E. B. 1968. The Autobiography of W.E.B. DuBois: A Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of Its First Century. NY: International Publishers.

Dr. Larry Ridener's site, Dead Sociologists' Society (DSS), has excerpts including: "Birth and Family" (ch. vi); "Harvard in the Last Decades of the 19th Century" (ch. ix); "The Niagra Movement" (ch. xiv); "The NAACP" (ch. xv); "My Character" (ch. xvi); "Work for Peace" (ch. xx); My Tenth Decade (ch. xxiii); and "Postlude."
http://media.pfeiffer.edu/lridener/DSS/#dubois
[

Please consider a contribution to the upkeep of <webdubois.org>.
PayPal offers a secure way for you to help me with my goal to find and present more works by and about W.E.B. Du Bois. Thank you.

Robert Williams

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This page contains links to the freely accessible e-texts of some of W.E.B. Du Bois' writings. I have also included a few secondary sources, such as commentaries and discussions, which concentrate on a particular DuBoisian work. Also, some hyperlinks point to audio and video presentations.

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W.E.B. Du Bois, (born February 23, 1868, Great Barrington, Massachusetts, U.S.-died August 27, 1963, Accra, Ghana), American sociologist, historian, author, editor, and activist who was the most important Black protest leader in the United States during the first half of the 20th century. He shared in the creation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909 and edited The Crisis, its magazine, from 1910 to 1934. His collection of essays The Souls of Black Folk (1903) is a landmark of African American literature.
(Read W.E.B. Du Bois' Britannica essay on African American literature.)

The Souls of Black Folk, the Niagara Movement, and the NAACP

Du Bois graduated from Fisk University, a historically Black institution in Nashville, Tennessee, in 1888. He received a Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1895. His doctoral dissertation, The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of America, 1638-1870, was published in 1896. Although Du Bois took an advanced degree in history, he was broadly trained in the social sciences; and, at a time when sociologists were theorizing about race relations, he was conducting empirical inquiries into the condition of Blacks. For more than a decade he devoted himself to sociological investigations of Blacks in America, producing 16 research monographs published between 1897 and 1914 at Atlanta University in Georgia, where he was a professor, as well as The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (1899), the first case study of a Black community in the United States.
(Read Henry Louis Gates, Jr.'s Britannica essay on "Monuments of Hope.")
Although Du Bois had originally believed that social science could provide the knowledge to solve the race problem, he gradually came to the conclusion that in a climate of virulent racism, expressed in such evils as lynching, peonage, disfranchisement, Jim Crow segregation laws, and race riots, social change could be accomplished only through agitation and protest. In this view, he clashed with the most influential Black leader of the period, Booker T. Washington, who, preaching a philosophy of accommodation, urged Blacks to accept discrimination for the time being and elevate themselves through hard work and economic gain, thus winning the respect of whites. In 1903, in his famous book The Souls of Black Folk, Du Bois charged that Washington's strategy, rather than freeing the Black man from oppression, would serve only to perpetuate it. This attack crystallized the opposition to Booker T. Washington among many Black intellectuals, polarizing the leaders of the Black community into two wings-the "conservative" supporters of Washington and his "radical" critics.

Two years later, in 1905, Du Bois took the lead in founding the Niagara Movement, which was dedicated chiefly to attacking the platform of Booker T. Washington. The small organization, which met annually until 1909, was seriously weakened by internal squabbles and Washington's opposition. But it was significant as an ideological forerunner and direct inspiration for the interracial NAACP, founded in 1909. Du Bois played a prominent part in the creation of the NAACP and became the association's director of research and editor of its magazine, The Crisis. In this role he wielded an unequaled influence among middle-class Blacks and progressive whites as the propagandist for the Black protest from 1910 until 1934.

Both in the Niagara Movement and in the NAACP, Du Bois acted mainly as an integrationist, but his thinking always exhibited, to varying degrees, separatist-nationalist tendencies. In The Souls of Black Folk he had expressed the characteristic dualism of Black Americans:

One ever feels his twoness-an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder....He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of Opportunity closed roughly in his face.

Du Bois's Black nationalism took several forms-the most influential being his pioneering advocacy of Pan-Africanism, the belief that all people of African descent had common interests and should work together in the struggle for their freedom. Du Bois was a leader of the first Pan-African Conference in London in 1900 and the architect of four Pan-African Congresses held between 1919 and 1927. Second, he articulated a cultural nationalism. As the editor of The Crisis, he encouraged the development of Black literature and art and urged his readers to see "Beauty in Black." Third, Du Bois's Black nationalism is seen in his belief that Blacks should develop a separate "group economy" of producers' and consumers' cooperatives as a weapon for fighting economic discrimination and Black poverty. This doctrine became especially important during the economic catastrophe of the 1930s and precipitated an ideological struggle within the NAACP.

He resigned from the editorship of The Crisis and the NAACP in 1934, yielding his influence as a race leader and charging that the organization was dedicated to the interests of the Black bourgeoisie and ignored the problems of the masses. Du Bois's interest in cooperatives was a part of his nationalism that developed out of his Marxist leanings. At the turn of the century, he had been an advocate of Black capitalism and Black support of Black business, but by about 1905 he had been drawn toward socialist doctrines. Although he joined the Socialist Party only briefly in 1912, he remained sympathetic with Marxist ideas throughout the rest of his life.

Upon leaving the NAACP, he returned to Atlanta University, where he devoted the next 10 years to teaching and scholarship. In 1940 he founded the magazine Phylon, Atlanta University's "Review of Race and Culture." In 1945 he published the "Preparatory Volume" of a projected Encyclopedia Africana, for which he had been appointed editor in chief and toward which he had been working for decades. He also produced two major books during this period. Black Reconstruction: An Essay Toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880 (1935) was an important Marxist interpretation of Reconstruction (the period following the American Civil War during which the seceded Southern states were reorganized according to the wishes of Congress), and, more significantly, it provided the first synthesis of existing knowledge of the role of Blacks in that critical period of American history. In 1940 appeared Dusk of Dawn, subtitled An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept. In this brilliant book, Du Bois explained his role in both the African and the African American struggles for freedom, viewing his career as an ideological case study illuminating the complexity of the Black-white conflict.

Following this fruitful decade at Atlanta University, he returned once more to a research position at the NAACP (1944-48). This brief connection ended in a second bitter quarrel, and thereafter Du Bois moved steadily leftward politically. Identified with pro-Russian causes, he was indicted in 1951 as an unregistered agent for a foreign power. Although a federal judge directed his acquittal, Du Bois had become completely disillusioned with the United States. In 1961 he applied to, and was accepted as a member of, the Communist Party. That same year he left the United States for Ghana, where he began work on the Encyclopedia Africana in earnest, though it would never be completed, and where he later became a citizen.

Du Bois also wrote several novels, including the trilogy The Black Flame (1957-61). The Autobiography of W.E.B. Du Bois was published in the United States in 1968.
Elliott Rudwick The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

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W.E.B. Du Bois | Biography, Education, Books, & Facts

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W.E.B. Du Bois was an American sociologist, historian, author, editor, and activist. He was the most important Black protest leader in the United States during the first half of the 20th century. His collection of essays The Souls of Black Folk (1903) is a landmark of African American literature.

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Before becoming a founding member of NAACP, W.E.B. Du Bois was already well known as one of the foremost Black intellectuals of his era. The first Black American to earn a PhD from Harvard University, Du Bois published widely before becoming NAACP's director of publicity and research and starting the organization's official journal, The Crisis, in 1910.

Leading Intellectual

Du Bois, a scholar at the historically Black Atlanta University, established himself as a leading thinker on race and the plight of Black Americans. He challenged the position held by Booker T. Washington, another contemporary prominent intellectual, that Southern Blacks should compromise their basic rights in exchange for education and legal justice. He also spoke out against the notion popularized by abolitionist Frederick Douglass that Black Americans should integrate with white society. In an essay published in The Atlantic Monthly in 1897, "Strivings of the Negro People," Du Bois wrote that Black Americans should instead embrace their African heritage even as they worked and lived in the United States.

Du Bois published his seminal work The Souls of Black Folk in 1903. In this collection of essays, Du Bois described the predicament of Black Americans as one of "double consciousness": "One ever feels his twoness, - an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, who dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder." The term "double consciousness" has come to be widely used as a theoretical framework to apply to other dynamics of inequality.

Editor of The Crisis, NAACP's monthly journal

Du Bois became the editor of the organization's monthly magazine, , using his perch to draw attention to the still widespread practice of lynching, pushing for nationwide legislation that would outlaw the cruel extrajudicial killings. A 1915 article in the journal gave a year-by-year list of more than 2,700 lynchings over the previous three decades.

Du Bois, who considered himself a socialist, also published articles in favor of unionized labor, although he called out union leaders for barring Black membership. Under Du Bois's guidance, the journal attracted a wide readership, reaching 100,000 in 1920, and drew many new supporters to NAACP. With Du Bois as its mouthpiece, NAACP came to be known as the leading protest organization for Black Americans.
"One ever feels his twoness, - an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, who dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder."
Du Bois served as editor of The Crisis until 1934, when he resigned following a rift with NAACP leadership over his controversial stance on segregation. He viewed the "separate but equal" status as an acceptable position for Blacks. Du Bois also resigned from the NAACP board and returned to Atlanta University.

Global citizen

After a ten-year hiatus, Du Bois came back to NAACP as the director of special research from 1944 to 1948. In this role, he attended the founding convention for the United Nations, channeling his energies toward lobbying the global body to acknowledge the suffering of Black Americans. He wrote the famous NAACP publication, "An Appeal to the World," a precursor to a report charging the United States with genocide for its ugly history of state-sanctioned lynchings. Du Bois also turned a spotlight onto the injustices of colonialism, urging the United Nations to use its influence to take a stand against such exploitative regimes.

Throughout his life, Du Bois was active in the Pan-Africanism movement, attending the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900. He later organized a series of Pan-African Congress meetings around the world in 1919, 1921, 1923, and 1927, bringing together intellectuals from Africa, the West Indies, and the United States.

At the end of his life, Du Bois embarked on an ambitious project to create a new encyclopedia on the African diaspora, funded by the government of Ghana. A citizen of the world until the end, the 93-year-old Du Bois moved to Ghana to manage the project, acquiring citizenship of the African country in 1961. Du Bois died in Ghana on Aug. 27, 1963, the day before the historic March on Washington.

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One of the premier Black scholars of his time, W.E.B. Du Bois was a founding member of the NAACP.

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This page contains links to the freely accessible e-texts of some of W.E.B. Du Bois' writings. I have also included a few secondary sources, such as commentaries and discussions, which concentrate on a particular DuBoisian work. Also, some hyperlinks point to audio and video presentations. In general, the works contained below are arranged in chronological order from earliest to latest.

The first section below presents links to online bibliographies of DuBois's works as well as links to web pages describing the collections of his works at various physical repositories.

In the next section below comes a listing of primary texts written by DuBois as well as any related materials by him or other authors. The following drop-down menus provide an easy way to peruse the items listed on this web page; by clicking the desired selection one can jump to view its details. The primary sources include:

Because many of Du Bois's publications are not-or at least not yet-available on the Internet, I do not claim to provide a full and complete listing of all of his works. I will, however, add more links to re/sources as I find them on the Web.

- Robert W. Williams, Ph.D.

A Secondary Source

Posted below is an external link to an essay by Robert Gooding-Williams, "Democratic Despotism and the New Imperialism" (2020), that was posted as part of a series on Abolition Democracy organized by the Columbia Center for Contemporary Critical Thought.

Posted below is a link to the text of Du Bois's "Address to the Country" ​(ATTC) as published in The Broad Ax newspaper (25 August 1906), and which is available on this web site. The ATTC is posted as one of my digital humanities projects.

Bibliographies and Collections of Du Bois's Works

The Credo online repository of the Du Bois Collection of primary and secondary materials at the University of Massachusetts Amherst library provides a searchable and browsable interface for examining the materials found within the Du Bois holdings at the library. Note that only the metadata description can be searched (not the items themselves themselves that are part of the additives that help with impotence). For more information visit my intra-site About page.

Bibliographies of Texts by Du Bois. Available online are several sites with reference details for his primary texts. These sites do not have hyperlinks to the actual texts.

Robert W. McDonnell's " The W.E.B. Du Bois Papers" ( The Crisis, 1980) provides an interesting account of how a multitude of Du Bois's written works, including correspondence as well as published and unpublished documents, came to be archived at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst library. McDonnell also describes how individual papers were carefully organized (or even reassembled from scattered pages) and laboriously processed for storage on microfilm. In the article he indicates the other repositories that house original works by Du Bois: specifically, the libraries at Fisk University and Yale University, as well as the Schomburg Center.
[Citation: McDonnell, Robert W. 1980. "The W.E.B. Du Bois Papers." The Crisis, 87:9 (November): 359-364].

The Papers of W.E.B. Du Bois: A Guide. 1981. Compiled and written by Robert W. McDonnell, this very large (12 Meg PDF file) provides a "table of contents" for the papers available for viewing at the University of Massachusetts Amherst's W.E.B. Du Bois Library. The Library also has a "Du Bois Central" page for links to the DuBois-related resources that are physically accessible there.

Finding Aid for the W.E.B. Du Bois Papers in the Special Collections and University Archives at the W.E.B. Du Bois Library of the University of Massachusetts Amherst (no date provided). In addition to a "Biographical Note" (by Kerry W. Buckley), a "Scope and Content of the Collection," and a "History of the Collection", there is a detailed inventory of the collection with its items corresponding to their location on the various reels of the microfilm set. The content list basically parallels those of the 1981 Guide/Finding Aid compiled by Robert McDonnell (described above). However, there are several notable differences between the later and earlier Finding Aids for the Du Bois Collection:

* Later materials added to the collection are contained in "Series 22. Additions to the Du Bois Papers." [as printed in the PDF file].
* "The Series 17. Photographs" are categorized differently than the 1981 Finding Aid-the latter more typically listing the photos by the name of the persons photographed.
* The "Series 18. Memorabilia" section and "Series 19: Audiovisual" section (as printed in the PDF file) are presented with less detail than the 1981 Finding Aid.
* The 1981 Finding Aid's "Selective Index to the Correspondence" is not included (presumably because a search function can be used to locate items on the webpage and in the PDF versions of the later Aid).

Dr. Randolph Bromery, former Chancellor of the University of Massachusetts Amherst (1971-1980) and a geophysicist, describes in two different video interviews how the University obtained the bulk of Du Bois's papers for the Special Collections repository at the school's library. Neither of the videos is dated in any explicit manner. The interviews convey Bromery's personal role in procuring the papers held by Shirley Graham Du Bois in Cairo, Egypt and the papers held by Herbert Aptheker in New York City. Further information on Bromery's life is available at the National Visionary Leadership Project, which contains a series of video interviews in which he conveys his life experiences and career (among which is the video regarding Du Bois's papers).

W. E. B. Dubois Collection at Yale University. Yale University houses the W. E. B. Dubois Collection (JWJ MSS 8) of correspondence and drafts of various works. In the words of the Beinecke Library staff: the collection "contains items presented to the James Weldon Johnson Collection by Mr. DuBois, by way of Carl Van Vechten, with additional items from other persons". Note that this is a listing of items that only can be accessed physically at the Library itself.

Umbra Search is a metasearch engine that concentrates directly on primary and secondary sources of African American history. As a metasearch engine it compiles results based on the search hits of the various repositories that it specifically accesses, such as the Digital Public Library, the Credo repository at the University of Massachusetts Amherst Library, the collection at Yale's Beinecke Library, and many others. When one types a search string, Umbra Search will suggest names and keywords that pertain to the terms being typed. In general, this metasearch engine is very useful. In my experience, however, it did not always find a document by Du Bois that I knew was located at, for example, the Credo repository. Umbra Search hence does not substitute for a focused search of individual repositories.

Freedomways was a quarterly journal initially edited by Shirley Graham, W. Alphaeus Hunton, Margaret G. Burroughs, and Ester Jackson. W.E.B. Du Bois contributed several articles to the early issues (see below). The journal spanned from Spring 1961 to Fall 1985. It covered African American and African diaspora topics, including the various civil rights struggles in the United States. Freedomways also foregrounded topics relevant to Black women and featured numerous works written by Black women. The journal also covered the Middle East and the Palestinians, the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, Native Americans, as well as topics in general that pertained to the exploitation and marginalization of peoples.

Freedomways published, as well as reprinted, various essays by Du Bois, and even published a poem by him:

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "The Negro People and the United States". Freedomways, v1,n1 (Spring 1961): 11-19.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Africa and the French Revolution". Freedomways, v1,n2 (Summer 1961): pp.136-151.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Ghana Calls-A Poem". Freedomways, v2,n1 (Winter 1962): pp.71-74.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Fifty Years After". [Reprint of a new Preface to the Jubilee Edition of The Souls of Black Folk (Blue Heron Press)]. Freedomways, v2,n2 (Spring 1962): pp.165-166.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Conference of Encyclopedia Africana", Freedomways, v3,n1 (Winter 1963): pp.28-30.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "Behold the Land". Freedomways, v4,n1 (Winter 1964): pp.8-15. [Reprinted also as "An Historical Perspective: Behold the Land", Freedomways, v15,n3 (3rd Q. 1975): pp.206-211].

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "The African Roots of War". Freedomways, v8,n1 (Winter 1968): pp.12-22.

* Du Bois, W.E.B. "The American Negro and the Darker World". Freedomways, v8,n3 (Summer 1968): pp.245-250.

The periodical is accessible at an online repository: "Independent Voices: An Open-Access Collection of an Alternative Press".

Primary Sources by DuBois and Related Materials
[Arranged chronologically from earliest to latest]

" The Renaissance of Ethics: A Critical Comparison of Scholastic and Modern Ethics." 1889. Du Bois wrote this essay as a Harvard undergraduate for Philosophy IV, a class taught by William James. "The Renaissance of Ethics" (TROE) is accessible at the W.E.B. Du Bois Collection (Call No. JWJ MSS 8, Box 3, Folder 57)[ Finding Aid], which is housed at the Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Yale University.
TROE is a hand-written essay spanning 51 pages of text. The manuscript contains marginal comments by William James, the professor. Du Bois the student discussed the limitations of scholastic philosophy and the important role that science has in attempting to discover the ultimate ends/goals of the world. On the basis of that future discovery, he argued, our duty in the world will be grounded. For Du Bois, duty was paramount. In his words:

The fundamental question of the Universe, for ages past, present, and to come, is Duty. Given a universe with two horrible futures and the question becomes to each individual How much difference will it make if This be tomorrow's universe rather than That? in [ sic] other words the great question the world asks is How much better is the best possible universe I can help make, than the worst possible? (pp.15-16)

" The Afro-American." Circa 1894. This previously unpublished manuscript from the "Papers of W. E. B. Du Bois" (Special Collections and University Archives at the University of Massachusetts Amherst) is presented online in the Journal of Transnational American Studies (2010). Dr. Nahum D. Chandler ( bio) provides the abstract accompanying the text.

This hitherto unpublished essay by W. E. B. Du Bois, the text titled "The Afro-American," which likely dates to the late autumn of 1894 or the winter of 1895, is an early attempt by the young scholar to define for himself the contours of the situation of the Negro, or "Afro-American," in the United States in the mid-1890s. It is perhaps the earliest full text expressing his nascent formulations of both the global "problem of the color-line" and the sense of "double-consciousness" among African Americans in North America.

An essay by Dr. Chandler accompanies the Du Boisian manuscript. As the abstract conveys,

[Chandler] proposes a path for the initial reading of this essay by rendering thematic the worldwide horizon that framed Du Bois's projection from this early moment and by bringing into relief the interwoven motifs of the global "problem of the color-line" and the sense of "double-consciousness" for the "Afro-American" in the United States.

Chandler relates the text to Du Bois' thinking as expressed in various early writings, including "Strivings of the Negro People" (1897), "Beyond the Veil in a Virginia Town" (unpublished manuscript circa 1897 written presumably during his time conducting research in the Farmville, VA area), "The Study of the Negro Problems" (1898), and The Souls of Black Folk (1903).

My Dear Mr. Washington: DuBois Congratulates Washington. 1895. This is a graphics file of a letter that Du Bois sent to Booker T. Washington after the latter's Atlanta Exposition speech on 18 September 1895. Given their later debates over socio-political goals and tactics, it is interesting to read what Du Bois sent Washington in a handwritten letter:

Let me heartlily congratulate you upon your
phenomenal success at Atlanta -- it was a word
fitly spoken.
Sincerely Yours,
W.E.B. Du Bois

Wilberforce, 24 Sept., '95

The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of America, 1638-1870. 1896. Based on his doctoral dissertation, this was Du Bois' first book; it was published as Volume 1 in the Harvard Historical Studies (NY: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1896).

[Review] "Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. By Frederick L. Hoffman, F.S.S." Du Bois pubished this book review in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, v.9 (January 1897): pp.127-133.

" The Conservation of Races." The American Negro Academy Occasional Papers, Nr. 2. 1897.

The Negroes of Farmville, Virginia: A Social Study. Bulletin of the Department of Labor, Vol. 14. Washington, DC: GPO, January 1898, pp. 1-38.

[ Secondary Source:
In the "Notes" section of The Yale Review, Vol. 6 (February 1898) we find an anonymously written piece, "The Bulletins of the Department of Labor". The one-paragraph note indicates the social-scientific importance of The Negroes of Farmville, Virginia, but does not refer to Du Bois by name (p. 437):
The Bulletins of the Department of Labor for November, 1897, and January, 1898, contain valuable studies of especial classes of the population. The former has articles on the Italians in Chicago, and on the Anthracite Mine Laborers, while the latter treats in a special paper of the Negroes of Farmville. These special studies are a valuable supplement to the general statistics published by the Department of Labor as well as by the Census Bureau for the entire country. Mass figures, if they are to be made of any use, must be interpreted in the light of detailed study of specific classes and localities, and Col. Wright is giving great value to the Bulletin of the Department of Labor by inspiring such investigations. Note: With the exception of the boldface at the beginning of this short note, nothing else was put in bold or even italic lettering. - RWW]
Page 437 in the full text of the periodical (at Google Books)
http://books.google.com/books?id=SFsCAAAAIAAJ&pg=RA1-PA437....

Related Information:
Charles Edward Burrell, in his A History of Prince Edward County, Virginia, from Its Formation in 1753 to the Present (Richmond, VA: Williams Printing Co.,1922), covered the history of the county in which Farmville is located. While Burrell discussed African Americans in the county (search for the word "Negro"), his overall -- and patronizing -- perspective is evident in his justification of the disfranchisement of African American males (see, e.g., pp. 191, 192-3, 203, 360). The work is available at the Internet Archive: download page.

Background Source:
"Interview with Bancroft Winner Melvin Patrick Ely" (dated 23 May 2005):
Dr. Ely [faculty page 1; page 2] discusses the African American town of Israel Hill -- a town where Du Bois had conducted some of the sociological work that was published in his Negroes of Farmville, Virginia (1898). Ed Pompeian is the interviewer, asking questions about Ely's Israel on the Appomattox: A Southern Experiment in Black Freedom from the 1790s Through the Civil War (NY: Knopf, 2004). The interview is posted at the History News Network site (sponsored by George Mason University):
http://hnn.us/articles/11823.html

The Philadelphia Negro. 1899. This is Du Bois' path-breaking book of social research on African Americans in an urban environment.

" The Negro in the Black Belt: Some Social Sketches" [ NBBS]. Bulletin of the Department of Labor, No.22. Washington, DC: GPO (May 1899): pp.401-417. Students of Atlanta University gathered data for this report, which Du Bois acknowledged within the document.

Contemporary Sources related to "The Negro in the Black Belt"

* The Dr. Dubois [ Boston Evening Transcript (7 June 1899: p.10, col.5) printed a summary of the NBBS entitled "A Study of the Negro; Interesting Sketch of Types in the South". It was a "Special to the Transcript" written by someone named "Lincoln" and included several long quotations from the NBBS. The article also presented the following biographical sketch:
sic] is an instructor in Atlanta University, but is perhaps principally known by reason of his close-range studies of the negro [ sic] in various parts of the United States. He is perhaps the most scholarly colored [ sic] man in this country, and as such his observations and conclusions are entitled to great weight.
[The article at the Google News Archive]

* In the New York Times (17 July 1899; p.3) an anonymous writer published a review of the NBBS. Entitled "Negro Life in the South" , the news article contained an extensive set of subtitles: "A Study of the Residents of the Georgia 'Black Belt.' Much Depravity Is Found. Whisky, Tobacco, and Snuff Used to Excess-The People in the Towns Better than in the Country."
[ Citation page at the New York Times Archives (free registration is required to view or download the ~121 KB PDF file of the news article)]

* The American Monthly Review of Reviews [20:1 (July 1899): p.11] noted anonymously the NBBS as "giving statistical information about groups of negro [ sic] families in certain towns and villages of Georgia and Alabama."
[ Page 111 at Google Books]

* Kelly Miller published "The Education of the Negro" as Chapter XVI in the [As part of a brief bio of Du Bois, Kelly Miller wrote" "Mr. Du Bois has done more to give scientific accuracy and method to the study of the race question than any other American who has essayed to deal with it." ( [DuBois's Farmville study is summarized also: p U.S. Dept. of Interior Annual Report, FY Ending 1901; Report of the Commissioner of Education, v.1 (1902): pp.731-859. He provided a synopsis of the NBBS, summarizing the findings for the different locales studied (at pp.777-778).
[ Page 777 at Google Books]
p.859).]
p.775-777.]

* John R. Commons briefly outlined the sociological and geographical scope of the NBBS in his article "Racial Composition of the American People: The Negro" published in The Chautauquan (8:3, November 1903: pp.223-234) at p.234.
[ Page 234 at Google Books]

Bibliographies referencing "The Negro in the Black Belt"

* Studies in American Social Conditions-2: The Negro Problem. Edited by Richard Henry Edwards. (Madison, WI: s.n., December 1908). Under a section heading, "What are the Negro's social, moral, and religious conditions?", Edwards briefly noted NBBS provided "Interesting social sketches." [ p.23]. In crafting the bibliography Edwards acknowledged the assistance and approval of Du Bois himself, among others (p p.13-14). Also note that many of DuBois's other works were included within the bibliography (between pp.15-32).
[ Start page at Google Books]

* In Social Progress: A Year Book and Encyclopedia of Economic, Industrial, Social and Religious Statistics 1905, edited by Josiah Strong (NY: Baker and Taylor, Publishers, 1905) we find an anonymously written piece on "Bureaus of Labor" (pp.259-260) which contains a section on "The [U.S.] Department of Commerce and Labor." That section contained a subsection entitled "Leading Articles of the Bulletin" in which the NBBS was listed (p.260).
[ Page 260 at Google Books]

* G.W.W. Hanger wrote an entry on "Labor Bureaus" for the The New Encyclopedia of Social Reform, edited by William D. P. Bliss (NY: Funk & Wagnalls, 1908): pp.675-677, which contained a subsection, "Some Leading Articles of the Bulletin", published by what he called the "U.S. Federal Department of Labor". Listed therein was the NBBS (p.676). This subsection is very similar to the one in the Social Progress yearbook (see above).
[ Page 676 at Google Books]

* "Books for Negro Study Groups" appeared in several issues of [Note also that, among other authors's books, many of DuBois's works were included on the lists of "Books for Negro Study Groups"; visit: Madison Hall Notes (University of Virginia). The NBBS was specifically listed in v.8, n.22 (15 February 1913): p.2.
[The NBBS listed on Page 2 at Google Books]

* Madison Hall Notes, v.8, n.25 (8 March 1913): p.2
* Madison Hall Notes, v.8, n.26 (15 March 1913): pp.1-2.]

" To the Nations of the World" -- Address at the 1900 Pan-African Conference. Initially conceived and then organized by H. Sylvester Williams, a Trinidadian-born lawyer practicing in London, the Pan-African Conference (sometimes called Pan-African Congress) was held in London from July 23 to 25, 1900. After participating in the 1900 Paris Exposition, Du Bois attended this conference, which also included Anna Julia Cooper. A.M.E. Zion Bishop Alexander Walters was elected to preside. Du Bois chaired the "Committee on Address to the Nations of the World," which was designated to craft a document to be sent to colonial governments.
Du Bois read "To the Nations of the World" on the closing day of the conference. The colonial powers were asked to preserve the independence of the free peoples of Africa and African descent, and to treat humanely their subjects in Africa and of African heritage around the world. The address is also notable for the second sentence of its first paragraph (which is quoted in its entirety here):

"In the metropolis of the modern world, in this the closing year of the Nineteenth Century, there has been assembled a Congress of men and women of African blood, to deliberate solemnly upon the present situation and outlook of the darker races of mankind. The problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color line, the question as to how far differences of race, which show themselves chiefly in the color of the skin and the texture of the hair, are going to be made, hereafter, the basis of denying to over half the world the right of sharing to their utmost ability the opportunities and privileges of modern civilization."

The "problem of the color line" later appeared in Du Bois' "The Freedmen's Bureau" (1901) and in Chapter 2 of The Souls of Black Folk (1903).

" The Evolution of Negro Leadership." 1901. This DuBoisian book review of Booker T. Washington's Up from Slavery became part of Chapter III in Souls.

" The Black North, a Social Study." Originally published in the New York Times, November 17, 1901.

" The Laboratory in Sociology at Atlanta University." 1903.

" The Talented Tenth." 1903. Pp. 33-75 (Ch. 2) in The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles by Representative American Negroes of To-day, by Booker T. Washington, et al. (New York: James Pott and Company, 1903).

Primary Source by a Contemporary:
The Rev. Henry Lyman Morehouse wrote an essay in 1896 that is considered to have originated the term, the "talented tenth". Initially published in the periodical, The Independent (23 April 1896, p.1), Morehouse's "The Talented Tenth" can be found in The American Missionary, 50:6 (June 1896): pp.182-183, which is the provenance of the essay found on this website.
http://www.webdubois.org/MorehouseTalentedTenth.html

Secondary Source:
In the "Talented Tenth", an encyclopedia entry by Dr. Christopher George Buck [ home page], Buck compares DuBois's use of the idea of a Talented Tenth with Alain Locke's more international application of it. The citation: pp.1295-7 in Richard T. Schaefer (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society, v.3 (Sage Publications, 2008).
http://christopherbuck.com/Buck_PDFs/Buck_Talented-Tenth_2008.pdf

Du Bois published his review of The Negro in Africa and America by Joseph A. Tillinghast in the Political Science Quarterly, 18:4 (December 1903): 695-697.

" The Future of the Negro Race in America". 1904. Du Bois published this text in The East and the West, Vol. 2 (January 1904): 4-19. The essay includes some details relevant to understanding Du Bois's understanding of Darwinian evolutionary theory.

" The Development of a People". 1904. Du Bois published this essay in the International Journal of Ethics, Vol.14, No.3 (April 1904): pp.292-311. He analyzed the factors that promoted-and that would continue to promote, he argued-a racial group on the path to social progress. He summarized his analysis thusly:

Let me for a moment recapitulate. In the life of advancing peoples there must go on simultaneously a struggle for existence, accumulation of wealth, education of the young, and a development in culture and the higher things of life. The more backward the nation the larger sum of effort goes into the struggle for existence; the more forward the nation the larger and broader is the life of the spirit. For guidance, in taking these steps in civilization, the nation looks to four sources: the precepts of parents, the sight of seers, the opinion of the majority and the traditions of the past. [Par.37]

" The Negro Farmer" by W.E. Burghardt Du Bois. 1904.
(Original citation: Pp. 69-98 in U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor. Bureau of the Census. Negroes in the United States. Bulletin 8. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1904).
Du Bois' piece is the second of two essays plus many pages of data in tabular format -- all of which utilized data from the 1900 U.S. Census (the Twelfth Census). The first essay was written by Walter F. Willcox; it is entitled "The Negro Population" (pp. 11-68) and summarizes demographic and occupational data gathered from the 1900 U.S. Census.
In his essay Du Bois examined a variety of data, including farm distribution by geographic region, the sources of farm income, and the classification of farms by land tenure. He pointed out that in many Southern states Black farmers contributed much to the rural economy, especially through their operation of farms(p. 91).

No man, perhaps, is better equipped than Professor Du Bois to interpret the economic situation of the negro peasantry. Not so much because he possesses some negro blood, and under our social conventions is accounted a negro. He was born in Massachusetts, not among the cabins of the cotton kingdom; and his spiritual affinity, if not with his white kin rather than his black, is at least with the instructed rather than the simple. But, after his sociological training at Harvard and Berlin, and after his service at the University of Pennsylvania, he turned to work for the negroes of the South. He has studied their condition with a trained eye and a passionate interest. He has been the moving spirit of the Atlanta negro conferences. He has directed the valuable investigations of special topics, such as the college-bred negro, the negro common schools, and negroes in business, the results of which have been published by Atlanta University. His more personal observations and conclusions have been given in various magazines, and in his book, "The Souls of Black Folk." His studies illuminate those data of the agricultural census which most need to be interpreted in the light of facts beyond the field of the enumerator, -- such data as those of ownership, forms of tenancy, and sizes of farms. [ Secondary Source:
Charles D. Edgerton. Review of Negroes in the United States. By Walter F. Willcox and W. E. Burghardt Du Bois. Bulletin 8, Bureau of the Census. Washington, 1904 [Citation: Publications of the American Statistical Association, New Series, v. IX, No. 69, (March 1905): 182-191].
In general, Edgerton commended the new data published in the report by Willcox and Du Bois, as well as the useful ways in which the presentation of the data made comparisons over time and region easier (p. 183). He made suggestions about data that should be collected during later censuses. Regarding Du Bois and the necessity for a "textual interpretation" of census data, Edgerton wrote:

Notes: Quotation is located on pp. 188-189. Also to be stated is that "Negro" was not capitalized in the original. - RWW]
http://books.google.com/...id=2U1EAAAAIAAJ&pg=PPA182.... [Start page]

Du Bois published a short self-review of The Souls of Black Folk (SBFI) in The Independent of 17 November 1904 (Vol.57, No.2920 at p.1152). It was entitled "The Souls of Black Folk". Du Bois reached the following conclusion:

In its larger aspects the style is tropical - African. This needs no apology. The blood of my fathers spoke through me and cast off the English restraint of my training and surroundings. The resulting accomplishment is a matter of taste. Sometimes I think very well of it and sometimes I do not.

" Sociology Hesitant." Ca. 1904-1905. This is an unpublished document that scholars have determined was composed by Du Bois somewhere in late 1904 or early 1905. It is an important text that allows us to explore Du Bois's views on social science, including sociology's unit of analysis as well as his understanding of sociological laws in relation to human free will. The Credo online database, housed at the University of Massachusetts Amherst library, contains page facsimiles of the typescript, along with pencil corrections and Du Bois's signature at the end of the document.

" The Individual and Social Conscience." 1905. This primary source by Du Bois resulted from his participation as a discussant at the Third Annual Convention of the Religious Education Association which convened in Boston during February 1905. The piece was originally untitled and was Du Bois's contribution to a session on the theme "How Can We Develop in the Individual a Social Conscience?"

The Niagara Movement. 1905-1909. The Niagara Movement often is considered to be the first civil rights movement organized in the 20th Century. The W.E.B. Du Bois Library at the University of Massachusetts Amherst provides numerous items pertaining to the formation and organization of the Niagara Movement. Included are letters to and from Du Bois as well as other documents that illustrate the range of issues confronting the Movement. Many of the documents were written by persons other than Du Bois. Also, there are a few items dated in the years after its ultimate end in 1909.

Secondary Source: Journal
Afro-Americans in New York Life and History, the journal of the Afro-American Historical Association of the Niagara Frontier [ website], published five articles relating to the Niagara Movement in the July 2008 issue. They are accessible online at FindArticles.com:
(a) "Introduction to the Niagara Movement Special Issue" by Felix Armfield;
(b) "The Niagara Movement of 1905: A Look Back to a Century Ago" by Kyle D. Wolf;
(c) "African American Women and the Niagara Movement, 1905-1909" by Anita Nahal and Lopez D. Matthews, Jr.;
(d) "The Question of Color-Blind Citizenship: Albion Tourgee, W.E.B. Du Bois and the Principles of the Niagara Movement" by Mark Elliott; and
(e) "Coming of the Race: Kelly Miller and Two Historically Black Colleges and Universities in the Niagara Movement Era" by Ida Jones.
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0SAF/is_2_32

" Address to the Country" [ATTC] (a.k.a. "Address to the Nation" or the Niagara Movement Address). 1906. Du Bois wrote the ATTC for the Second Annual Meeting of the Niagara Movement, which was held at Harper's Ferry, West Virginia, in mid-August 1906. It was published in the New York Times on 20 August 1906.

Page on this web site with the ATTC text published in The Broad Ax, a Chicago newspaper (Vol. XI, No. 44 (August 25, 1906) at p.1), as well as versions (re-)arranged via my digital humanities project, Retextualizer.
http://www.webdubois.org/dhp/retext-attc.html

" In this long essay, Du Bois continued his practice of using different publishing venues to communicate information about African Americans, especially the progress made in economic and educational terms as well as the impediments to African American success within U.S. society and politics. He provided an overview of the economic history of blacks in America, first in terms of a slave economy, and later under different forms of tenant farming. He analyzed the negative consequences of the convict labor system, especially with regard to its tendency to undermine the legitimacy of the criminal justice system due to the sham legal proceedings often associated with it (p. 256). Du Bois also offered details on the industrial condition of Blacks with particular emphasis on labor unions and the discriminatory practices of some unions. Turning to political history he covered the long struggle for voting rights and the various ways that African Americans had been hindered from exercising their franchise, including those practiced by state governments. Du Bois explicitly connected race, class, and politics: "[T]he fact that there is in America a proscribed race also makes it easier to proscribe classes, and class privileges are responsible for the fact that Negroes find deaf ears for their wishes." (p. 284) Die Negerfrage in den Vereinigten Staaten." 1906. Translated as "The Negro Question in the United States" by Joseph G. Fracchia and published in New Centennial Review (v.6, n.3 (2006): pp. 241-290). DuBois originally published this essay in Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, v.22 (January 1906): pp. 31-79.

DuBois ended with a moral appeal grounded in the data that he had presented throughout the essay (p. 287):

The fact of racial antipathy is as old as the interaction of people with one another. But the history of the centuries is the history of the discovery of the human soul and in every age the curse of the average person was his own narrowness, his blindness toward the riches that surrounded him, the notion that his own narrow heart and his small mind are the measure and borders of the universe. Above all in our days we do not want to forget the trivial observation that even in the nooks and alleys, and under threadbare clothing, lay hidden riches and depths of human life that we will perhaps never experience in ourselves.
In the struggle for his human rights the American Negro relies above all on the feeling of justice in the civilized world. We are no barbarians or heathen, we are educable and our education is increasing; our economic abilities have proven themselves. We too want to have our chance in life. Whoever wants to get acquainted with our living conditions, be welcome; we demand nothing other than that one gets acquainted with us honestly and face to face, and does not judge us according to hearsay or according to the verdict of our despisers.

Note by Robert Williams:

Joseph Fracchia [ department page] offers us a nicely rendered translation; he appends several translator's endnotes that amplify or clarify several aspects of the original DuBoisian text. The translation is contained within a special issue of the New Centennial Review on Du Bois that is edited by Nahum Dimitri Chandler. Other pieces in this issue are written by Nahum D. Chandler, Hortense J. Spillers, Nicole A. Waligora-Davis, Rebecka Rutledge Fisher, Karen E. Fields, and Jeremy W. Pope. The entire issue and individual articles can be purchased either in print form or else in downloadable PDF files. For purchases one would need first to use the "Table of Contents" drop-down menu list located on the navigation bar and select "Volume 6, Number 3 (2006)". After the contents of that particular issue are displayed, one then can make purchase choices.

[W.E.B. Du Bois's Reply] (1906) is an untitled response to the question "What's Next; or, Shall a Man Live Again?" that seems to have been sent to numerous persons by Clara Spalding Ellis ( Introduction). As was written on the title page:

"The great question answered by two hundred living Americans of prominence in politics; in the army and navy; in science, art, music and literature; in the mercantile world; in the professions; and in the chairs of universities. An expression from secular life only (the views of all clergymen being excluded.)"

The replies were compiled in a book published by Ellis as What's Next; or, Shall a Man Live Again? (Boston: The Gorham Press, 1906).
Du Bois's brief reply (perhaps written by him or received by Ellis in January 1904) is presented here verbatim and in its entirety:

W. E. B. Du Bois, A. M., Ph.D., Professor of Economics and History, Atlanta University. January 30, 1904.

I have a thousand years of work laid out before me. And each year as it flies leaves the vision of another thousand. I should like to live to finish all this; it seems reasonable that I should; I hope I may. [p.46]

There does not appear to be a reference to Clara Spalding Ellis in the Du Bois Papers' Finding Aid (University of Massachusetts Library).

" The Economic Revolution in the South" (ch.iii) and " Religion in the South" (ch.iv). 1907. Two lectures by Du Bois.

" Mixed Blood Aided White Geniuses." 1907. Du Bois targeted those critical of mixed-race heritage at a speech for the Society for Ethical Culture at Carnegie Hall, NY. The speech was reported in The New York Times on 18 February 1907. Du Bois said:
[A]s a subtle and far-reaching blend of blood, you have in many great white men this negro element coming in to color and make wonderful the genius which they had -[-] a fact which was as true of Robert Browning and Alexander Hamilton as it was of Lew Wallace and a great many other Americans who may wish to have it forgotten. To train this talent we need colleges. We ask these things not because we want to be helped, but that we may help ourselves."

John Brown. 1909. Du Bois published this interpretive biography of the abolitionist John Brown with G.W. Jacobs & Company (Philadelphia). In the conclusion Du Bois relates the significance of John Brown to the race -- and class -- relations of the early 20th century:
John Brown taught us that the cheapest price to pay for liberty is its cost to-day. The building of barriers against the advance of Negro-Americans hinders but in the end cannot altogether stop their progress. The excuse of benevolent tutelage cannot be urged, for that tutelage is not benevolent that does not prepare for free responsible manhood. Nor can the efficiency of greed as an economic developer be proven -- it may hasten development but it does so at the expense of solidity of structure, smoothness of motion, and real efficiency. Nor does selfish exploitation help the undeveloped; rather it hinders and weakens them. [pp. 395-6]

There is a life of John Brown by W. E. B. DuBois, the colored scholar and author, which is well worth reading. It may be regarded as an index of the ultimate attitude of the race for which Kansas bled and the gallows of Virginia ushered in the tragic drama of the Civil War. DuBois's book does credit to himself and his people. It reflects their gratitude for liberation from bondage, and the estimate of Brown's followers who fought to accomplish this is thoughtful and conservative. It is evident, however, that the author has in mind the present and future of his race and a somber appreciation of prejudices to be overcome and wrongs to be righted. He insists that the negro [ [ Contemporary Secondary Source:
In an article entitled "John Brown" C.B. Galbreath surveyed various works on that historical person (in Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, v.30 (1921): 184-289). DuBois's biography was acknowledged in a positive but also patronizing way, as conveyed by this quotation presented here in its entirety and verbatim:
sic] still suffers grievous injustice; that the times call for another John Brown to batter down the walls and break the fetters that deprive his people of the rights and opportunities which should be theirs under our institutions. He has a grievance to present and a purpose to accomplish; he gets a hearing through his ably written biography of John Brown, even as Charles Sumner in his scholarly lecture on Lafayette found an avenue for an attack on the institution of slavery. Note: "Negro" is not capitalized in the original. - RWW]
Page 195 in the full text of the periodical [Article's start page]
http://books.google.com/books?id=Guu7AAAAIAAJ. . .#PPA195
[Another digital copy]

" Evolution of the Race Problem." 1909. Presented by DuBois at the National Negro Conference held in New York City in 1909, this paper is interesting for, among other reasons, his interpretation of Darwinian evolution as it applied to the progress of races over time (and the human race also), and its implications for social policies -- all in contradistinction to many of the tenets of the so-called social Darwinism found in the U.S.A. at the time.

In the early 20th Century L.L. Bernard sent a questionnaire to various programs of sociology within U.S. institutions of higher education, seeking information, as the title of his article indicated, on " The Teaching of Sociology in the United States" ( American Journal of Sociology, 15:2 (September 1909): pp.164-213). W.E.B. Du Bois was queried and his response to Question 15 was printed in the journal article. Question 15 asked: "Express fully your judgment of the present tendencies of sociology, and your forecast of its future in your own institution. In this connection give statistical data if possible. Also give any other facts that you regard as important." [p.166]
Du Bois's response is presented below verbatim and in its entirety. Note that he is listed as the president of Atlanta University and also note that "Negro" was not capitalized in the original.

President Du Bois, Atlanta University: "Sociology will, in my opinion, for the next decade or so leave the theoretical side largely alone and devote itself carefully to a practical intensive study, emphasizing in such points as are of importance to students who are going into social work, and who wish to understand the full significance of history. In this institution, naturally, the statistical and historical study of the negro [sic] problem will be the chief content of the courses in sociology for some years to come." [p.195]

" Fifty Years Among Black Folks." DuBois published this piece on the progress of African Americans in The New York Times on 12 December 1909. DuBois concluded:
This, then, is the transformation of the negro in America in fifty years: from slavery to freedom, from 4,000,000 to 10,000,000, from denial of citizenship to enfranchisement, from being owned chattels to ownership of $600,000,000 in property, from unorganized irresponsibility to organized group life, from being spoken for to speaking, from contemptuous forgetfulness on the part of their neighbors to uneasy fear and dawning respect, and from inarticulate complaint to self-expression and dawning consciousness of manhood.

The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races. 1910-today. Du Bois was the first editor of The Crisis, the main periodical of the N.A.A.C.P., and served in that capacity from 1910 to 1934. He published numerous editorials and articles in this magazine. Henry Lee Moon published the "History of The Crisis" in November 1970: online at the magazine's web site.
Various volumes are accessible online:

In " Reconstruction and Its Benefits" (1910) Du Bois prefigured some of the later analyses he put forth in Black Reconstruction. This article was published in the American Historical Review, 15:4 (July 1910) at pp.781-799, and is based on a presentation that he delivered at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association in 1909. In the essay Du Bois sketched the political consequences of the 15th Amendment on the legislation of the South. For example, he examined the democratic facets of the state constitutions established by Black legislators, including the creation of public education for all citizens.

" The First Universal Race [sic] Congress in London, England." 1911.
This is an anonymously written article that contains the text of a speech delivered by Du Bois at the Lyceum Club in London on 26 June 1911. The speech took place prior to the start of the First Universal Races Congress which was held at the University of London on July 26-29, 1911.
[Citation: Anonymous. 1911. "The First Universal Race Congress in London, England." The American Missionary, 45:9 (September): 323-324].

" The Economics of Negro Emancipation in the United States." 1911. While Du Bois was attending the First Universal Races Congress during the summer of 1911 he delivered a paper at a meeting of the Sociological Society in London. The paper was later published in the Sociological Review, 4:3 (October 1911): 303-313.

" The Upbuilding of Black Durham. The Success of the Negroes and Their Value to a Tolerant and Helpful Southern City." World's Work, vol. 23 (Jan. 1912). [S. l.: s. n., 1912]. pp. 334-338.

W.E.B. Du Bois Testimony. Hearing on U.S. Senate Bill 180, " Celebration of the Semicentennial Anniversary of the Act of Emancipation" (on 2 February 1912). The hearing was conducted by the Senate Committee on Industrial Expositions. Du Bois spoke after R.R. Wright Sr. ("president of the organization that is promoting this semicentennial exposition" [p.2]) and R.R. Wright Jr., and before Rev. I.N. Ross.
The Senate report was entitled "Semicentennial Anniversary of Act of Emancipation" (Senate Report No. 311; 62d Congress, 2d Session; Printed 5 February 1912). The bill is described in the report as follows:

The bill proposes that the fiftieth anniversary of the emancipation of the Negro race in the United States by President Lincoln's proclamation shall be celebrated by an exposition to show the progress of the race during their first half century of freedom.

The committee think that such an exposition will be of value by encouraging the negroes [ sic] in the country toward thrift, industry, and effort to become more useful citizens; that it will be instructive to all the people of the country by pointing out the ways in which they can most practically and usefully help the negroes [ sic] of the country to improve their condition. [pp.1-2]

This particular report was included in a different document that also pertained to the proposed bill: "Anniversary Celebration of Act of Emancipation; Speech of Hon. William O. Bradley" (Senate Document 602; 62d Congress, 2d Session; printed 23 April 1912)[Full text at Google Books or HathiTrust].
Du Bois's testimony is presented below verbatim and in its entirety. Note that the original source misspells several words, including misrepresenting one of his middle names. Also note that the word "Negro" was not usually capitalized in the original source.

Dr. Du Bois. I wanted to say a word to the committee about the kind of exposition we would like to have. I think a committee like this must be a little chary of expositions, because they have grown so enormous in size and they cost so much money. It has been in our minds that we could organize an exposition in this case upon a lot of new lines, distinctly educational, for the people of the United States, both for the colored people and for the white people. As a center of those exhibits it has been thought we should have a section devoted to a scheme which should be the same exhibits, something on the order of the child welfare that the committee of women have been doing - or tuberculosis, and so on - that this main scheme should try to show the condition of the colored people throughout the United States. For instance, it should have something of the African background, and in this department, and in all departments, we could make use of all the different things that can be shown to illustrate the concrete things and spiritual things which affect the colored people. For instance, maps and charts and models and mechanical figures of various sizes, and marble pictures, and, perhaps, phonographs could be shown.

I presume most of you know that in nearly all of the great countries of the world there is an African exhibit. The African museums in London, Paris, and Berlin are sources in each of those cities of great educational value, and there is very little information of that sort in the United States. Something might be done to get together the things which show the wonderful mechanical genius of certain African tribes, especially their work in iron and in cloth. Then, in the second place, the question of the development of the negro race throughout the world, and the distribution of the negroes in the United States could be shown by relief maps with groups of figures showing this distribution, and movable figures, perhaps, showing the migration. Then the question of the physique of the negro could be shown. Very little has been done in this country to show what is the typical negro physique. A great deal could be done by photographs and by plaster casts. Then the question of health and disease could be covered. My idea is that this exhibit should be a truthful exhibit. It should not be simply a thing that would be exaggerated in any way. It should be a real picture so far as possible of the condition of the negro people so that not only would it show the progress but also the dangers and the diseases to which they are liable.

Then the question of occupation could be covered. Of course, that would be one of the most interesting parts of the exhibit. This could be shown perhaps by mechanical figures of correct relative size showing the occupations of the negroes and the value of their sevices [ sic] in a relative manner in all the different departments in which the negro takes a considerable part.

Then the matter of education has been spoken of. We could have models and charts showing illiteracy, and conditions in cities, and photographs of institutions and especially photographs and models showing the work of the graduates of institutions as the work of the institution filters down to the actual mass of the people. In no department has the negro shown more genius for modern organization than in his churches, and the models of churches and of the work in churches be shown. The younger Mr. Wright here is a representative of one of the great churches and there is a great publish-house as he says in Nashville, Tenn., and there are several other organizations. That work could be shown and a person could grasp it and it would show the tremendous development that has taken place in that line.

Then in the matter of civics - I suppose most of you would be surprised to know the number of negro towns and quarters throughout the United States more or less organized as independent entities. Exhibits could be had showing those towns and the workings of those towns which would be of great interest. Then there would be of course charts and diagrams and models showing the orgainzed [ sic] life, the business life, the social life, the work of social uplift among the negro people. There are orphan asylums and there are a good number of hospitals and homes. The family life, the interior of the homes could be shown. And then the question of art which has been mentioned. Negro music could be shown and photographs of art and other work, and a collection of negro books. There are something like 200 weekly newspapers. And finally statistics of crimes and of delinquencies could be shown. In this way it seems to me we might build up a comparatively small central exhibit and then around that could come the various voluntary exhibits which are always sent to expositions of this sort. Then there could be congresses held in connection with it - congresses on agriculture and on industry, on education, on health, on music.

There should be, of course, awards and medals. Then there might be a historical pageant. I have been looking up the history of the negro, and it is interesting indeed to know what a continuous history would show in connection with the development of the negro from the time of the Egyptian civilization down through the negro kingdoms in the Sudan and the migration of the Buntu [ sic] tribes from North Africa to South Africa; and, as you know, the negro has been connected with almost every event in American history. Then, finally, our idea is that this central exhibit could be kept or established as a permanent exhibit and placed in a permanent museum. Perhaps from time to time it might be moved from place to place where people who wanted to could obtain exact information concerning the negro in a definite form.

With these ideas it seems to me that we could have an exposition which would not be costly - and we are not asking for very much money - that would be educational, and something that we could pay for with the amount of money that we got from the Government and which we could raise among ourselves. [pp.5-6]
[Du Bois's testimony ends]

" Suffering Suffragettes." A Du Bois editorial in The Crisis, Vol. 4 (June 1912), pp. 76-77.

Other Primary Sources by Du Bois on Suffrage:
Various members of the American Journalism Historians Association developed a website, "Suffrage and the Media", that contains resources to recognize and celebrate the 2019-2020 centennial anniversary of women�s suffrage in the USA. The site contains primary and secondary sources useful for educational and scholarly purposes. One web page is entitled "Race, Gender, and the Fight for Votes for Women: W.E.B. Du Bois On Suffrage" ​[ page]. It presents a list of editorials by Du Bois from the Crisis, along with their page numbers. Items on the list point to PDFs of the periodical housed at the Brown University library. One scrolls through the issue in order to locate a particular Du Bois editorial. In addition, the Du Bois page at the "Suffrage and the Media" site also provides several scholarly secondary sources that discuss Du Bois's views on the franchise for women.

" Sir: Your inauguration to the Presidency of the United States is to the colored people, to the white South and to the nation a momentous occasion. Open Letter to Woodrow Wilson". Written by DuBois and published in the March 1913 issue of The Crisis. His words to the new President:
[. . . .]
[....] We believe that the Negro problem is in many respects the greatest problem facing the nation, and we believe that you have the opportunity of beginning a just and righteous solution of this burning human wrong. This opportunity is yours because, while a Southerner in birth and tradition, you have escaped the provincial training of the South and you have not had burned into your soul desperate hatred and despising of your darker fellow men. [. . . .]
[... Y]ou face no insoluble problem. The only time when the Negro problem is insoluble is when men insist on settling it wrong by asking absolutely contradictory things. You cannot make 10,000,000 people at one and the same time servile and dignified, docile and self-reliant, servants and independent leaders, segregated and yet part of the industrial organism, disfranchised and citizens of a democracy, ignorant and intelligent. This is impossible and the impossibility is not factitious; it is in the very nature of things.
[ Note: the transcription error in the first sentence of the online text has been corrected in the quotation above.]

[W.E.B. Du Bois's Reply to "What is Americanism?"] (1915) is an untitled response to the question posed to Du Bois, among others, by the editors of the American Journal of Sociology. As the editors wrote:

Beginning in August, 1914, this Journal sent a circular letter with the above title ["What is Americanism?"] to a carefully selected list of 250 American men and women. The attempt was made to reach representatives of every type of group in the United States which may be reckoned as consciously contributing to our public opinion or as having ideas about our common interests which, if formulated and published, would become factors in our public opinion. [ p.433]

The letter sent included the following (excerpted here):

In the judgment of the editors, an important contribution to this object may be made by assembling the answers of typical Americans to this question: With a view to the interests not primarily of individuals or of classes; considering not merely the next decade nor the next generation nor the next century, but having in mind our relationships both to one another and to our successors for many centuries; upon what ideals, policies, programs, or specific purposes should Americans place most stress in the immediate future?

With the exception of the present paragraph, this letter was drafted and approved by the editors before the European war was regarded as probable. In the present situation the reasons for the inquiry here made are immeasurably more urgent than when the plan was adopted.

Will you indicate, within the limits of from 500 to 1,000 words, your answer to the foregoing question? [ p.435]

The numerous replies were compiled in a symposium entitled "What Is Americanism?" and published in the American Journal of Sociology, 20:4 (January 1915): 433-486. No author was listed.

Du Bois's brief reply is presented here verbatim and in its entirety as it was published in the journal (including "du" instead of "Du"):

W. E. Burghardt du Bois (New York City)

Americans in the immediate future should place most stress upon the abolition of the color line. Just so long as the majority of men are treated as inhuman, and legitimate objects of commercial exploitation, religious damnation, and social ostracism, just so long will democracy be impossible in the world. Without democracy we must have continual attempts at despotism and oligarchy, with the resultant failure through the ignorance of those who attempt to rule their fellow-men without knowing their fellow-men. America, instead of being the land of the free, has made herself a hot-bed of racial prejudice and of despicable propaganda against the majority of men. [ p.463]

The Credo online repository of Du Bois's papers at the University of Massachusetts Library provides the related correspondence between Albion Small, who signed the letter that Du Bois received from the American Journal of Sociology. Du Bois's reply, dated 18 December 1914, is also accessible. Note that, in the published text, the journal made several small changes in punctuation and spelling ("indespicable" became "despicable"). Notably the "abolition of the color line" was italicized, which Du Bois had not done.

" The African Roots of War." Essay by Du Bois published in The Atlantic Monthly, May 1915.

"The first paradox is the pursuit of peace in the midst of imperialist expansion." "...Du Bois embraces three major initiatives reflective of his commitment to Secondary Source:
"Du Bois and the Question of the Color Line: Race and Class in the Age of Globalization" by Maulana Karenga ( Socialism and Democracy Online, Issue 33, Winter-Spring 2003 [Vol. 17, No. 2]). Karenga examines Du Bois' "The African Roots of War", among other Du Boisian texts, in order to better situate our current era of globalization within its historical context. According to Karenga, Du Bois set forth several paradoxes in "African Roots":

[. . . .]
"The second paradox Du Bois identifies as that of 'democratic despotism,' an ongoing brutal domination masked in the disguise and discourse of democracy.
[. . . .]
freedom, justice and equality of the peoples of color and humanity as a whole.
These are socialism, the peace movement, and Pan-Africanism."
[The 3rd is] "the paradox of 'civilized savagery' or savagery in the midst of
claims to civilization."
Karenga also outlines the principles offered by Du Bois through which a more just world can be created. In his words:

https://sdonline.org/issue/33/du-bois-and-question-color-line...

Another Secondary Source:

Robert Gooding-Williams posted his essay "Democratic Despotism and the New Imperialism" on 12 October 2020 as part of a series on Abolition Democracy that the Columbia Center for Contemporary Critical Thought organized [ web page]. He cited "The African Roots of War" extensively.

In this essay on the importance of Du Bois's concept of "democratic despotism" Gooding-Williams distinguishes Du Bois from another theorist of imperialism, J.A. Hobson. Hobson argued, writes Gooding-Williams, that the interests of industrial and financial capitalists had coalesced with the interests of state institutions in order to promote the new imperialism of the modern era.

As Gooding-Williams indicates, Du Bois differed from Hobson. Du Bois emphasized that the increasing trend towards democracy in the modern era was evidenced in the increased agitation for political participation in governance. In this manner the goals of some citizens were fused with the governance of the state institutions. Imperialism became a significant historical result of that fusion. The "some citizens" were persons of the White working class who could economically benefit from the imperialistic exploitation of persons of color abroad. Historically, for Du Bois, an increasing democratization in Europe and America also generated an increasing oppression of others outside of Europe​-​hence, the term "democratic despotism".

https://blogs.law.columbia.edu/abolition1313/robert-gooding-williams-...

" Woman Suffrage." Editorial by Du Bois in The Crisis, November 1915, pp. 29-30. He wrote:

The Negro. 1915. This is Du Bois' first book on the history of Africans and those of the African diaspora. It was published in New York by Henry Holt and Company. (Du Bois' other historical works on this theme include Black Folk, Then and Now (1939) and The World and Africa (1947).)

""We must defend ourselves, our homes, our wives and children against the Let Us Reason Together." 1919. This editorial was originally published in The Crisis, Vol.18 (September 1919): 231. With an apparent allusion to a Biblical passage in Isaiah I:16-18, Du Bois wrote this piece in response to the Chicago Race Riot of 1919 In Du Bois's words:

lawless without stint or hesitation: but we must carefully and scrupulously
avoid on our own part bitter and unjustifiable aggression against anybody."

Table of Contents for Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil. 1920. (NY: Harcourt, Brace & Co.)
This collection of DuBois' essays and short fictional works offers compelling ideas about a range of topics, including democracy, women's issues, and the idea of whiteness, among others.
Darkwater:

Postscript

I. The Shadow of Years

"A Litany at Atlanta"

II. The Souls of White Folk

"The Riddle of the Sphinx"

III. The Hands of Ethiopia

"The Princess of the Hither Isles"

IV. Of Work and Wealth

"The Second Coming"

V. "The Servant in the House"

"Jesus Christ in Texas"

VI. Of the Ruling of Men

VII. The Damnation of Women

"Children of the Moon"

VIII. The Immortal Child

"Almighty Death"

IX. Of Beauty and Death

"The Prayers of God"

X. The Comet

"A Hymn to the Peoples"

" Race Intelligence." 1920. This editorial was published by Du Bois in the July 1920 issue of The Crisis. In this brief piece he attacked the methodological flaws in the IQ testing conducted by the U.S. Army.

The Brownies' Book. 1920-1921. This periodical, edited by Du Bois, was oriented primarily to African-American children, providing them with positive role models and moral messages about personal conduct. It carried the subitle: "A Monthly Magazine for the Children of the Sun." Adults also had found a few pages devoted to worldly political events. Here is what seems to be the "mission statement" ffrom the inside front cover of Vol. 1, No. 1 (and complete with its original capitalization of words):

DESIGNED FOR ALL CHILDREN BUT ESPECIALLY FOR OURS.

It aims to be a thing of Joy and Beauty, dealing in Happiness, Laughter, and Emulation, and designed especially for Kiddies from Six to Sixteen.

It will seek to teach Universal Love and Brotherhood for all little folk--black and brown and yellow and white.

Of course, pictures, stories, letters frrom little ones, games and oh--everything!

The monthly periodical ran from Vol. 1, No. 1 (January 1920) through Vol. 2, No. 12 (December 1921). Note, however, that the Library of Congress (LOC) digital copy presented here is missing the last issue (December 1921) [The LOC's " permalink" to bibliographic data].

Page Images at the Library of Congress's American-Digitized Materials (Rare Book and Special Collections Reading Room)
http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.rbc/ser.01351 [to view the page images online]
[Or download the 2 volumes as an approx. 350 MB PDF file]

" The Superior Race (An Essay)." 1923. Du Bois published this in The Smart Set: A Magazine of Cleverness, v.70, n.4 (April 1923) at pp.55-60. In this satire Du Bois conducts an imaginary conversation with a White friend about various issues pertinent to living in a racialized and racist America. The friend is a fictional, composite character. Most of the piece was later published in Du Bois's 1940 book Dusk of Dawn as part of Chapter 6 ("The White World").

" The Hosts of Black Labor." 1923. This article was published in The Nation, 9 May 1923 (v.116, no.3018): pp.539-541. Du Bois addressed the migration of African American workers from the South to the North. In particular, he focused on various consequences of the recent migration for Northerners, both Blacks and Whites: labor relations and housing, among several others.

The Gift of Black Folk: The Negroes in the Making of America. 1924. This is a page facsimile of the first edition of the book which was published in 1924 by the Stratford Company (Boston, MA) and copyrighted by the Knights of Columbus. It contains a short introduction by Edward F. McSweeney.
In The Gift of Black Folk Du Bois continued an abiding theme of his work and activism: namely, that of highlighting the agency of African diasporic persons as it relates to their own development and to their contributions to the history of the United States and the world.

Secondary Source: Brief Notice of The Gift of Black Folk
Anonymous. [Section: "In Brief Review"]. The Bookman, Vol. LX, No. 3 (November 1924): p.357.
The text is presented here verbatim and in its entirety:

The Knights of Columbus are issuing a series of volumes telling the contributions of various races to our country. They are fortunate in securing Dr. William E. B. DuBois to write on "The Gift of Black Folk" (Stratford). Dr. DuBois is a bit chary in his praise of the younger generation among his people, and he has told the story of the Negro so often that his interest in history seems perfunctory, but he has the gift of style and of polemic. He pays a special tribute to Negro women and relates the achievement of his people in exploration, martial service, labor, literature, music, and science, with special emphasis on the spiritual gifts of his group with their perpetual challenge to American democracy.

" The Black Man Brings His Gifts." 1925. This is a satirical short story by DuBois on a White "high society" organization which, in attempting to create a pageant of so-called real American culture, discover the many African American contributions which are integral to "American" life. It was originally published in The Survey Graphic, vol. VI, no. 6 (March 1925): 655-657, 710. [This issue, edited by Alain Locke, is entitled " Harlem: Mecca of the New Negro" (online)].

" Criteria of Negro Art." Essay by Du Bois published in The Crisis, October 1926.

" Immortality". 1929. A brief statement written by Du Bois and published as part of an anthology edited by Sydney Strong, We Believe in Immortality: Affirmations by One Hundred Men and Women (NY: Coward-McCann, Inc., 1929). Note that a second edition appeared in 1935: We Believe in Immortality: Affirmations by One Hundred Men and Women, Second Edition. Edited by Sydney Dix Strong. NY: Press of the Pioneers, 1935 (accessible at HathiTrust: catalog page).
UMass's Credo Repository contains materials related to this brief writing by Du Bois, including correspondence between him and Sydney Strong, as well as a typescript of Du Bois's response itself. Search for Sydney Strong. Sydney Strong initiated the collection of statements on personal immortality in a February 1928 letter to Du Bois ( viewable at Credo). Du Bois responded with his statement in a letter dated 17 February 1928 ( viewable at Credo). That letter enclosed the typescript that was published ( viewable at Credo).
Du Bois's statement - presented here verbatim (p.18) - seemingly belies the title of the anthology:

My thought on personal immortality is easily explained. I do not know. I do not see how any one could know. Our whole basis of knowledge is so relative and contingent that when we get to argue concerning ultimate reality and the real essence of life and the past and the future, we seem to be talking without real data and getting nowhere. I have every respect for people who believe in the future life, but I cannot accept their belief or their wish as knowledge. Equally, I am not impressed by those who deny the possibility of future life. I have no knowledge of the possibilities of this universe and I know of no one who has.

[ Note regarding the asterisk before Du Bois's name: According to the editor in his Preface, entries so designated appeared originally in the New York Times newspaper. Aptheker in his Annotated Bibliography of the Published Writings of W.E.B. Du Bois provided the following citation (Item 237): New York Times, April 8, 1928, Section 9, p.1.]

" Douglass, Frederick" (1930). DuBois published this short biography of Frederick Douglass in the Dictionary of American Biography: Cushman - Eberle, Volume V. Edited by Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone (London: Humphrey Milford & Oxford University Press, 1930): pp.406-407.

" Marxism and the Negro Problem" (1933). The essay was published in The Crisis, v.40, n.5 (May 1933): pp.103-104, 118. Du Bois provides a summary of Marxian analysis; he spells out its major tenets. Examining the situation in the U.S.A., he also indicates that the racism of many white workers in the early decades of the 20th Century means that the world's proletarians cannot become united to challenge the owners and directors of capital. It is with Black workers, Du Bois concludes, that the ideals of democracy reside.

" The Church and Religion" (1933). DuBois differentiated religion from the church, highlighting the tension between the two. Religion was the expression of the human quest for a deeper understanding of life, while the church was an organization that historically has often declared itself to be the final arbiter of the nature of that deeper understanding. The piece was published as an editorial in The Crisis, v.40, n.10 (October 1933): pp.236-237.

" My Evolving Program for Negro Freedom." 1944. This essay was originally published in Rayford W. Logan, Ed., What the Negro Wants, pp. 31-70 (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press). Du Bois provides autobiographical details on how his thought, research, and activism were modified in light of the changing -- and unchanging -- aspects of social relations in the U.S.A. and around the world. The essay interestingly conveys Du Bois' views on the connections between social-scientific research and the exigencies of social activism.

* Note: This anthology also contains essays by Mary McLeod Bethune, Sterling A. Brown, Gordon B. Hancock, Leslie Pinckney Hill, Langston Hughes, Rayford W. Logan, Frederick D. Patterson, A. Philip Randolph, George S. Schuyler, Willard S. Townsend, Charles H. Wesley, Doxey A. Wilkerson, and Roy Wilkins.

Alternate website for Du Bois's "My Evolving Program" at Clinical Sociology Review, 8:1 (1990): download page   [

Jan M. Fritz provides an introduction, entitled "In Pursuit of Justice: W.E.B. Du Bois".

]

" The Talented Tenth Memorial Address." 1948. In an address before the social organization, Sigma Pi Phi, DuBois reexamined his concept of the Talented Tenth. It was published in The Boul� Journal, v.15, n.1 (October 1948) [ full text]. He presented a modification of his initial concept:

[....] Here comes a new idea for a Talented Tenth: The concept of a group-leadership, [ sic] not simply educated and self-sacrificing, but with clear vision of present world conditions and dangers, and conducting American Negroes to alliance with culture groups in Europe, America, Asia and Africa, and looking toward a new world culture. We can do it. We have the ability. The only question is, have we the will?

This calls for leadership through special organization. Such organization calls for more than a tenth of our number. One one-hundredth, or thirty thousand persons is indicated, with a directing council composed of educated and specially trained experts in the main branches of science and the main categories of human work, and a paid executive committee of five or six persons to carry out the program.

Du Bois casts his argument in terms of a Marxian-inspired theoretical framework. At the end of the address he said: "This, then, in my re-examined and restated theory of the "Talented Tenth," which has thus become the doctrine of the "Guiding Hundredth."

Nota Bene: My thanks to Dr. Paul C. Taylor for sendng me the link to the "The Talented Tenth Memorial Address."

" The Nature of Intellectual Freedom" [IFRE]. 1949. Du Bois delivered this piece at the Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace, which was held in New York during March 25, 26, and 27, 1949, under the auspices of the National Council of Arts, Sciences and Professions. IFRE was published in Gillmor, Daniel S. (Ed.), Speaking of Peace. New York: National Council of Arts, Sciences and Professions, 1949, at p.78.
Source in Anthology: "The Nature of Intellectual Freedom." Pp.267-268 in Herbert Aptheker (Editor), Writings by W.E.B. Du Bois in Non-Periodical Literature Edited by Others, a volume in The Complete Published Works of W.E.B. Du Bois. Millwood, NY: Kraus-Thomson Organization Limited, 1982.
Alternate Source: The work is accessible online at the Credo repository of the Special Collections and University Archives, W.E.B. Du Bois Library at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
The Credo database has drafts of the conference presentation IFRE (which Du Bois had entitled "Thinking and Writing"), as well as other materials related to the conference. Search Credo for "Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace".

" Negroes and the Crisis of Capitalism in the United States." Monthly Review, April 1953. Du Bois uses a Marxist perspective to interpret the implications of demographic data on African Americans, like wages, population distribution, and social organizations.

" If Eugene Debs Returned." This DuBoisian piece was originally published in the American Socialist, January 1956.

" I Won't Vote." The Nation, October 20, 1956. Regarding the 1956 general elections DuBois wrote:
In 1956, I shall not go to the polls. I have not registered. I believe that democracy has so far disappeared in the United States that no "two evils" exist. There is but one evil party with two names, and it will be elected despite all I can do or say. There is no third party. On the Presidential ballot in a few states (seventeen in 1952), a "Socialist" Party will appear. Few will hear its appeal because it will have almost no opportunity to take part in the campaign and explain its platform. If a voter organizes or advocates a real third-party movement, he may be accused of seeking to overthrow this government by "force and violence." Anything he advocates by way of significant reform will be called "Communist"....

The Black Flame: A Trilogy. 1957, 1959, 1961. This trilogy, published during the last decade of Du Bois's life, included three novels: The Ordeal of Mansart (1957), Mansart Builds a School (1959), and Worlds of Color (1961). The novels portrayed the fictional Mansart family over several generations. From a radical perspective, Du Bois discussed and analyzed various historical events via a narrative of the lives and activities of the fictional characters.
Note: The Internet Archive has the second and third novel of the Black Flame Trilogy available in DAISY format (developed by the DAISY Consortium). A DAISY work can be read aloud via text-to-speech software and hardware. Within the files that comprise a complete DAISY book, there is an .xml file that can be displayed by .xml-capable browsers or word processors. The DAISY books of the two Black Flame works from the Internet Archive contain various errors that arose during the Optical Character Recognition process-a process used to convert a page image into plain text. The Internet Archive acknowledges such errors in a note at the beginning of the .xml files. Those errors may not hinder causal reading of the books, but likely prohibit the extant files from being used as part of a computer-assisted analysis.

Contemporary Secondary Source (Item 1):
Arthur B. Springarn [A.B.S.] wrote a brief, positive notice of Du Bois' The Ordeal of Mansart for the The Crisis (1957) in the "Book Bits" section. Springarn was a member of The Crisis's Editorial Advisory Board. His notice is presented here in its entirety and verbatim:

The full text of Springarn's note in The Crisis: Page 454.

Contemporary Secondary Source (Item 2):
James W. Ivy [J.W.I.], then editor of The Crisis, wrote a brief, negative notice of Du Bois' Worlds of Color for the periodical (1961) in the "Book Review" section. It is presented here verbatim and in its entirety:

The full text of Ivy's note in The Crisis: Page 378.

" Postscript" to Du Bois's novel The Ordeal of Mansart [ above]. 1957. In this text Du Bois provided insights into his understanding of the complementarity of literature and social research, particularly when used in the projects for racial and social justice.

Selections from Du Bois's Autobiography. Posthumously published in 1968, Du Bois provides a personal account of his long life.
The full citation is: Du Bois, W. E. B. 1968. The Autobiography of W.E.B. DuBois: A Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of Its First Century. NY: International Publishers.

Dr. Larry Ridener's site, Dead Sociologists' Society (DSS), has excerpts including: "Birth and Family" (ch. vi); "Harvard in the Last Decades of the 19th Century" (ch. ix); "The Niagra Movement" (ch. xiv); "The NAACP" (ch. xv); "My Character" (ch. xvi); "Work for Peace" (ch. xx); My Tenth Decade (ch. xxiii); and "Postlude."
http://media.pfeiffer.edu/lridener/DSS/#dubois
[

Please consider a contribution to the upkeep of <webdubois.org>.
PayPal offers a secure way for you to help me with my goal to find and present more works by and about W.E.B. Du Bois. Thank you.

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This page contains links to the freely accessible e-texts of some of W.E.B. Du Bois' writings. I have also included a few secondary sources, such as commentaries and discussions, which concentrate on a particular DuBoisian work. Also, some hyperlinks point to audio and video presentations.

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Frontier Definition & Meaning | Britannica Dictionary

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FRONTIER meaning: 1 : a border between two countries; 2 : a distant area where few people live

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Marie Sklodowska Curie (1867-1934) was a Polish and naturalized-French physicist and chemist. Curie was a pioneer in researching radioactivity, winning the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1903 and Chemistry in 1911. Curie never worked on the Manhattan Project, but her contributions to the study of radium and radiation were instrumental to the future development of the atomic bomb.

Early Years

Curie was born in Warsaw, Poland on November 7, 1867, which was then part of the Russian Empire. University education for women was not available in Russia at the time, so Curie left to pursue her degrees at the University of Paris in 1891. The beginning of her scientific career was an investigation of the magnetic properties of various steels. In Paris, she also met her husband Pierre Curie. While she tried to return to work in Poland in 1894, she was denied a place at Krakow University because of her gender and returned to Paris to pursue her Ph.D.

Scientific Contributions

Adopting the study of Henri Becquerel's discovery of radiation in uranium as her thesis topic, Curie began the systematic study of other elements to see if there were others that also emitted this strange energy. Within days she discovered that thorium also emitted radiation, and further, that the amount of radiation depended upon the amount of element present in the compound. Thus, she deduced that radioactivity does not depend on how atoms are arranged into molecules, but rather that it originates within the atoms themselves. This discovery is perhaps her most important scientific contribution. For their joint research into radioactivity, Marie and Pierre Curie were awarded the 1903 Nobel Prize in Physics.

As a team, the Curies would go on to even greater scientific discoveries. In 1898, they announced the discovery of two new elements, radium and polonium. Isolating pure samples of these elements was exhausting work for Marie; it took four years of back-breaking effort to extract 1 decigram of radium chloride from several tons of raw ore. In 1906, Pierre was killed in a traffic accident. Marie carried on their research and was appointed to fill Pierre's position at the Sorbonne, thus becoming the first woman in France to achieve professorial rank. In 1911, Marie won her second Nobel Prize, this time in chemistry, for isolating pure radium.

Later Years

During World War I, Curie served as the director of the Red Cross Radiology Service, treating over an estimated one million soldiers with her X-ray units. She traveled to the United States in 1921 to tour and raise funds for research on radium. She returned to Poland for the foundation laying ceremony for the Radium Institute, which opened in 1932 with her sister Bronislawa as its director.

Curie died in 1934 of radiation-induced leukemia, since the effects of radiation were not known when she began her studies. In 1995, her and Pierre's remains were moved to the Panthéon, the French National Mausoleum, in Paris. She was the first woman to receive that honor on her own merit.

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Marie Sklodowska Curie (1867-1934) was a Polish and naturalized-French physicist and chemist. Curie was a pioneer in researching radioactivity, winning the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1903 and Chemistry in 1911. Curie never worked on the Manhattan Project, but her contributions to the study of radium and radiation were instrumental to the future development of the atomic bomb.

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Humble beginnings

Born Maria Skłodowska on 7 November 1867 in Warsaw, Poland, she was the youngest of five children of poor school teachers.

After her mother died and her father could no longer support her she became a governess, reading and studying in her own time to quench her thirst for knowledge. She never lost this passion.

To become a teacher - the only alternative which would allow her to be independent - was never a possibility because a lack of money prevented her from a formal higher education. However, when her sister offered her lodgings in Paris with a view to going to university, she grasped the opportunity and moved to France in 1891.

She immediately entered Sorbonne University in Paris where she read physics and mathematics - she had naturally discovered a love of the subjects through her insatiable appetite for learning.

It was in Paris, in 1894, that she met Pierre Curie - a scientist working in the city - and who she married a year later. It was also around this time that she adopted the French spelling of her name - Marie. It is of course this version of her name that our charity uses, along with our hospices, Marie Curie Nursing Service and our Companion service.

Work on radioactivity and discoveries

The Curies became research workers at the School of Chemistry and Physics in Paris and there they began their pioneering work into invisible rays given off by uranium - a new phenomenon which had recently been discovered by Professor Henri Becquerel.

He had shown that the rays were able to pass through solid matter, fog and photographic film and caused air to conduct electricity.

Marie also noticed that samples of a mineral called pitchblende, which contains uranium ore, were a great deal more radioactive than the pure element uranium. Further work convinced her the very large readings she was getting could not be caused by uranium alone - there was something else in the pitchblende. Since nobody had ever found it before, it could only be present in tiny quantities, and it seemed to be very radioactive. Marie was convinced she had found a new chemical element - other scientists doubted her results.

Pierre and Marie Curie set about working to search for the unknown element. They ground up samples of pitchblende, dissolved them in acid, and began to separate the different elements present, using the standard analytical chemistry techniques of the time. Eventually, they extracted a black powder 330 times more radioactive than uranium, which they called polonium . Polonium was a new chemical element, atomic number 84.

When the Curies investigated further, they found that the liquid left behind after they had extracted polonium was still extremely radioactive. They realised that pitchblende contained another new element, far more radioactive than polonium, but present in even smaller quantities.

In 1898, the Curies published strong evidence supporting the existence of the new element - which they called radium - but they still had no sample of it. Pitchblende is an expensive mineral, because it contains valuable uranium, and Marie needed a lot of it.

She got in touch with a factory in Austria that removed the uranium from pitchblende for industrial use and bought several tonnes of the worthless waste product, which was even more radioactive than the original pitchblende, and was much cheaper. Marie set about processing the pitchblende to extract the tiny quantities of radium. This involved working on a much larger scale than before, with 20kg batches of the mineral - grinding, dissolving, filtering, precipitating, collecting, redissolving, crystallising and recrystallising.

The work was heavy and physically demanding - and involved dangers the Curies did not appreciate. During this time they began to feel sick and physically exhausted; today we can attribute their ill-health to the early symptoms of radiation sickness. At the time they persevered in ignorance of the risks, often with raw and inflamed hands because they were continually handling highly radioactive material.

In 1902 Marie eventually isolated radium (as radium chloride), determining its atomic weight as 225.93. The journey to the discovery had been long and arduous.
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In 1903 Marie and Pierre were awarded the Nobel Prize for Physics jointly with Henri Becquerel for their combined, though separate, work on radioactivity.

In the same year, Marie passed her doctorate thesis in Physics.

In 1906 Marie's life was struck by tragedy when Pierre was killed in a street accident after being knocked down by a horse and cart. Her indomitable spirit, however, kept her working and she went on to succeed him in his Chair as Professor at the Sorbonne, as well as carrying on lecturing where he had left off.

Her determination and remarkable endeavours led to a second Nobel Prize in 1911, this time in chemistry for creating a means of measuring radioactivity. Not long after, Sorbonne built the first radium institute with two laboratories; one for study of radioactivity under Marie Curie's direction, and the other for biological research into the treatment of cancer.

During the First World War, Marie Curie worked to develop small, mobile X-ray units that could be used to diagnose injuries near the battlefront. As Director of the Red Cross Radiological Service, she toured Paris, asking for money, supplies and vehicles which could be converted.

In October 1914, the first machines, known as "Petits Curies", were ready, and Marie set off to the front. She worked with her daughter Irene, then aged 17, at casualty clearing stations close to the front line, X-raying wounded men to locate fractures, bullets and shrapnel.

The technology Marie Curie developed for the "Petits Curies" is similar to that used today in the fluoroscopy machine at our Hampstead hospice. A powerful X-ray machine, it allows doctors to examine moving images in the body, such as pumping action of the heart or the motion of swallowing.

After the war, Marie continued her work as a researcher, teacher and head of a laboratory and received many awards and prizes. Among them were the Ellan Richards Research Prize (1921), the Grand Prix du Marquis d'Argenteuil (1923) and the Cameron Prize from Edinburgh University (1931). She was also the recipient of many honorary degrees from universities around the world.
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Why we're named after Marie Curie

A successful name in the field of science, Marie Curie allowed her name to be used by the Marie Curie Hospital in north London. Opened in 1930, it was staffed entirely by women to treat female cancer patients using radiology. It also had research facilities.

After the Marie Curie Hospital was more or less destroyed in 1944 by a bomb, a group of people decided to re-establish the hospital as a charity under Marie Curie's name, rather than as part of the new NHS. This marked the start of the hospital's development into a charity to support cancer patients.

Now, in the 21 st century, Marie Curie is the UK's leading end of life charity in the UK. We're here to support anyone with an illness they're likely to die from, and those close to them. We provide expert hospice care, support over the phone, and push for a better end of life for all by campaigning and sharing research to change the system. In 2015, Marie Curie's granddaughter, Hélène Langevin-Joliot, visited our Hampstead hospice and talked about her grandmother's legacy.

We are proud to have this great scientist as our namesake.
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Films about Marie Curie the scientist

Marie Curie's renown has led to her being the subject of numerous films over the years.

Below are just some of the many dramatisations that have been created about her work and life. Our charity has not been involved in the production of any of any of these works.

Radioactive - 2020

British actress Rosamund Pike portrays Marie Curie in Radioactive , the most recent film about the physicist. It focuses on her career in the scientific world and the relationships she had throughout her life, including with her husband Pierre Curie.

Marie Curie: The Courage of Knowledge - 2016

Although born in Poland, Marie Curie spent much of her life living in France. As a result, she has been portrayed several times in French cinema. Marie Curie: The Courage of Knowledge , a French-language film, was screened in the Contemporary World Cinema section at the 2016 Toronto International Film Festival.

Marie Curie: More Than Meets the Eye - 1997

In this 1997 TV film Marie Curie is played by Kate Trotter. Marie Curie: More Than Meets the Eye sees two little girls notice a woman who is somehow able to enter high-security buildings during WW1. They later find out that the subject of their intrigue is none other than the famous physicist.

Madame Curie - 1943

This biographical film was released only 10 years after Marie Curie's death - a testament to the enduring recognition of her work. Madame Curie was adapted from the biography of Ève Curie, Marie Curie's daughter, and focuses on how her mother and father met while working together.
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Marie Curie quotes
"Life is not easy for any of us. But what of that? We must have perseverance and above all confidence in ourselves. We must believe that we are gifted for something and that this thing must be attained." "Nothing in life is to be feared; it is only to be understood." "I am one of those who think like Nobel, that humanity will draw more good than evil from new discoveries." "I am among those who think that science has great beauty. A scientist in his laboratory is not only a technician: he is also a child placed before natural phenomena which impress him like a fairy tale." "One never notices what has been done; one can only see what remains to be done." "Have no fear of perfection; you'll never reach it." "Humanity also needs dreamers, for whom the disinterested development of an enterprise is so captivating that it becomes impossible for them to devote their care to their own material profit." "You cannot hope to build a better world without improving the individuals. To that end each of us must work for his own improvement, and at the same time share a general responsibility for all humanity, our particular duty being to aid those to whom we think we can be most useful." "I was taught that the way of progress was neither swift nor easy." "Be less curious about people and more curious about ideas."

Death and legacy

On 4 July 1934, at the Sancellemoz Sanatorium in Passy, France at the age of 66, Marie Curie died. The cause of her death was given as aplastic pernicious anaemia, a condition she developed after years of exposure to radiation through her work.

She left two daughters, Irene (born 1898) and Eve (born 1904).

Irene, like her mother, entered the field of scientific research and, with her husband Frederic Joliot, worked on the nucleus of the atom and together were awarded a Nobel Prize and credited with the discovery of artificial radiation. Irene too died of a radiation-related illness - leukaemia - in 1956. Irene's daughter and granddaugther to Marie Curie, Hélène Langevin-Joliot, herself a famous nuclear physicist, visited our Hampstead hospice in March 2015.

Eve became a journalist and writer. Irene's daughter Dr Hélène Langevin-Joliot (born 1927) also pursued a career in nuclear physics and became research emeritus of the National Centre for Scientific Research in Paris.

In 1995, Marie and Pierre Curie were reburied in the Pantheon - the Paris mausoleum reserved for France's most revered dead - on the orders of French President Mitterand.

Marie Curie was the first woman to be awarded a place in the Pantheon for her own achievements.

Marie Curie's life as a scientist was one which flourished because of her ability to observe, deduce and predict. She is also arguably the first woman to make such a significant contribution to science. Marie Curie the charity is proud to be named in honour of her.

Further information about Marie Curie
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Learn about Marie Curie's history, from our founding in 1948 to today.

Our history

How we fund, manage and invest in research.

Research strategy

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Marie Curie the scientist | Biog, facts & quotes

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Marie Curie is remembered for her discovery of radium and polonium, and her huge contribution to the fight against cancer. This work continues to inspire our charity's mission to support anyone with an illness they're likely to die from, and those close to them.

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Introduction

As a woman born in 1867 Poland, Marie Sklodowska Curie had a steep hill to climb in her pursuit of her passion for science. She stands among the greatest scientists of all time, male or female. Certainly, she stands tallest as a role model for generations of young women who followed in her footsteps, pursuing careers in scientific research.

Who was Marie Curie? How did she come to be a scientist? What important work led to the discovery of radium?

In Search of Education

Maria Sklodowska was born on November 7, 1867, in Warsaw, Poland, which was then part of the Russian Empire. The Polish nationalist sympathies of Maria's parents resulted in employment difficulties for her father, a teacher, causing the family of seven financial troubles.

Maria completed her high school studies in the state system by the age of 15, but then experienced a setback because the University of Warsaw did not admit women. Instead, Maria and her older sister, Bronya, joined a group of students in clandestine studies in which each student shared their specialty with the others.

It became obvious that further education would only be available elsewhere in Europe and the sisters agreed that Maria would find work and income to support Bronya, who moved to Paris to study medicine. During the next five years Maria worked as a private teacher and then as a governess while contributing to Bronya's benefit. With time available in her isolated working location, Maria continued to study a variety of topics, eventually settling on physics and mathematics as her favorites. Through the help of a cousin, Maria found instruction in chemistry together with some practical laboratory experience. A good turn in her father's finances made it possible for Maria to move to Paris, and so in the fall of 1891 at the age of 24, she enrolled at the Sorbonne.

A Partnership

Enduring the hardships of student life on a tight budget and the challenges of catching up to acceptable levels in her chosen subjects required all of Maria's energy, yet in two years she had master's degrees in mathematics and physics, scholarship recognition, and research projects to accomplish.

Maria's research required laboratory space and a scientist friend suggested that his French colleague, Pierre Curie-also researching magnetism-could help provide some space. So began the partnership that led to outstanding landmarks in the progress of physical science.

Drawn close by their work, Pierre and Maria (now called Marie in France) were married in June, 1895. In the same year, Pierre's long-time research was rewarded with a doctorate and a professorship.

Elemental Discovery

By the time their first daughter, Irene, was born in 1897, Marie had her teaching diploma and resolved to go on studying for a doctorate. As a thesis topic, she chose to further investigate the "uranium rays" that Henri Becquerel had reported on just a year earlier.

First, Marie Curie used a methodical approach to determine which elements emitted this radiation; the results indicated uranium and thorium to be the only candidates. Minerals and ores which contain these elements were her next targets. After exhaustive investigation, using the mineral pitchblende as starting material, the new elements polonium and radium were detected. This work was reported in December of 1898.

Marie and Pierre continued to teach and pursue their research in grim conditions; a large, unheated shed served as the laboratory in which they prepared a decigram sample of very pure radium chloride. This effort culminated in Marie's doctoral thesis, which she submitted in 1903. The doctorate was awarded amid general acclaim concerning the scientific value of this breakthrough.

While awed by their discovery, the Curies did not realize the unfavorable medical consequences of the glowing radiation from the small samples they constantly handled. They were frequently tired, the skin of their fingers was scarred and cracked, and illnesses beset them.

Interested in learning more about Marie Curie? Learn More About Her Cresson Award

Triumph and Tragedy

In 1903, the third Nobel Prize in Physics was awarded to Henri Becquerel, Pierre Curie, and Marie Curie for their work on the radiation of uranium. Illness prevented them from accepting the prize until 1905.

This date marked the beginning of the life of the Curies as celebrities; their preferred privacy was over. Then, a year later, on April 19, 1906, tragedy struck. Pierre Curie was run over by a horse-drawn cart while crossing the street and killed, leaving Marie with two daughters, Irene and the two-year-old Eve.

With typical strength and commitment, Marie gathered herself together to succeed Pierre as head of the laboratory, becoming the first woman to teach at the Sorbonne. Building on her own experience, Marie developed a unique educational situation for Irene. The children of the Sorbonne faculty were taught by their parents in a variety of subjects in completely non-traditional fashion. An emphasis on science and mathematics was included.

A full professorship, again the first to a woman, was awarded to Marie Curie in 1908. She went on to be the sole recipient of the 1911 Nobel Prize in Chemistry for her discovery of radium and polonium and subsequent research on their properties.

During the next two years, Marie's life became chaotic involving scandal, media persecution, and collapse from ill health. The scandal involved a relationship with a married student, Paul Longevin, which led to highly critical scrutiny from the French press. Following this stressful time, Marie spent 1912 being treated for physical ailments and depression, then recuperating in England and France.

Reviving in 1913 to return to the Radium Institute, Marie's work was next interrupted by the outbreak of World War I. Newly energized, she worked with her daughter, Irene, to ease the pain of wounded soldiers by creating and organizing mobile X-ray stations and implementing medical applications of radium in destroying infection.

When peace returned, Marie Curie devoted her efforts to extending the work of the Radium Institute by seeking funding sources in Europe and, more successfully, in the United States. Even though her health was failing, she traveled extensively and was welcomed everywhere as a celebrity advancing the knowledge and popularity of science.

The Radium Institute, now renamed the Curie Institute, was operated by Irene Curie and her husband, Frederic Joliet. They in turn received the 1935 Nobel Prize in Chemistry for advances in nuclear research.

Marie Curie died at the age of 67 on July 4, 1934 of leukemia, which may have been caused by her lifetime exposure to ionizing radiation. Her papers from the 1890s are still contaminated with radiation, and researchers must wear protective clothing before removing them from the lead-lined boxes which contain them.

Research Focus

Marie's early research in Paris centered on correlating the chemical compositions of various steels with their magnetic properties. An important consequence of this work was her meeting with Pierre Curie, himself a long-time researcher on magnetism.

After publishing the results of her research, Marie turned to considering topics for her doctoral research. Following the recent work of Henri Becquerel, who reported on the spontaneous radiation emitted by uranium compounds, Marie Curie decided to focus her research on further investigation of this new phenomenon.

To measure the weak electric currents caused by the radiation and obtain comparable data, Curie used the electrometer invented by her husband, Pierre, and his brother, Jacques, rather than rely photographic plate intensities. The emissions were found to be constant and independent of physical state or purity; radiation strength depended only on the amount of uranium in the sample. This led to Marie Curie's first hypothesis that the radiation originated in the elemental uranium in the sample.

This fundamental observation set the stage for subsequent discoveries on atomic structure and the intrinsic power of the atom. Whereas up to that time the atom was considered to be the smallest, indivisible particle existing in matter, the radiation observed would indicate that the "indivisible" atom was now subject to decomposition to smaller components.

Polonium and Radium

Curie now expanded her search for other "Becquerel-ray emitting" compounds using pitchblende from Joachimsthal, Austria, and found the element thorium to have the same emission characteristics as uranium. She coined the term "radioactivity" to describe this property. Her next hypothesis-that certain complex materials, such as pitchblende, achieved their high radioactivity from the presence of additional as yet unknown elements-then required to be tested by isolating such elements.

Pierre Curie joined Marie in the next stage of the task where various chemical extraction techniques were used to separate the components of pitchblende. His electrometer was again used to measure radioactivity in the resulting fractions. From this work, in 1898, the Curies reported the existence of two new, separate elements that they named polonium and radium.

A Pure Compound

The next step, isolating pure compounds of the new elements, proved next to impossible. While radium chloride was obtained by repeated re-crystallization, it was not possible, despite a beginning sample of 50 kilograms, to isolate a pure polonium compound.

All attention was now centered on radium. A large-scale extraction in 1910 yielded sufficient amounts and led to isolation of radium metal and detailed examination of the element's properties. The atomic weight was found to be 225. Its radioactive power is at least a million times greater than that of uranium, penetrating thick photographic plates. Radium is spontaneously and continuously luminous and heat producing.

Radium was used in medicine to destroy cancerous tumors by implantation of a radium source directly in the tumor. It increasingly came to be regarded as an elixir and restorative, but consequential, toxic side effects became known. The health hazard, termed "radiation sickness," caused such treatments to be discontinued in the 1930s and safer substitutes such as cobalt-60 came into use.

Acknowledgement

After the 1903 Nobel Prize in Physics, but prior to the 1911 Nobel Prize in Chemistry, Marie Curie was honored with a Cresson Medal by The Franklin Institute

The 1909 medal was awarded to Marie and her husband Pierre (posthumously), and was given in the field of chemistry for the discovery of radium. The Cresson Medal was awarded a year after Marie was granted full professorship at the Sorbonne.

The Franklin Institute Committee on Science and the Arts report for case #2413 follows. The Curie report is dated January 6, 1909.
The Marie Curie presentation was made possible by support from The Barra Foundation and Unisys.

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As a woman born in 1867 Poland, Marie Sklodowska Curie had a steep hill to climb in her pursuit of her passion for science. She stands among the greatest scientists of all time, male or female. Certainly, she stands tallest as a role model for generations of young women who followed in her footsteps, pursuing careers in scientific research.

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al-Khwārizmī, (born c. 780 -died c. 850), Muslim mathematician and astronomer whose major works introduced Hindu-Arabic numerals and the concepts of algebra into European mathematics. Latinized versions of his name and of his most famous book title live on in the terms algorithm and algebra.

Al-Khwārizmī lived in Baghdad, where he worked at the "House of Wisdom" (Dār al-Ḥikma) under the caliphate of al-Maʾmūn. The House of Wisdom acquired and translated scientific and philosophic treatises, particularly Greek, as well as publishing original research. Al-Khwārizmī's work on elementary algebra, Al-Kitāb al-mukhtaṣar fī ḥisāb al-jabr waʾl-muqābala (" The Compendious Book on Calculation by Completion and Balancing"), was translated into Latin in the 12th century, from which the title and term algebra derives. Algebra is a compilation of rules, together with demonstrations, for finding solutions of linear and quadratic equations based on intuitive geometric arguments, rather than the abstract notation now associated with the subject. Its systematic, demonstrative approach distinguishes it from earlier treatments of the subject. It also contains sections on calculating areas and volumes of geometric figures and on the use of algebra to solve inheritance problems according to proportions prescribed by Islamic law. Elements within the work can be traced from Babylonian mathematics of the early 2nd millennium bce through Hellenistic, Hebrew, and Hindu treatises.

In the 12th century a second work by al-Khwārizmī introduced Hindu-Arabic numerals ( see numerals and numeral systems) and their arithmetic to the West. It is preserved only in a Latin translation, Algoritmi de numero Indorum ("Al-Khwārizmī Concerning the Hindu Art of Reckoning"). From the name of the author, rendered in Latin as Algoritmi, originated the term algorithm.

A third major book was his Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ ("The Image of the Earth"; translated as Geography), which presented the coordinates of localities in the known world based, ultimately, on those in the Geography of Ptolemy (flourished 127-145 ce) but with improved values for the length of the Mediterranean Sea and the location of cities in Asia and Africa. He also assisted in the construction of a world map for al-Maʾmūn and participated in a project to determine the circumference of the Earth, which had long been known to be spherical, by measuring the length of a degree of a meridian through the plain of Sinjār in Iraq.

Finally, al-Khwārizmī also compiled a set of astronomical tables ( Zīj), based on a variety of Hindu and Greek sources. This work included a table of sines, evidently for a circle of radius 150 units. Like his treatises on algebra and Hindu-Arabic numerals, this astronomical work (or an Andalusian revision thereof) was translated into Latin.

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Al-Khwarizmi, Muslim mathematician and astronomer whose major works introduced Hindu-Arabic numerals and the concepts of algebra into European mathematics. Latinized versions of his name and of his most famous book title live on in the terms algorithm and algebra.

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Quick Info

Born

about 780
possibly Baghdad (now in Iraq)

Died

about 850

Summary

Al'Khwarizmi was an Islamic mathematician who wrote on Hindu-Arabic numerals. The word algorithm derives from his name. His algebra treatise Hisab al-jabr w'al-muqabala gives us the word algebra and can be considered as the first book to be written on algebra.

Biography

We know few details of Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi's life. One unfortunate effect of this lack of knowledge seems to be the temptation to make guesses based on very little evidence. In Toomer suggests that the name al-Khwarizmi may indicate that he came from Khwarizm south of the Aral Sea in central Asia. He then writes:-

But the historian al-Tabari gives him the additional epithet "al-Qutrubbulli", indicating that he came from Qutrubbull, a district between the Tigris and Euphrates not far from Baghdad, so perhaps his ancestors, rather than he himself, came from Khwarizm ... Another epithet given to him by al-Tabari, "al-Majusi", would seem to indicate that he was an adherent of the old Zoroastrian religion. ... the pious preface to al-Khwarizmi's "Algebra" shows that he was an orthodox Muslim, so Al-Tabari's epithet could mean no more than that his forebears, and perhaps he in his youth, had been Zoroastrians.
However, Rashed , put a rather different interpretation on the same words by Al-Tabari:-
... Al-Tabari's words should read: "Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi and al-Majusi al-Qutrubbulli ...", (and that there are two people al-Khwarizmi and al-Majusi al-Qutrubbulli): the letter "wa" was omitted in the early copy. This would not be worth mentioning if a series of conclusions about al-Khwarizmi's personality, occasionally even the origins of his knowledge, had not been drawn. In his article ( [ ) G J Toomer, with naive confidence, constructed an entire fantasy on the error which cannot be denied the merit of making amusing reading.1 ]
This is not the last disagreement that we shall meet in describing the life and work of al-Khwarizmi. However before we look at the few facts about his life that are known for certain, we should take a moment to set the scene for the cultural and scientific background in which al-Khwarizmi worked.

Harun al-Rashid became the fifth Caliph of the Abbasid dynasty on 14 September 786, about the time that al-Khwarizmi was born. Harun ruled, from his court in the capital city of Baghdad, over the Islam empire which stretched from the Mediterranean to India. He brought culture to his court and tried to establish the intellectual disciplines which at that time were not flourishing in the Arabic world. He had two sons, the eldest was al-Amin while the younger was al-Mamun. Harun died in 809 and there was an armed conflict between the brothers.

Al-Mamun won the armed struggle and al-Amin was defeated and killed in 813. Following this, al-Mamun became Caliph and ruled the empire from Baghdad. He continued the patronage of learning started by his father and founded an academy called the House of Wisdom where Greek philosophical and scientific works were translated. He also built up a library of manuscripts, the first major library to be set up since that at Alexandria, collecting important works from Byzantium. In addition to the House of Wisdom, al-Mamun set up observatories in which Muslim astronomers could build on the knowledge acquired by earlier peoples.

Al-Khwarizmi and his colleagues the Banu Musa were scholars at the House of Wisdom in Baghdad. Their tasks there involved the translation of Greek scientific manuscripts and they also studied, and wrote on, algebra, geometry and astronomy. Certainly al-Khwarizmi worked under the patronage of Al-Mamun and he dedicated two of his texts to the Caliph. These were his treatise on algebra and his treatise on astronomy. The algebra treatise Hisab al-jabr w'al-muqabala was the most famous and important of all of al-Khwarizmi's works. It is the title of this text that gives us the word "algebra" and, in a sense that we shall investigate more fully below, it is the first book to be written on algebra.

Rosen's translation of al-Khwarizmi's own words describing the purpose of the book tells us that al-Khwarizmi intended to teach (see also ):-
... what is easiest and most useful in arithmetic, such as men constantly require in cases of inheritance, legacies, partition, lawsuits, and trade, and in all their dealings with one another, or where the measuring of lands, the digging of canals, geometrical computations, and other objects of various sorts and kinds are concerned.
This does not sound like the contents of an algebra text and indeed only the first part of the book is a discussion of what we would today recognise as algebra. However it is important to realise that the book was intended to be highly practical and that algebra was introduced to solve real life problems that were part of everyday life in the Islam empire at that time. Early in the book al-Khwarizmi describes the natural numbers in terms that are almost funny to us who are so familiar with the system, but it is important to understand the new depth of abstraction and understanding here :-
When I consider what people generally want in calculating, I found that it always is a number. I also observed that every number is composed of units, and that any number may be divided into units. Moreover, I found that every number which may be expressed from one to ten, surpasses the preceding by one unit: afterwards the ten is doubled or tripled just as before the units were: thus arise twenty, thirty, etc. until a hundred: then the hundred is doubled and tripled in the same manner as the units and the tens, up to a thousand; ... so forth to the utmost limit of numeration.
Having introduced the natural numbers, al-Khwarizmi introduces the main topic of this first section of his book, namely the solution of equations. His equations are linear or quadratic and are composed of units, roots and squares. For example, to al-Khwarizmi a unit was a number, a root was

He first reduces an equation (linear or quadratic) to one of six standard forms:

1. Squares equal to roots.
2. Squares equal to numbers.
3. Roots equal to numbers.
4. Squares and roots equal to numbers; e.g. .
5. Squares and numbers equal to roots; e.g. .
6. Roots and numbers equal to squares; e.g. .

The reduction is carried out using the two operations of x x x , and a square was . However, although we shall use the now familiar algebraic notation in this article to help the reader understand the notions, Al-Khwarizmi's mathematics is done entirely in words with no symbols being used. al-jabr and al-muqabala. Here "al-jabr" means "completion" and is the process of removing negative terms from an equation. For example, using one of al-Khwarizmi's own examples, "al-jabr" transforms into . The term "al-muqabala" means "balancing" and is the process of reducing positive terms of the same power when they occur on both sides of an equation. For example, two applications of "al-muqabala" reduces to (one application to deal with the numbers and a second to deal with the roots).

Al-Khwarizmi then shows how to solve the six standard types of equations. He uses both algebraic methods of solution and geometric methods. For example to solve the equation he writes :-
... a square and 10 roots are equal to 39 units. The question therefore in this type of equation is about as follows: what is the square which combined with ten of its roots will give a sum total of 39? The manner of solving this type of equation is to take one-half of the roots just mentioned. Now the roots in the problem before us are 10. Therefore take 5, which multiplied by itself gives 25, an amount which you add to 39 giving 64. Having taken then the square root of this which is 8, subtract from it half the roots, 5 leaving 3. The number three therefore represents one root of this square, which itself, of course is 9. Nine therefore gives the square.

The geometric proof by completing the square follows. Al-Khwarizmi starts with a square of side (Figure 1). To the square we must add and this is done by adding four rectangles each of breadth 10/4 and length (Figure 2). Figure 2 has area which is equal to x x x , which therefore represents 39. We now complete the square by adding the four little squares each of area . Hence the outside square in Fig 3 has area 8. But the side is of length so , giving .

These geometrical proofs are a matter of disagreement between experts. The question, which seems not to have an easy answer, is whether al-Khwarizmi was familiar with Euclid's Elements. We know that he could have been, perhaps it is even fair to say "should have been", familiar with x x x to the square Euclid's work. In al-Rashid's reign, while al-Khwarizmi was still young, al-Hajjaj had translated Euclid's Elements into Arabic and al-Hajjaj was one of al-Khwarizmi's colleagues in the House of Wisdom. This would support Toomer's comments in :-
... in his introductory section al-Khwarizmi uses geometrical figures to explain equations, which surely argues for a familiarity with Book II of Euclid's "Elements".
Rashed writes that al-Khwarizmi's:-
... treatment was very probably inspired by recent knowledge of the "Elements".
However, Gandz in (see also ), argues for a very different view:-
Euclid's "Elements" in their spirit and letter are entirely unknown to [al-Khwarizmi]. Al-Khwarizmi has neither definitions, nor axioms, nor postulates, nor any demonstration of the Euclidean kind.
I [EFR] think that it is clear that whether or not al-Khwarizmi had studied 4×25 4+39=25+39=64 4 \times \large\frac{25}{4}\normalsize + 39 = 25 + 39 = 64 . The side of the square is therefore Euclid's Elements, he was influenced by other geometrical works. As Parshall writes in :-
... because his treatment of practical geometry so closely followed that of the Hebrew text, Mishnat ha Middot, which dated from around 150 AD, the evidence of Semitic ancestry exists.
Al-Khwarizmi continues his study of algebra in Hisab al-jabr w'al-muqabala by examining how the laws of arithmetic extend to an arithmetic for his algebraic objects. For example he shows how to multiply out expressions such as although again we should emphasise that al-Khwarizmi uses only words to describe his expressions, and no symbols are used. Rashed sees a remarkable depth and novelty in these calculations by al-Khwarizmi which appear to us, when examined from a modern perspective, as relatively elementary. He writes :-
Al-Khwarizmi's concept of algebra can now be grasped with greater precision: it concerns the theory of linear and quadratic equations with a single unknown, and the elementary arithmetic of relative binomials and trinomials. ... The solution had to be general and calculable at the same time and in a mathematical fashion, that is, geometrically founded. ... The restriction of degree, as well as that of the number of unsophisticated terms, is instantly explained. From its true emergence, algebra can be seen as a theory of equations solved by means of radicals, and of algebraic calculations on related expressions...
If this interpretation is correct, then al-Khwarizmi was as Sarton writes:-
... the greatest mathematician of the time, and if one takes all the circumstances into account, one of the greatest of all time....
In a similar vein Rashed writes :-
It is impossible to overstress the originality of the conception and style of al-Khwarizmi's algebra...
but a different view is taken by Crossley who writes :-
[Al-Khwarizmi] may not have been very original...
and Toomer who writes in :-
... Al-Khwarizmi's scientific achievements were at best mediocre.
In Gandz gives this opinion of al-Khwarizmi's algebra:-
Al-Khwarizmi's algebra is regarded as the foundation and cornerstone of the sciences. In a sense, al-Khwarizmi is more entitled to be called "the father of algebra" than Diophantus because al-Khwarizmi is the first to teach algebra in an elementary form and for its own sake, Diophantus is primarily concerned with the theory of numbers.
The next part of al-Khwarizmi's Algebra consists of applications and worked examples. He then goes on to look at rules for finding the area of figures such as the circle and also finding the volume of solids such as the sphere, cone, and pyramid. This section on mensuration certainly has more in common with Hindu and Hebrew texts than it does with any Greek work. The final part of the book deals with the complicated Islamic rules for inheritance but require little from the earlier algebra beyond solving linear equations.

Al-Khwarizmi also wrote a treatise on Hindu-Arabic numerals. The Arabic text is lost but a Latin translation, Algoritmi de numero Indorum in English Al-Khwarizmi on the Hindu Art of Reckoning gave rise to the word algorithm deriving from his name in the title. Unfortunately the Latin translation (translated into English in ) is known to be much changed from al-Khwarizmi's original text (of which even the title is unknown). The work describes the Hindu place-value system of numerals based on 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 0. The first use of zero as a place holder in positional base notation was probably due to al-Khwarizmi in this work. Methods for arithmetical calculation are given, and a method to find square roots is known to have been in the Arabic original although it is missing from the Latin version. Toomer writes :-
... the decimal place-value system was a fairly recent arrival from India and ... al-Khwarizmi's work was the first to expound it systematically. Thus, although elementary, it was of seminal importance.
Seven twelfth century Latin treatises based on this lost Arabic treatise by al-Khwarizmi on arithmetic are discussed in .

Another important work by al-Khwarizmi was his work Sindhind zij on astronomy. The work, described in detail in , is based in Indian astronomical works :-
... as opposed to most later Islamic astronomical handbooks, which utilised the Greek planetary models laid out in Ptolemy's "Almagest" Ⓣ( The major thesis: from the Arabic 'al-majisti' -- the Arabic translation of the Greek 'Mathematike Syntaxis' later translated into Latin as 'Magna Syntaxis' ) ...
The Indian text on which al-Khwarizmi based his treatise was one which had been given to the court in Baghdad around 770 as a gift from an Indian political mission. There are two versions of al-Khwarizmi's work which he wrote in Arabic but both are lost. In the tenth century al-Majriti made a critical revision of the shorter version and this was translated into Latin by Adelard of Bath. There is also a Latin version of the longer version and both these Latin works have survived. The main topics covered by al-Khwarizmi in the Sindhind zij are calendars; calculating true positions of the sun, moon and planets, tables of sines and tangents; spherical astronomy; astrological tables; parallax and eclipse calculations; and visibility of the moon. A related manuscript, attributed to al-Khwarizmi, on spherical trigonometry is discussed in .

Although his astronomical work is based on that of the Indians, and most of the values from which he constructed his tables came from Hindu astronomers, al-Khwarizmi must have been influenced by Ptolemy's work too :-
It is certain that Ptolemy's tables, in their revision by Theon of Alexandria, were already known to some Islamic astronomers; and it is highly likely that they influenced, directly or through intermediaries, the form in which Al-Khwarizmi's tables were cast.
Al-Khwarizmi wrote a major work on geography which give latitudes and longitudes for 2402 localities as a basis for a world map. The book, which is based on Ptolemy's Geography, lists with latitudes and longitudes, cities, mountains, seas, islands, geographical regions, and rivers. The manuscript does include maps which on the whole are more accurate than those of Ptolemy. In particular it is clear that where more local knowledge was available to al-Khwarizmi such as the regions of Islam, Africa and the Far East then his work is considerably more accurate than that of Ptolemy, but for Europe al-Khwarizmi seems to have used Ptolemy's data.

A number of minor works were written by al-Khwarizmi on topics such as the astrolabe, on which he wrote two works, on the sundial, and on the Jewish calendar. He also wrote a political history containing horoscopes of prominent persons.

We have already discussed the varying views of the importance of al-Khwarizmi's algebra which was his most important contribution to mathematics. Let us end this article with a quote by Mohammad Kahn, given in :-
In the foremost rank of mathematicians of all time stands Al-Khwarizmi. He composed the oldest works on arithmetic and algebra. They were the principal source of mathematical knowledge for centuries to come in the East and the West. The work on arithmetic first introduced the Hindu numbers to Europe, as the very name algorism signifies; and the work on algebra ... gave the name to this important branch of mathematics in the European world...

1. G J Toomer, Biography in Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New York 1970-1990).
SeeTHIS LINK.

2. Biography in Encyclopaedia Britannica.
http://www.britannica.com/biography/al-Khwarizmi

3. A A al'Daffa, The Muslim contribution to mathematics (London, 1978).

4. J N Crossley, The emergence of number (Singapore, 1980).

5. S Gandz (ed.), The geometry of al-Khwarizmi (Berlin, 1932).

6. E Grant (ed.), A source book in medieval science (Cambridge, 1974).

7. O Neugebauer, The exact sciences in Antiquity (New York, 1969).

8. R Rashed, The development of Arabic mathematics : between arithmetic and algebra (London, 1994).

9. R Rashed, Entre arithmétique et algèbre: Recherches sur l'histoire des mathématiques arabes (Paris, 1984).

10. F Rosen (trs.), Muhammad ibn Musa Al-Khwarizmi : Algebra (London, 1831).

11. S al-Khalidi, al-Khwarizmi : scholar of astronomical and mathematical geography (Arabic), in Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Conference on the History of Arabic Science (Arabic) (Aleppo, 1986), 55-63.

12. A Allard, La diffusion en occident des premières oeuvres latines issues de l'arithmétique perdue d'al-Khwarizmi, J. Hist. Arabic Sci. 9 (1-2) (1991), 101-105.

13. P G Bulgakov, al-Biruni and al-Khwarizmi (Russian), in Mathematics and astronomy in the works of scientists of the medieval East (Tashkent, 1977), 117-122, 140.

14. J N Crossley and A S Henry, Thus spake al-Khwarizmi : a translation of the text of Cambridge University Library ms. Ii.vi.5, Historia Math. 17 (2) (1990), 103-131.

15. S Gandz, The sources of al-Khwarizmi's algebra, Osiris, i (1936), 263-77.

16. B B Hughes, Robert of Chester's Latin translation of al-Khwarizmi's 'al-Jabr', Boethius : Texts and Essays on the History of the Exact Sciences XIV (Stuttgart, 1989).

17. D K Ibadov, The work of al-Khwarizmi in the estimation of Eastern encyclopedic scholars of the 10th - 16th centuries (Russian), in The great medieval scientist al-Khwarizmi (Tashkent, 1985), 265-268.

18. W Kaunzner, Über eine frühe lateinische Bearbeitung der Algebra al-Khwarizmis in MS Lyell 52 der Bodleian Library Oxford, Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 32 (1) (1985), 1-16.

19. K H Parshall, The art of algebra from al-Khwarizmi to Viète : a study in the natural selection of ideas, Hist. of Sci. 26 (72, 2) (1988), 129-164.

20. B A Rozenfeld, al-Khwarizmi's spherical trigonometry (Russian), Istor.-Mat. Issled. 32-33 (1990), 325-339.

21. B A Rozenfeld and N D Sergeeva, The astronomical treatises of al-Khwarizmi (Russian), Istor.-Astronom. Issled. 13 (1977), 201-218.

22. E Yu Yusupov and M M Kharullaev, The creative legacy of al-Khwarizmi and his place in the history of science (Russian), Voprosy Filos. (8) (1983), 140-146, 174.

Additional Resources (show)

Written by J J O'Connor and E F Robertson
Last Update July 1999

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Al'Khwarizmi was an Islamic mathematician who wrote on Hindu-Arabic numerals. The word algorithm derives from his name. His algebra treatise Hisab al-jabr w'al-muqabala gives us the word algebra and can be considered as the first book to be written on algebra.

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Henry Ford, (born July 30, 1863, Wayne county, Michigan, U.S.-died April 7, 1947, Dearborn, Michigan), American industrialist who revolutionized factory production with his assembly-line methods.
(Read Henry Ford's 1926 Britannica essay on mass production.)
Ford spent most of his life making headlines, good, bad, but never indifferent. Celebrated as both a technological genius and a folk hero, Ford was the creative force behind an industry of unprecedented size and wealth that in only a few decades permanently changed the economic and social character of the United States. When young Ford left his father's farm in 1879 for Detroit, only two out of eight Americans lived in cities; when he died at age 83, the proportion was five out of eight. Once Ford realized the tremendous part he and his Model T automobile had played in bringing about this change, he wanted nothing more than to reverse it, or at least to recapture the rural values of his boyhood. Henry Ford, then, is an apt symbol of the transition from an agricultural to an industrial America.

Early life

Henry Ford was one of eight children of William and Mary Ford. He was born on the family farm near Dearborn, Michigan, then a town eight miles west of Detroit. Abraham Lincoln was president of the 24 states of the Union, and Jefferson Davis was president of the 11 states of the Confederacy. Ford attended a one-room school for eight years when he was not helping his father with the harvest. At age 16 he walked to Detroit to find work in its machine shops. After three years, during which he came in contact with the internal-combustion engine for the first time, he returned to the farm, where he worked part-time for the Westinghouse Engine Company and in spare moments tinkered in a little machine shop he set up. Eventually he built a small "farm locomotive," a tractor that used an old mowing machine for its chassis and a homemade steam engine for power.

Ford moved back to Detroit nine years later as a married man. His wife, Clara Bryant, had grown up on a farm not far from Ford's. They were married in 1888, and on November 6, 1893, she gave birth to their only child, Edsel Bryant. A month later Ford was made chief engineer at the main Detroit Edison Company plant with responsibility for maintaining electric service in the city 24 hours a day. Because he was on call at all times, he had no regular hours and could experiment to his heart's content. He had determined several years before to build a gasoline-powered vehicle, and his first working gasoline engine was completed at the end of 1893. By 1896 he had completed his first horseless carriage, the "Quadricycle," so called because the chassis of the four-horsepower vehicle was a buggy frame mounted on four bicycle wheels. Unlike many other automotive inventors, including Charles Edgar and J. Frank Duryea, Elwood Haynes, Hiram Percy Maxim, and his Detroit acquaintance Charles Brady King, all of whom had built self-powered vehicles before Ford but who held onto their creations, Ford sold his to finance work on a second vehicle, and a third, and so on.

During the next seven years he had various backers, some of whom, in 1899, formed the Detroit Automobile Company (later the Henry Ford Company), but all eventually abandoned him in exasperation because they wanted a passenger car to put on the market while Ford insisted always on improving whatever model he was working on, saying that it was not ready yet for customers. He built several racing cars during these years, including the "999" racer driven by Barney Oldfield, and set several new speed records. In 1902 he left the Henry Ford Company, which subsequently reorganized as the Cadillac Motor Car Company. Finally, in 1903, Ford was ready to market an automobile. The Ford Motor Company was incorporated, this time with a mere $28,000 in cash put up by ordinary citizens, for Ford had, in his previous dealings with backers, antagonized the wealthiest men in Detroit.

The company was a success from the beginning, but just five weeks after its incorporation the Association of Licensed Automobile Manufacturers threatened to put it out of business because Ford was not a licensed manufacturer. He had been denied a license by this group, which aimed at reserving for its members the profits of what was fast becoming a major industry. The basis of their power was control of a patent granted in 1895 to George Baldwin Selden, a patent lawyer of Rochester, New York. The association claimed that the patent applied to all gasoline-powered automobiles. Along with many rural Midwesterners of his generation, Ford hated industrial combinations and Eastern financial power. Moreover, Ford thought the Selden patent preposterous. All invention was a matter of evolution, he said, yet Selden claimed genesis. He was glad to fight, even though the fight pitted the puny Ford Motor Company against an industry worth millions of dollars. The gathering of evidence and actual court hearings took six years. Ford lost the original case in 1909; he appealed and won in 1911. His victory had wide implications for the industry, and the fight made Ford a popular hero.

"I will build a motor car for the great multitude," Ford proclaimed in announcing the birth of the Model T in October 1908. In the 19 years of the Model T's existence, he sold 15,500,000 of the cars in the United States, almost 1,000,000 more in Canada, and 250,000 in Great Britain, a production total amounting to half the auto output of the world. The motor age arrived owing mostly to Ford's vision of the car as the ordinary man's utility rather than as the rich man's luxury. Once only the rich had travelled freely around the country; now millions could go wherever they pleased. The Model T was the chief instrument of one of the greatest and most rapid changes in the lives of the common people in history, and it effected this change in less than two decades. Farmers were no longer isolated on remote farms. The horse disappeared so rapidly that the transfer of acreage from hay to other crops caused an agricultural revolution. The automobile became the main prop of the American economy and a stimulant to urbanization-cities spread outward, creating suburbs and housing developments-and to the building of the finest highway system in the world.

The remarkable birth rate of Model T's was made possible by the most advanced production technology yet conceived. After much experimentation by Ford and his engineers, the system that had evolved by 1913-14 in Ford's new plant in Highland Park, Michigan, was able to deliver parts, subassemblies, and assemblies (themselves built on subsidiary assembly lines) with precise timing to a constantly moving main assembly line, where a complete chassis was turned out every 93 minutes, an enormous improvement over the 728 minutes formerly required. The minute subdivision of labour and the coordination of a multitude of operations produced huge gains in productivity.

In 1914 the Ford Motor Company announced that it would henceforth pay eligible workers a minimum wage of $5 a day (compared to an average of $2.34 for the industry) and would reduce the work day from nine hours to eight, thereby converting the factory to a three-shift day. Overnight Ford became a worldwide celebrity. People either praised him as a great humanitarian or excoriated him as a mad socialist. Ford said humanitarianism had nothing to do with it. Previously profit had been based on paying wages as low as workers would take and pricing cars as high as the traffic would bear. Ford, on the other hand, stressed low pricing (the Model T cost $950 in 1908 and $290 in 1927) in order to capture the widest possible market and then met the price by volume and efficiency. Ford's success in making the automobile a basic necessity turned out to be but a prelude to a more widespread revolution. The development of mass-production techniques, which enabled the company eventually to turn out a Model T every 24 seconds; the frequent reductions in the price of the car made possible by economies of scale; and the payment of a living wage that raised workers above subsistence and made them potential customers for, among other things, automobiles-these innovations changed the very structure of society.

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Henry Ford | Biography, Education, Inventions, & Facts

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Henry Ford, American industrialist who revolutionized factory production with his assembly-line methods. He formed the Ford Motor Company in 1903 and was the creative force behind an industry of unprecedented size and wealth that would forever change the economic and social character of the United States.

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Visit The Henry Ford | Museum & Attractions

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Stop by The Henry Ford Museum for a fun and interactive learning experience. Attractions are open for people of all ages! Buy tickets online today.

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Childhood and education

Einstein's parents were secular, middle-class Jews. His father, Hermann Einstein, was originally a featherbed salesman and later ran an electrochemical factory with moderate success. His mother, the former Pauline Koch, ran the family household. He had one sister, Maria (who went by the name Maja), born two years after Albert.

Einstein would write that two "wonders" deeply affected his early years. The first was his encounter with a compass at age five. He was mystified that invisible forces could deflect the needle. This would lead to a lifelong fascination with invisible forces. The second wonder came at age 12 when he discovered a book of geometry, which he devoured, calling it his "sacred little geometry book."

Einstein became deeply religious at age 12, even composing several songs in praise of God and chanting religious songs on the way to school. This began to change, however, after he read science books that contradicted his religious beliefs. This challenge to established authority left a deep and lasting impression. At the Luitpold Gymnasium, Einstein often felt out of place and victimized by a Prussian-style educational system that seemed to stifle originality and creativity. One teacher even told him that he would never amount to anything.

Yet another important influence on Einstein was a young medical student, Max Talmud (later Max Talmey), who often had dinner at the Einstein home. Talmud became an informal tutor, introducing Einstein to higher mathematics and philosophy. A pivotal turning point occurred when Einstein was 16 years old. Talmud had earlier introduced him to a children's science series by Aaron Bernstein, Naturwissenschaftliche Volksbucher (1867-68; Popular Books on Physical Science), in which the author imagined riding alongside electricity that was traveling inside a telegraph wire. Einstein then asked himself the question that would dominate his thinking for the next 10 years: What would a light beam look like if you could run alongside it? If light were a wave, then the light beam should appear stationary, like a frozen wave. Even as a child, though, he knew that stationary light waves had never been seen, so there was a paradox. Einstein also wrote his first "scientific paper" at that time ("The Investigation of the State of Aether in Magnetic Fields").

Einstein's education was disrupted by his father's repeated failures at business. In 1894, after his company failed to get an important contract to electrify the city of Munich, Hermann Einstein moved to Milan to work with a relative. Einstein was left at a boardinghouse in Munich and expected to finish his education. Alone, miserable, and repelled by the looming prospect of military duty when he turned 16, Einstein ran away six months later and landed on the doorstep of his surprised parents. His parents realized the enormous problems that he faced as a school dropout and draft dodger with no employable skills. His prospects did not look promising.

Fortunately, Einstein could apply directly to the Eidgenössische Polytechnische Schule ("Swiss Federal Polytechnic School"; in 1911, following expansion in 1909 to full university status, it was renamed the Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule, or "Swiss Federal Institute of Technology") in Zürich without the equivalent of a high school diploma if he passed its stiff entrance examinations. His marks showed that he excelled in mathematics and physics, but he failed at French, chemistry, and biology. Because of his exceptional math scores, he was allowed into the polytechnic on the condition that he first finish his formal schooling. He went to a special high school run by Jost Winteler in Aarau, Switzerland, and graduated in 1896. He also renounced his German citizenship at that time. (He was stateless until 1901, when he was granted Swiss citizenship.) He became lifelong friends with the Winteler family, with whom he had been boarding. (Winteler's daughter, Marie, was Einstein's first love; Einstein's sister, Maja, would eventually marry Winteler's son Paul; and his close friend Michele Besso would marry their eldest daughter, Anna.)

Einstein would recall that his years in Zürich were some of the happiest years of his life. He met many students who would become loyal friends, such as Marcel Grossmann, a mathematician, and Besso, with whom he enjoyed lengthy conversations about space and time. He also met his future wife, Mileva Maric, a fellow physics student from Serbia.

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Albert Einstein | Biography, Education, Discoveries, & Facts

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Albert Einstein, the brilliant physicist and Nobel laureate, revolutionized our understanding of the universe with his theory of relativity and became a symbol of genius that continues to inspire minds worldwide.

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In 1879, Albert Einstein was born to a middle-class German Jewish family. His parents were concerned that he scarcely talked until the age of three, but he was not so much a backward as a quiet child. He would build tall houses of cards and hated playing soldier. At the age of twelve, he was fascina…

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Albert Einstein (1879-1955) was a German-born theoretical physicist and winner of the 1921 Nobel Prize in Physics.

Einstein influenced the beginning of the Manhattan Project. In collaboration with Leo Szilard, Einstein wrote a letter to President Roosevelt in 1939, warning of possible German nuclear weapons research and proposing that the United States begin its own research into atomic energy.

Einstein played no role in the Manhattan Project, having been denied a security clearance in July 1940 due to his pacifist tendencies. After World War II, he worked to control nuclear proliferation. He later regretted signing the letter to Roosevelt, saying in a Newsweek interview that "had I known that the Germans would not succeed in developing an atomic bomb, I would have done nothing."

Scientific Contributions

In 1896, Einstein began studying to be a physics and mathematics teacher at the Swiss Federal Polytechnic School in Zurich. He graduated in 1901, the same year he became a citizen of Switzerland. He then worked at the Swiss Patent Office. Einstein earned his Ph.D from the University of Zurich during his "miracle year," 1905, where he published four groundbreaking papers and won notice from academics.

Einstein's special theory of relativity sought to harmonize the laws of mechanics and laws of the electromagnetic field. His investigations also helped establish the photon theory of light. Based on the special theory of relativity, he proposed a theory of gravitation, and in 1916 he published his paper on the general theory of relativity. In 1921, he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics "for his services to theoretical physics, and especially for his discovery of the law of the photoelectric effect." For more on Einstein's scientific contributions, visit the Nobel Prize website.

Later Years

As the Nazis rose to power in Germany, Einstein left for the United States and accepted a position at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, NJ in 1933. Einstein became an American citizen in 1940. Einstein turned down an offer to serve as President of Israel, and was a co-founder of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He died on April 18, 1955.

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Albert Einstein (1879-1955) was a German-born theoretical physicist and winner of the 1921 Nobel Prize in Physics. Einstein influenced the beginning of the Manhattan Project. In collaboration with Leo Szilard, Einstein wrote a letter to President Roosevelt in 1939, warning of possible German nuclear weapons research and proposing that the United States begin its own research into atomic energy.

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History changed on October 4, 1957, when the Soviet Union successfully launched Sputnik I. The world's first artificial satellite was about the size of a beach ball (58 cm.or 22.8 inches in diameter), weighed only 83.6 kg. or 183.9 pounds, and took about 98 minutes to orbit Earth on its elliptical path.

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Sputnik, a series of three Soviet artificial satellites. Sputnik 1 (launched October 4, 1957) was the first artificial satellite and the beginning of the 'space race' between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Sputnik 2 carried the dog Laika, the first living creature in space.

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Footage from a 1957 newsreel covering the launch of Sputnik, the first artificial Earth satellite.

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Apollo 11, U.S. spaceflight during which commander Neil Armstrong and lunar module pilot Edwin ("Buzz") Aldrin, Jr., on July 20, 1969, became the first people to land on the Moon and walk the lunar surface. Apollo 11 was the culmination of the Apollo program and a massive national commitment by the United States to beat the Soviet Union in putting people on the Moon. All told, 24 Apollo astronauts visited the Moon and 12 of them walked on its surface. Additional NASA astronauts are scheduled to return to the Moon by 2025 as part of the Artemis space program.

From the time of its launch on July 16, 1969, until the return splashdown on July 24, almost every major aspect of the flight of Apollo 11 was witnessed via television by hundreds of millions of people in nearly every part of the globe. The pulse of humanity rose with the giant, 111-metre- (363-foot-) high, 3,038,500-kg (6,698,700-pound) Saturn V launch vehicle as it made its flawless flight from Pad 39A at Cape Kennedy (now Cape Canaveral), Florida, before hundreds of thousands of spectators. So accurate was the translunar insertion that three of the en route trajectory corrections planned were not necessary. Aboard Apollo 11 were Armstrong, Aldrin, and command module pilot Michael Collins. Their enthusiasm was evident from the beginning, as Armstrong exclaimed, "This Saturn gave us a magnificent ride....It was beautiful!"

The third stage of the Saturn then fired to start the crew on their 376,400-km (234,000-mile) journey to the Moon. The three astronauts conducted their transposition and docking maneuvers, first turning the command module, Columbia, and its attached service module around and then extracting the lunar module from its resting place above the Saturn's third stage. On their arrival the astronauts slowed the spacecraft so that it would go into lunar orbit. Apollo 11 entered first an elliptical orbit 114 by 313 km (71 by 194 miles) and then a nearly circular orbit between 100 and 122 km (62 and 76 miles) above the surface of the Moon.

On the morning of July 20, Armstrong and Aldrin crawled from the command module through an interconnecting tunnel into the lunar module, Eagle. Toward the end of the 12th lunar orbit, the Apollo 11 spacecraft became two separate spacecraft: Columbia, piloted by Collins, and Eagle, occupied by Armstrong and Aldrin.

By firing Eagle's propulsion system, the two astronauts changed from their nearly circular orbit to an elliptical course whose closest approach to the Moon was only 15,000 metres (50,000 feet). At this low point they again fired their engine, this time to undergo the powered descent initiation maneuver. Five times during the descent, the guidance computer triggered an alarm (called "1202" or "1201") that its memory was full, but NASA simulations before the mission showed that a landing could still happen despite the alarm, and thus Mission Control told the astronauts to continue the descent. At about 150 metres (500 feet) above the surface, Armstrong began maneuvering the craft manually (although the main engine continued under automatic control) to avoid landing in a rock-strewn crater.

For about a minute and a half, Armstrong hovered Eagle, moving it laterally with the reaction control system until he found a clear area on which to descend. Then the contact light went on inside the cockpit, as the 172-cm (68-inch) probes dangling below Eagle's footpads signaled contact with the ground. One second later the descent rocket engine was cut off, as the astronauts gazed down onto a sheet of lunar soil blown radially in all directions. Armstrong then radioed at 4:17 pm U.S. Eastern Daylight Time (EDT), "Houston, Tranquility Base here. The Eagle has landed." Eagle had touched down in the Sea of Tranquility, an area selected for its level and smooth terrain.

At 10:56 pm EDT on July 20, Armstrong stepped out onto the lunar soil with the words, "That's one small step for [a] man, one giant leap for mankind." (In the excitement of the moment, Armstrong skipped the "a" in the statement that he had prepared.) He immediately described the surface as "fine and powdery" and said that there was no difficulty moving about. Aldrin joined his companion about 20 minutes later.

During their moon walk of more than two hours, Armstrong and Aldrin set up a device to measure the composition of the solar wind reaching the Moon, a device to receive laser beams from astronomical observatories on Earth to determine the exact distance of the two bodies from one another, and a passive seismometer to measure moonquakes and meteor impacts long after the astronauts had returned home. They also took about 23 kg (50 pounds) of rock and soil samples, took many photographs, and maintained constant communication with mission control in Houston, Texas. After 21 hours 38 minutes on the Moon's surface, the astronauts used Eagle's ascent stage to launch it back into lunar orbit. After various maneuvers, Eagle once again docked with Collins in Columbia, and the trip back to Earth began soon afterward.

Splashdown of Apollo 11 occurred in the Pacific Ocean about 1,400 km (900 miles) west of Hawaii on July 24. The astronauts were immediately placed in quarantine in a van on the recovery ship. From there they were flown to the Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston, where they were transferred into the large, 58-room Lunar Receiving Laboratory. The quarantine lasted 21 days from the time Eagle took off from the Moon; during that period the astronauts were checked for any diseases they might have picked up on the Moon, and the lunar samples were subjected to preliminary analysis.

Columbia is part of the collections of the National Air and Space Museum in Washington, D.C.

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Apollo 11 | History, Mission, Landing, Astronauts, Pictures, Spacecraft, & Facts

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Apollo 11, U.S. spaceflight in which astronauts Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin became the first people to walk on the Moon. Apollo 11 was the culmination of the Apollo program and a massive national commitment by the United States to beat the Soviet Union in putting people on the Moon.

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Mission Documents

Page copyright ©2016-2019 by W. David Woods. All rights reserved.
Last updated 2019-07-01 With thanks to Bob Andrepont
Preflight Documents

Stowage List

At the time of each Apollo mission launch, NASA prepared a set of printed "as flown" stowage lists to document what items were to be stored on the spacecraft (both the Command Module and Lunar Module), which items were to be transferred from one to another before landing and after rendezvous in lunar orbit following the successful landing. Scanned copies of these typed lists have long been available on line. In 2015 a project to create a fully searchable version was undertaken by the Smithsonian Institution's Transcription Center in order to make the list more useful to the NASM curatorial staff and to the public.

The following searchable pdf file of the Apollo 11 storage was created from that effort. Thanks to the Transcription Center and to Ulli Lotzmann, Ken Glover, and John Pfannerstill who assisted in the review of the volunteer transcriptions. Use is subject to the Smithsonian Terms of Use policy.

Allan Needell (Curator Emeritus, National Air and Space Museum)

Inflight Documents

Postflight Documents

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Page copyright ©2016-2019 by W. David Woods. All rights reserved. Last updated 2019-07-01 With thanks to Bob Andrepont At the time of each Apollo mission launch, NASA prepared a set of printed "as flown" stowage lists to document what items were to be stored on the spacecraft (both the Command Module and Lunar Module), which items were to be transferred from one to another before landing and after rendezvous in lunar orbit following the successful landing.

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Table of Contents

zaibatsu, (Japanese: "wealthy clique"), any of the large capitalist enterprises of Japan before World War II, similar to cartels or trusts but usually organized around a single family. One zaibatsu might operate companies in nearly all important areas of economic activity. The Mitsui combine, for example, owned or had large investments in companies engaged in banking, foreign trade, mining, insurance, textiles, sugar, food processing, machinery, and many other fields as well. All zaibatsu owned banks, which they used as a means for mobilizing capital.

The four main zaibatsu were Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Sumitomo, and Yasuda, but there were many smaller concerns as well. All of them developed after the Meiji Restoration (1868), at which time the government began encouraging economic growth. The zaibatsu had grown large before 1900, but their most rapid growth occurred in the 20th century, particularly during World War I, when Japan's limited engagement in the war gave it great industrial and commercial advantages.

In 1946, after the end of World War II, the Allied occupation authorities ordered the zai batsu dissolved. Stock owned by the parent companies was put up for sale, and individual companies of the zai batsu empires were freed from the control of parent companies. The management of the individual companies, however, was not radically changed, and to some extent the coordination and control of the previous organization remained.

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After the signing of the peace treaty in 1951, many companies began associating into what became known as enterprise groups ( kigyō shū dan). Those created with companies that were formerly part of the big zaibatsu- Mitsubishi group, Mitsui group, and Sumitomo group ( qq.v.)-were more loosely organized around leading companies or major banks; they differed most significantly from the old, centrally controlled zaibatsu in the informal manner that characterized each group's policy coordination and in the limited degree of financial interdependency between member companies. The cooperative nature of these groups became a major factor in Japan's tremendous postwar economic growth, because, in the pooling of resources, the investments made by these groups in developing industries were large enough to make these industries competitive worldwide.

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zaibatsu | Japanese business organization

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zaibatsu, (Japanese: "wealthy clique"), any of the large capitalist enterprises of Japan before World War II, similar to cartels or trusts but usually organized around a single family. One zaibatsu might operate companies in nearly all important areas of economic activity.

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Where did Marxism come from?

Why is Marxism important?

How is Marxism different from other forms of socialism?

How does Marxism differ from Leninism?

Marxism, a body of doctrine developed by Karl Marx and, to a lesser extent, by Friedrich Engels in the mid-19th century. It originally consisted of three related ideas: a philosophical anthropology, a theory of history, and an economic and political program. There is also Marxism as it has been understood and practiced by the various socialist movements, particularly before 1914. Then there is Soviet Marxism as worked out by Vladimir Ilich Lenin and modified by Joseph Stalin, which under the name of Marxism-Leninism ( see Leninism) became the doctrine of the communist parties set up after the Russian Revolution (1917). Offshoots of this included Marxism as interpreted by the anti-Stalinist Leon Trotsky and his followers, Mao Zedong's Chinese variant of Marxism-Leninism, and various Marxisms in the developing world. There were also the post-World War II nondogmatic Marxisms that have modified Marx's thought with borrowings from modern philosophies, principally from those of Edmund Husserl and Martin Heidegger but also from Sigmund Freud and others.
(Read Leon Trotsky's 1926 Britannica essay on Lenin.)

The thought of Karl Marx

The written work of Marx cannot be reduced to a philosophy, much less to a philosophical system. The whole of his work is a radical critique of philosophy, especially of G.W.F. Hegel's idealist system and of the philosophies of the left and right post- Hegelians. It is not, however, a mere denial of those philosophies. Marx declared that philosophy must become reality. One could no longer be content with interpreting the world; one must be concerned with transforming it, which meant transforming both the world itself and human consciousness of it. This, in turn, required a critique of experience together with a critique of ideas. In fact, Marx believed that all knowledge involves a critique of ideas. He was not an empiricist. Rather, his work teems with concepts (appropriation, alienation, praxis, creative labour, value, and so on) that he had inherited from earlier philosophers and economists, including Hegel, Johann Fichte, Immanuel Kant, Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and John Stuart Mill. What uniquely characterizes the thought of Marx is that, instead of making abstract affirmations about a whole group of problems such as human nature, knowledge, and matter, he examines each problem in its dynamic relation to the others and, above all, tries to relate them to historical, social, political, and economic realities.

In 1859, in the preface to his Zur Kritik der politischen Ökonomie (Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy), Marx wrote that the hypothesis that had served him as the basis for his analysis of society could be briefly formulated as follows:

In the social production that men carry on, they enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material forces of production. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstructure, and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production in material life determines the general character of the social, political, and intellectual processes of life. It is not the consciousness of men which determines their existence; it is on the contrary their social existence which determines their consciousness.

Raised to the level of historical law, this hypothesis was subsequently called historical materialism. Marx applied it to capitalist society, both in Manifest der kommunistischen Partei (1848; The Communist Manifesto) and Das Kapital (vol. 1, 1867; "Capital") and in other writings. Although Marx reflected upon his working hypothesis for many years, he did not formulate it in a very exact manner: different expressions served him for identical realities. If one takes the text literally, social reality is structured in the following way:

1. Underlying everything as the real basis of society is the economic structure. This structure includes (a) the "material forces of production," that is, the labour and means of production, and (b) the overall "relations of production," or the social and political arrangements that regulate production and distribution. Although Marx stated that there is a correspondence between the "material forces" of production and the indispensable "relations" of production, he never made himself clear on the nature of the correspondence, a fact that was to be the source of differing interpretations among his later followers.

2. Above the economic structure rises the superstructure, consisting of legal and political "forms of social consciousness" that correspond to the economic structure. Marx says nothing about the nature of this correspondence between ideological forms and economic structure, except that through the ideological forms individuals become conscious of the conflict within the economic structure between the material forces of production and the existing relations of production expressed in the legal property relations. In other words, "The sum total of the forces of production accessible to men determines the condition of society" and is at the base of society. "The social structure and the state issue continually from the life processes of definite individuals . . . as they are in reality, that is acting and materially producing." The political relations that individuals establish among themselves are dependent on material production, as are the legal relations. This foundation of the social on the economic is not an incidental point: it colours Marx's whole analysis. It is found in Das Kapital as well as in Die deutsche Ideologie (written 1845-46; The German Ideology) and the Ökonomisch-philosophische Manuskripte aus dem Jahre 1844 (Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844).

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Marxism | Definition, History, Ideology, Examples, & Facts

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Marxism, a body of doctrine developed by Karl Marx and, to a lesser extent, by Friedrich Engels in the mid-19th century. It originally consisted of three related ideas: a philosophical anthropology, a theory of history, and an economic and political program.

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1. Life and Writings

1.1 Early Years

Karl Marx was born in 1818, one of nine children. The family lived in the Rhineland region of Prussia, previously under French rule. Both of his parents came from Jewish families with distinguished rabbinical lineages. Marx's father was a lawyer who converted to Christianity when it became necessary for him to do so if he was to continue his legal career.

Following an unexceptional school career, Marx studied law and philosophy at the universities of Bonn and Berlin. His doctoral thesis was in ancient philosophy, comparing the philosophies of nature of Democritus (c.460-370 BCE) and Epicurus (341-270 BCE). From early 1842, he embarked on a career as a radical journalist, contributing to, and then editing, the Rheinische Zeitung, until the paper was closed by the Prussian authorities in April 1843.

Marx married Jenny von Westphalen (1814-1881), his childhood sweetheart, in June 1843. They would spend their lives together and have seven children, of whom just three daughters-Jenny (1844-1883), Laura (1845-1911), and Eleanor (1855-1898)-survived to adulthood. Marx is also widely thought to have fathered a child-Frederick Demuth (1851-1929)-with Helene Demuth (1820-1890), housekeeper and friend of the Marx family.

Marx's adult life combined independent scholarship, political activity, and financial insecurity, in fluctuating proportions. Political conditions were such, that, in order to associate and write as he wished, he had to live outside of Germany for most of this time. Marx spent three successive periods of exile in the capital cities of France, Belgium, and England.

1.2 Paris

Between late 1843 and early 1845, Marx lived in Paris, a cosmopolitan city full of émigrés and radical artisans. He was subsequently expelled by the French government following Prussian pressure. In his last months in Germany and during this Paris exile, Marx produced a series of "early writings", many not intended for publication, which significantly altered interpretations of his thought when they were published collectively in the twentieth century. Papers that actually saw publication during this period include: "On the Jewish Question" (1843) in which Marx defends Jewish Emancipation against Bruno Bauer (1809-1882), but also emphasises the limitations of "political" as against "human" emancipation; and the "Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right: Introduction" (1844) which contains a critical account of religion, together with some prescient remarks about the emancipatory potential of the proletariat. The most significant works that Marx wrote for self-clarification rather than publication in his Paris years are the so-called "1844 Manuscripts" (1844) which provide a suggestive account of alienation, especially of alienation in work; and the "Theses on Feuerbach" (1845), a set of epigrammatic but rich remarks including reflections on the nature of philosophy.

1.3 Brussels

1.4 London

For well over half of his adult life-from late 1849 until his death in 1883-Marx lived in London, a city providing a secure haven for political exiles and a superb vantage point from which to study the world's most advanced capitalist economy. This third and longest exile was dominated by an intellectual and personal struggle to complete his critique of political economy, but his theoretical output extended far beyond that project.

Marx's initial attempt to make sense of Napoleon III's rise to power in contemporary France is contained in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852). Between 1852 and 1862 Marx also wrote well over three hundred articles for the New York Daily Tribune; sometimes unfairly disparaged as merely income-generating journalism, they frequently contain illuminating attempts to explain contemporary European society and politics (including European interventions in India and China) to an American audience (helpfully) presumed to know little about them.

The second of Marx's two especially intense periods of political activity-after the revolutions of 1848-centred on his involvement in the International Working Men's Association between 1864 and 1874, and the events of the Paris Commune (1871), in particular. The character and lessons of the Commune-the short-lived, and violently suppressed, municipal rebellion that controlled Paris for several months in the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian war-are discussed in The Civil War in France (1871). Also politically important was Marx's "Critique of the Gotha Programme" (1875), in which he criticises the theoretical influence of Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864) on the German labour movement, and portrays the higher stage of a future communist society as endorsing distribution according to "the needs principle".

Marx's critique of political economy remains controversial. He never succeeded in fixing and realising the wider project that he envisaged. Volume One of Capital, published in 1867, was the only significant part of the project published in his own lifetime, and even here he was unable to resist heavily reworking subsequent editions (especially the French version of 1872-75). What we now know as Volume Two and Volume Three of Capital were put together from Marx's raw materials by Engels and published in 1885 and 1894, respectively, and Marx's own drafts were written before the publication of Volume One and barely touched by him in the remaining fifteen years of his life. An additional three supplementary volumes planned by Engels, and subsequently called Theories of Surplus Value (or, more colloquially, the "fourth volume of Capital") were assembled from remaining notes by Karl Kautsky (1854-1938), and published between 1905 and 1910. (The section of the "new MEGA"-see below-concerned with Capital-related texts contains fifteen thick volumes, and provides some sense of the extent and character of these later editorial interventions.) In addition, the publication in 1953-a previous two-volume edition (1939 and 1941) had only a highly restricted circulation-of the so-called Grundrisse (written in 1857-58) was also important. Whether this text is treated as a freestanding work or as a preparatory step towards Capital, it raises many questions about Marx's method, his relation to G.W.F. Hegel (1770-1831), and the evolution of Marx's thought. In contrast, the work of political economy that Marx did publish in this period- A Contribution to a Critique of Political Economy (1859)-was largely ignored by both contemporaries and later commentators, except for the, much reprinted and discussed, summary sketch of his theory of history that Marx offered in the so-called "1859 Preface" to that volume.

Marx's later years (after the Paris Commune) are the subject of much interpretative disagreement. His inability to deliver the later volumes of Capital is often seen as emblematic of a wider and more systematic intellectual failure (Stedman Jones 2016). However, others have stressed Marx's continued intellectual creativity in this period, as he variously rethought his views about: the core and periphery of the international economic system; the scope of his theory of history; social anthropology; and the economic and political evolution of Russia (Shanin 1983; K. Anderson 2010).

After the death of his wife, in 1881, Marx's life was dominated by illness, and travel aimed at improving his health (convalescent destinations including the Isle of Wight, Karlsbad, Jersey, and Algiers). Marx died in March 1883, two months after the death of his eldest daughter. His estate was valued at £250.

Many of Marx's best-known writings remained unpublished before his death. The attempt to establish a reliable collected edition has proved lengthy and fraught. The authoritative Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe, the so-called "new MEGA" (1975-), is still a work in progress, begun under Soviet auspices but since 1990 under the guidance of the "International Marx-Engels Stiftung" (IMES). In its current form-much scaled-down from its original ambitions-the edition will contain some 114 volumes (well over a half of which are published at the time of writing). In addition to his various published and unpublished works, it includes Marx's journalism, correspondence, drafts, and (some) notebooks. Texts are published in their original language (variously German, English, and French). For those needing to utilise English-language resources, the fifty volume Marx Engels Collected Works (1975-2004) can be recommended. (References to Marx and Engels quotations here are to these MECW volumes.) There are also several useful single volume selections of Marx and Engels writings in English (including Marx 2000).

2. Alienation and Human Flourishing

2.1 The Basic Idea

Alienation is a concept especially, but not uniquely, associated with Marx's work, and the intellectual tradition that he helped found. It identifies a distinct kind of social ill, involving a separation between a subject and an object that properly belong together. The subject here is typically an individual or a group, while the object is usually an "entity" which variously is not itself a subject, is another subject(s), or is the original subject (that is, the relation here can be reflexive). And the relation between the relevant subject and object is one of problematic separation. Both elements of that characterisation are important. Not all social ills, of course, involve separations; for instance, being overly integrated into some object might be dysfunctional, but it is not characteristic of alienation. Moreover, not all separations are problematic, and accounts of alienation typically appeal to some baseline unity or harmony that is frustrated or violated by the separation in question.

Theories of alienation vary considerably, but frequently: first, identify a subset of these problematic separations as being of particular importance; second, include an account (sometimes implicit) of what makes the relevant separations problematic; and, third, propound some explanatory claims about the extent of, and prognosis for, alienation, so understood.

2.2 Religion and Work

Marx's ideas concerning alienation were greatly influenced by the critical writings on religion of Ludwig Feuerbach (1804-1872), and especially his The Essence of Christianity (1841). One key text in this respect is Marx's "Contribution of Hegel's Critique of Right: Introduction" (1843). This work is home to Marx's notorious remark that religion is the "opium of the people," a harmful, illusion-generating painkiller ( MECW 3: 175). It is here that Marx sets out his account of religion in most detail.

While traditional Christian theology asserts that God created man in God's own image, Marx fully accepted Feuerbach's inversion of this picture, proposing that human beings had invented God in their own image; indeed a view that long pre-dated Feuerbach. Feuerbach's distinctive contribution was to argue that worshipping God diverted human beings from enjoying their own human powers. In their imagination humans raise their own powers to an infinite level and project them on to an abstract object. Hence religion is a form of alienation, for it separates human beings from their "species essence." Marx accepted much of Feuerbach's account but argues that Feuerbach failed to understand why people fall into religious alienation, and so is unable to explain how it can be transcended. Feuerbach's view appears to be that belief in religion is purely an intellectual error and can be corrected by persuasion. Marx's explanation is that religion is a response to alienation in material life, and therefore cannot be removed until human material life is emancipated, at which point religion will wither away.

Precisely what it is about material life that creates religion is not set out with complete clarity. However, it seems that at least two aspects of alienation are responsible. One is alienated labour, which will be explored shortly. A second is the need for human beings to assert their communal essence. Whether or not we explicitly recognise it, human beings exist as a community, and what makes human life possible is our mutual dependence on the vast network of social and economic relations which engulf us all, even though this is rarely acknowledged in our day-to-day life. Marx's view appears to be that we must, somehow or other, acknowledge our communal existence in our institutions. At first it is "deviously acknowledged" by religion, which creates a false idea of a community in which we are all equal in the eyes of God. After the post-Reformation fragmentation of religion, where religion is no longer able to play the role even of a fake community of equals, the modern state fills this need by offering us the illusion of a community of citizens, all equal in the eyes of the law. Interestingly, the political or liberal state, which is needed to manage the politics of religious diversity, takes on the role offered by religion in earlier times of providing a form of illusory community. But the political state and religion will both be transcended when a genuine community of social and economic equals is created.

Although Marx was greatly inspired by thinking about religious alienation, much more of his attention was devoted to exploring alienation in work. In a much-discussed passage from the 1844 Manuscripts, Marx identifies four dimensions of alienated labour in contemporary capitalist society ( MECW 3: 270-282). First, immediate producers are separated from the product of their labour; they create a product that they neither own nor control, indeed, which comes to dominate them. (Note that this idea of "fetishism"-where human creations escape our control, achieve the appearance of independence, and come to oppress us-is not to be equated with alienation as such, but is rather one form that it can take.) Second, immediate producers are separated from their productive activity; in particular, they are forced to work in ways which are mentally and/or physically debilitating. Third, immediate producers are separated from other individuals; contemporary economic relations socialise individuals to view others as merely means to their own particular ends. Fourth, and finally, immediate producers are separated from their own human nature; for instance, the human capacities for community and for free, conscious, and creative, work, are both frustrated by contemporary capitalist relations.

Note that these claims about alienation are distinct from other, perhaps more familiar, complaints about work in capitalist society. For instance, alienated labour, as understood here, could be-even if it is often not-highly remunerated, limited in duration, and relatively secure.

Marx holds that work has the potential to be something creative and fulfilling. He consequently rejects the view of work as a necessary evil, denying that the negative character of work is part of our fate, a universal fact about the human condition that no amount of social change could remedy. Indeed, productive activity, on Marx's account, is a central element in what it is to be a human being, and self-realisation through work is a vital component of human flourishing. That he thinks that work-in a different form of society-could be creative and fulfilling, perhaps explains the intensity and scale of Marx's condemnation of contemporary economic arrangements and their transformation of workers into deformed and "dehumanised" beings ( MECW 3: 284).

It was suggested above that alienation consists of dysfunctional separations-separations between entities that properly belong together-and that theories of alienation typically presuppose some baseline condition whose frustration or violation by the relevant separation identifies the latter as dysfunctional. For Marx, that baseline seems to be provided by an account of human flourishing, which he conceptualises in terms of self-realisation (understood here as the development and deployment of our essential human capacities). Labour in capitalism, we can say, is alienated because it embodies separations preventing the self-realisation of producers; because it is organised in a way that frustrates the human need for free, conscious, and creative work.

So understood, and returning to the four separations said to characterise alienated labour, we can see that it is the implicit claim about human nature (the fourth separation) which identifies the other three separations as dysfunctional. If one subscribed to the same formal model of alienation and self-realisation, but held a different account of the substance of human nature, very different claims about work in capitalist society might result. Imagine a theorist who held that human beings were solitary, egoistic creatures, by nature. That theorist could accept that work in capitalist society encouraged isolation and selfishness, but deny that such results were alienating, because those results would not frustrate their baseline account of what it is to be a human being (indeed, they would rather facilitate those characteristics).

2.3 Alienation and Capitalism

Marx seems to hold various views about the historical location and comparative extent of alienation. These include: that some systematic forms of alienation-presumably including religious alienation-existed in pre-capitalist societies; that systematic forms of alienation-including alienation in work-are only a feature of class divided societies; that systematic forms of alienation are greater in contemporary capitalist societies than in pre-capitalist societies; and that not all human societies are scarred by class division, in particular, that a future classless society (communism) will not contain systematic forms of alienation.

Marx maintains that alienation flows from capitalist social relations, and not from the kind of technological advances that capitalist society contains. His disapproval of capitalism is reserved for its social arrangements and not its material accomplishments. He had little time for what is sometimes called the "romantic critique of capitalism", which sees industry and technology as the real villains, responsible for devastating the purportedly communitarian idyll of pre-capitalist relations. In contrast, Marx celebrates the bourgeoisie's destruction of feudal relations, and sees technological growth and human liberation as (at least, in time) progressing hand-in-hand. Industry and technology are understood as part of the solution to, and not the source of, social problems.

There are many opportunities for scepticism here. In the present context, many struggle to see how the kind of large-scale industrial production that would presumably characterise communist society-communism purportedly being more productive than capitalism-would avoid alienation in work. Interesting responses to such concerns have been put forward, but they have typically come from commentators rather than from Marx himself (Kandiyali 2018). This is a point at which Marx's self-denying ordinance concerning the detailed description of communist society prevents him from engaging directly with significant concerns about the direction of social change.

2.4 Political Emancipation

In the text "On The Jewish Question" (1843) Marx begins to make clear the distance between himself and his radical liberal colleagues among the Young Hegelians; in particular Bruno Bauer. Bauer had recently written against Jewish emancipation, from an atheist perspective, arguing that the religion of both Jews and Christians was a barrier to emancipation. In responding to Bauer, Marx makes one of the most enduring arguments from his early writings, by means of introducing a distinction between political emancipation-essentially the grant of liberal rights and liberties-and human emancipation. Marx's reply to Bauer is that political emancipation is perfectly compatible with the continued existence of religion, as the contemporary example of the United States demonstrates. However, pushing matters deeper, in an argument reinvented by innumerable critics of liberalism, Marx argues that not only is political emancipation insufficient to bring about human emancipation, it is in some sense also a barrier. Liberal rights and ideas of justice are premised on the idea that each of us needs protection from other human beings who are a threat to our liberty and security. Therefore, liberal rights are rights of separation, designed to protect us from such perceived threats. Freedom on such a view, is freedom from interference. What this view overlooks is the possibility-for Marx, the fact-that real freedom is to be found positively in our relations with other people. It is to be found in human community, not in isolation. Accordingly, insisting on a regime of liberal rights encourages us to view each other in ways that undermine the possibility of the real freedom we may find in human emancipation. Now we should be clear that Marx does not oppose political emancipation, for he sees that liberalism is a great improvement on the systems of feudalism and religious prejudice and discrimination which existed in the Germany of his day. Nevertheless, such politically emancipated liberalism must be transcended on the route to genuine human emancipation. Unfortunately, Marx never tells us what human emancipation is, although it is clear that it is closely related to the ideas of non-alienated labour and meaningful community.

2.5 Remaining Questions

Even with these elaborations, many additional questions remain about Marx's account. Three concerns are briefly addressed here.

First, one might worry about the place of alienation in the evolution of Marx's thought. The once-popular suggestion that Marx only wrote about alienation in his early writings-his published and unpublished works from the early 1840s-is not sustained by the textual evidence. However, the theoretical role that the concept of alienation plays in his writings might still be said to evolve. For example, it has been suggested that alienation in the early writings is intended to play an "explanatory role", whereas in his later work it comes to have a more "descriptive or diagnostic" function (Wood 1981 [2004: 7]).

A second concern is the role of human nature in the interpretation of alienation offered here. In one exegetical variant of this worry, the suggestion is that this account of alienation rests on a model of universal human nature which Marx's (later) understanding of historical specificity and change prevents him from endorsing. However, there is much evidence against this purported later rejection of human nature (see Geras 1983). Indeed, the "mature" Marx explicitly affirms that human nature has both constant and mutable elements; that human beings are characterised by universal qualities, constant across history and culture, and variable qualities, reflecting historical and cultural diversity (McMurtry 1978: 19-53). One systematic, rather than exegetical, variant of the present worry suggests that we should not endorse accounts of alienation which depend on "thick" and inevitably controversial accounts of human nature (Jaeggi 2016). Whatever view we take of that claim about our endorsement, there seems little doubt about the "thickness" of Marx's own account of human flourishing. To provide for the latter, a society must satisfy not only basic needs (for sustenance, warmth and shelter, certain climatic conditions, physical exercise, basic hygiene, procreation and sexual activity), but also less basic needs, both those that are not always appreciated to be part of his account (for recreation, culture, intellectual stimulation, artistic expression, emotional satisfaction, and aesthetic pleasure), and those that Marx is more often associated with (for fulfilling work and meaningful community) (Leopold 2007: 227-245).

3. Theory of History

3.1 Sources

Marx did not set out his theory of history in great detail. Accordingly, it has to be constructed from a variety of texts, both those where he attempts to apply a theoretical analysis to past and future historical events, and those of a more purely theoretical nature. Of the latter, the "1859 Preface" to A Critique of Political Economy has achieved canonical status. However, the manuscripts collected together as The German Ideology, co-written with Engels in 1845-46, are also a much used early source. We shall briefly outline both texts, and then look at the reconstruction of Marx's theory of history in the hands of his philosophically most influential recent exponent, G.A. Cohen (Cohen 1978 [2001], 1988), who builds on the interpretation of the early Russian Marxist Georgi Plekhanov (1856-1918) (Plekhanov 1895 [1947]).

We should, however, be aware that Cohen's interpretation is far from universally accepted. Cohen provided his reconstruction of Marx partly because he was frustrated with existing Hegelian-inspired "dialectical" interpretations of Marx, and what he considered to be the vagueness of the influential works of Louis Althusser (1918-1990), neither of which, he felt, provided a rigorous account of Marx's views. However, some scholars believe that the interpretation that we shall focus on is faulty precisely for its insistence on a mechanical model and its lack of attention to the dialectic. One aspect of this criticism is that Cohen's understanding has a surprisingly small role for the concept of class struggle, which is often felt to be central to Marx's theory of history. Cohen's explanation for this is that the "1859 Preface", on which his interpretation is based, does not give a prominent role to class struggle, and indeed it is not explicitly mentioned. Yet this reasoning is problematic for it is possible that Marx did not want to write in a manner that would engage the concerns of the police censor, and, indeed, a reader aware of the context may be able to detect an implicit reference to class struggle through the inclusion of such phrases as "then begins an era of social revolution," and "the ideological forms in which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it out". Hence it does not follow that Marx himself thought that the concept of class struggle was relatively unimportant. Furthermore, when A Critique of Political Economy was replaced by Capital, Marx made no attempt to keep the 1859 Preface in print, and its content is reproduced just as a very much abridged footnote in Capital. Nevertheless, we shall concentrate here on Cohen's interpretation as no other account has been set out with comparable rigour, precision and detail.

3.2 Early Formulations

In his " Theses on Feuerbach" (1845) Marx provides a background to what would become his theory of history by stating his objections to "all hitherto existing" materialism and idealism, understood as types of philosophical theories. Materialism is complimented for understanding the physical reality of the world, but is criticised for ignoring the active role of the human subject in creating the world we perceive. Idealism, at least as developed by Hegel, understands the active nature of the human subject, but confines it to thought or contemplation: the world is created through the categories we impose upon it. Marx combines the insights of both traditions to propose a view in which human beings do indeed create -or at least transform-the world they find themselves in, but this transformation happens not in thought but through actual material activity; not through the imposition of sublime concepts but through the sweat of their brow, with picks and shovels. This historical version of materialism, which, according to Marx, transcends and thus rejects all existing philosophical thought, is the foundation of Marx's later theory of history. As Marx puts it in the "1844 Manuscripts", "Industry is the actual historical relationship of nature ... to man" ( MECW 3: 303). This thought, derived from reflection on the history of philosophy, together with his experience of social and economic realities, as a journalist, sets the agenda for all Marx's future work.

In The German Ideology manuscripts, Marx and Engels contrast their new materialist method with the idealism that had characterised previous German thought. Accordingly, they take pains to set out the "premises of the materialist method". They start, they say, from "real human beings", emphasising that human beings are essentially productive, in that they must produce their means of subsistence in order to satisfy their material needs. The satisfaction of needs engenders new needs of both a material and social kind, and forms of society arise corresponding to the state of development of human productive forces. Material life determines, or at least "conditions" social life, and so the primary direction of social explanation is from material production to social forms, and thence to forms of consciousness. As the material means of production develop, "modes of co-operation" or economic structures rise and fall, and eventually communism will become a real possibility once the plight of the workers and their awareness of an alternative motivates them sufficiently to become revolutionaries.

3.3 1859 Preface

In the sketch of The German Ideology, many of the key elements of historical materialism are present, even if the terminology is not yet that of Marx's more mature writings. Marx's statement in the "1859 Preface" renders something of the same view in sharper form. Cohen's reconstruction of Marx's view in the Preface begins from what Cohen calls the Development Thesis, which is pre-supposed, rather than explicitly stated in the Preface (Cohen 1978 [2001]: 134-174). This is the thesis that the productive forces tend to develop, in the sense of becoming more powerful, over time. The productive forces are the means of production, together with productively applicable knowledge: technology, in other words. The development thesis states not that the productive forces always do develop, but that there is a tendency for them to do so. The next thesis is the primacy thesis, which has two aspects. The first states that the nature of a society's economic structure is explained by the level of development of its productive forces, and the second that the nature of the superstructure-the political and legal institutions of society-is explained by the nature of the economic structure. The nature of a society's ideology, which is to say certain religious, artistic, moral and philosophical beliefs contained within society, is also explained in terms of its economic structure, although this receives less emphasis in Cohen's interpretation. Indeed, many activities may well combine aspects of both the superstructure and ideology: a religion is constituted by both institutions and a set of beliefs.

Revolution and epoch change is understood as the consequence of an economic structure no longer being able to continue to develop the forces of production. At this point the development of the productive forces is said to be fettered, and, according to the theory, once an economic structure fetters development it will be revolutionised-"burst asunder" ( MECW 6: 489)-and eventually replaced with an economic structure better suited to preside over the continued development of the forces of production.

In outline, then, the theory has a pleasing simplicity and power. It seems plausible that human productive power develops over time, and plausible too that economic structures exist for as long as they develop the productive forces, but will be replaced when they are no longer capable of doing this. Yet severe problems emerge when we attempt to put more flesh on these bones.

3.4 Functional Explanation

The key theoretical innovation is to appeal to the notion of functional explanation, also sometimes called "consequence explanation" (Cohen 1978 [2001]: 249-296). The essential move is cheerfully to admit that the economic structure, such as capitalism, does indeed develop the productive forces, but to add that this, according to the theory, is precisely why we have capitalism (when we do). That is, if capitalism failed to develop the productive forces it would disappear. And, indeed, this fits beautifully with historical materialism. For Marx asserts that when an economic structure fails to develop the productive forces-when it "fetters" the productive forces-it will be revolutionised and the epoch will change. So the idea of "fettering" becomes the counterpart to the theory of functional explanation. Essentially fettering is what happens when the economic structure becomes dysfunctional.

Now it is apparent that this renders historical materialism consistent. Yet there is a question as to whether it is at too high a price. For we must ask whether functional explanation is a coherent methodological device. The problem is that we can ask what it is that makes it the case that an economic structure will only persist for as long as it develops the productive forces. Jon Elster has pressed this criticism against Cohen very hard (Elster 1985: 27-35). If we were to argue that there is an agent guiding history who has the purpose that the productive forces should be developed as much as possible then it would make sense that such an agent would intervene in history to carry out this purpose by selecting the economic structures which do the best job. However, it is clear that Marx makes no such metaphysical assumptions. Elster is very critical-sometimes of Marx, sometimes of Cohen-of the idea of appealing to "purposes" in history without those being the purposes of anyone.

Indeed Elster's criticism was anticipated in fascinating terms by Simone Weil (1909-1943), who links Marx's appeal to history's purposes to the influence of Hegel on his thought:

We must remember the Hegelian origins of Marxist thought. Hegel believed in a hidden mind at work in the universe, and that the history of the world is simply the history of this world mind, which, as in the case of everything spiritual, tends indefinitely towards perfection. Marx claimed to "put back on its feet" the Hegelian dialectic, which he accused of being "upside down", by substituting matter for mind as the motive power of history; but by an extraordinary paradox, he conceived history, starting from this rectification, as though he attributed to matter what is the very essence of mind-an unceasing aspiration towards the best. (Weil 1955 [1958: 43])

Cohen is well aware of the difficulty of appealing to purposes in history, but defends the use of functional explanation by comparing its use in historical materialism with its use in evolutionary biology. In contemporary biology it is commonplace to explain the existence of the stripes of a tiger, or the hollow bones of a bird, by pointing to the function of these features. Here we have apparent purposes which are not the purposes of anyone. The obvious counter, however, is that in evolutionary biology we can provide a causal story to underpin these functional explanations; a story involving chance variation and survival of the fittest. Therefore these functional explanations are sustained by a complex causal feedback loop in which dysfunctional elements tend to be filtered out in competition with better functioning elements. Cohen calls such background accounts "elaborations" and he concedes that functional explanations are in need of elaborations. But he points out that standard causal explanations are equally in need of elaborations. We might, for example, be satisfied with the explanation that the vase broke because it was dropped on the floor, but a great deal of further information is needed to explain why this explanation works.

Consequently, Cohen claims that we can be justified in offering a functional explanation even when we are in ignorance of its elaboration. Indeed, even in biology detailed causal elaborations of functional explanations have been available only relatively recently. Prior to Charles Darwin (1809-1882), or arguably Jean-Baptiste Lamarck (1744-1829), the only candidate causal elaboration was to appeal to God's purposes. Darwin outlined a very plausible mechanism, but having no genetic theory was not able to elaborate it into a detailed account. Our knowledge remains incomplete in some respects to this day. Nevertheless, it seems perfectly reasonable to say that birds have hollow bones in order to facilitate flight. Cohen's point is that the weight of evidence that organisms are adapted to their environment would permit even a pre-Darwinian atheist to assert this functional explanation with justification. Hence one can be justified in offering a functional explanation even in the absence of a candidate elaboration: if there is sufficient weight of inductive evidence.

At this point the issue, then, divides into a theoretical question and an empirical one. The empirical question is whether or not there is evidence that forms of society exist only for as long as they advance productive power, and are replaced by revolution when they fail. Here, one must admit, the empirical record is patchy at best, and there appear to have been long periods of stagnation, even regression, when dysfunctional economic structures were not revolutionised.

The theoretical issue is whether a plausible elaborating explanation is available to underpin Marxist functional explanations. Here there is something of a dilemma. In the first instance it is tempting to try to mimic the elaboration given in the Darwinian story, and appeal to chance variations and survival of the fittest. In this case "fittest" would mean "most able to preside over the development of the productive forces". Chance variation would be a matter of people trying out new types of economic relations. On this account new economic structures begin through experiment, but thrive and persist through their success in developing the productive forces. However the problem is that such an account would seem to introduce a larger element of contingency than Marx seeks, for it is essential to Marx's thought that one should be able to predict the eventual arrival of communism. Within Darwinian theory there is no warrant for long-term predictions, for everything depends on the contingencies of particular situations. A similar heavy element of contingency would be inherited by a form of historical materialism developed by analogy with evolutionary biology. The dilemma, then, is that the best model for developing the theory makes predictions based on the theory unsound, yet the whole point of the theory is predictive. Hence one must either look for an alternative means of producing elaborating explanation, or give up the predictive ambitions of the theory.

3.5 Rationality

The driving force of history, in Cohen's reconstruction of Marx, is the development of the productive forces, the most important of which is technology. But what is it that drives such development? Ultimately, in Cohen's account, it is human rationality. Human beings have the ingenuity to apply themselves to develop means to address the scarcity they find. This on the face of it seems very reasonable. Yet there are difficulties. As Cohen himself acknowledges, societies do not always do what would be rational for an individual to do. Co-ordination problems may stand in our way, and there may be structural barriers. Furthermore, it is relatively rare for those who introduce new technologies to be motivated by the need to address scarcity. Rather, under capitalism, the profit motive is the key. Of course it might be argued that this is the social form that the material need to address scarcity takes under capitalism. But still one may raise the question whether the need to address scarcity always has the influence that it appears to have taken on in modern times. For example, a ruling class's absolute determination to hold on to power may have led to economically stagnant societies. Alternatively, it might be thought that a society may put religion or the protection of traditional ways of life ahead of economic needs. This goes to the heart of Marx's theory that man is an essentially productive being and that the locus of interaction with the world is industry. As Cohen himself later argued in essays such as "Reconsidering Historical Materialism" (1988), the emphasis on production may appear one-sided, and ignore other powerful elements in human nature. Such a criticism chimes with a criticism from the previous section; that the historical record may not, in fact, display the tendency to growth in the productive forces assumed by the theory.

3.6 Alternative Interpretations

Many defenders of Marx will argue that the problems stated are problems for Cohen's interpretation of Marx, rather than for Marx himself. It is possible to argue, for example, that Marx did not have a general theory of history, but rather was a social scientist observing and encouraging the transformation of capitalism into communism as a singular event. And it is certainly true that when Marx analyses a particular historical episode, as he does in the 18th Brumaire of Louis Napoleon (1852), any idea of fitting events into a fixed pattern of history seems very far from Marx's mind. On other views Marx did have a general theory of history but it is far more flexible and less determinate than Cohen insists (Miller 1984). And finally, as noted, there are critics who believe that Cohen's interpretation is entirely wrong-headed owing to its dismissive attitude to dialectical reasoning (Sayers 1984 [1990]).

4. Economics

4.1 Reading Capital

How to read Marx's economic writings, and especially his masterpiece Capital Volume 1, remains a matter of controversy. An orthodox reading is that Marx's essential task is to contribute to economic theory, based on a modified form of the labour theory of value. Others warn against such a narrow interpretation, pointing out that the character of Marx's writing and presentation is very far from what one would expect in a standard economic text. Hence William Clare Roberts (2017), for example, argues that Capital Volume 1 is fundamentally a work of political theory, rather than economics. Be that as it may, nevertheless, the work does contain substantial presentation of an economic analysis of capitalism, and it is on this that we will focus here.

4.2 Labour Theory of Value

Capital Volume 1 begins with an analysis of the idea of commodity production. A commodity is defined as a useful external object, produced for exchange on a market. Thus, two necessary conditions for commodity production are: the existence of a market, in which exchange can take place; and a social division of labour, in which different people produce different products, without which there would be no motivation for exchange. Marx suggests that commodities have both use-value-a use, in other words-and an exchange-value-initially to be understood as their price. Use value can easily be understood, so Marx says, but he insists that exchange value is a puzzling phenomenon, and relative exchange values need to be explained. Why does a quantity of one commodity exchange for a given quantity of another commodity? His explanation is in terms of the labour input required to produce the commodity, or rather, the socially necessary labour, which is labour exerted at the average level of intensity and productivity for that branch of activity within the economy. Thus the labour theory of value asserts that the value of a commodity is determined by the quantity of socially necessary labour time required to produce it.

Marx provides a two-stage argument for the labour theory of value. The first stage is to argue that if two objects can be compared in the sense of being put on either side of an equals sign, then there must be a "third thing of identical magnitude in both of them" to which they are both reducible. As commodities can be exchanged against each other, there must, Marx argues, be a third thing that they have in common. This then motivates the second stage, which is a search for the appropriate "third thing", which is labour in Marx's view, as the only plausible common element. Both steps of the argument are, of course, highly contestable.

Capitalism can be distinguished from other forms of commodity exchange, Marx argues, in that it involves not merely the exchange of commodities, but the advancement of capital, in the form of money, with the purpose of generating profit through the purchase of commodities and their transformation into other commodities which can command a higher price, and thus yield a profit. Marx claims that no previous theorist has been able adequately to explain how capitalism as a whole can make a profit. Marx's own solution relies on the idea of exploitation of the worker. In setting up conditions of production the capitalist purchases the worker's labour power-his or her ability to labour-for the day. The cost of this commodity is determined in the same way as the cost of every other; that is, in terms of the amount of socially necessary labour power required to produce it. In this case the value of a day's labour power is the value of the commodities necessary to keep the worker alive for a day. Suppose that such commodities take four hours to produce. Accordingly the first four hours of the working day is spent on producing value equivalent to the value of the wages the worker will be paid. This is known as necessary labour. Any work the worker does above this is known as surplus labour, producing surplus value for the capitalist. Surplus value, according to Marx, is the source of all profit. In Marx's analysis labour power is the only commodity which can produce more value than it is worth, and for this reason it is known as variable capital. Other commodities simply pass their value on to the finished commodities, but do not create any extra value. They are known as constant capital. Profit, then, is the result of the labour performed by the worker beyond that necessary to create the value of his or her wages. This is the surplus value theory of profit.

A further objection is that Marx's assertion that only labour can create surplus value is unsupported by any argument or analysis, and can be argued to be merely an artefact of the nature of his presentation. Any commodity can be picked to play a similar role. Consequently, with equal justification one could set out a corn theory of value, arguing that corn has the unique power of creating more value than it costs. Formally this would be identical to the labour theory of value (Roemer 1982). Nevertheless, the claims that somehow labour is responsible for the creation of value, and that profit is the consequence of exploitation, remain intuitively powerful, even if they are difficult to establish in detail.

However, even if the labour theory of value is considered discredited, there are elements of his theory that remain of worth. The Cambridge economist Joan Robinson, in An Essay on Marxian Economics (1942), picked out two aspects of particular note. First, Marx's refusal to accept that capitalism involves a harmony of interests between worker and capitalist, replacing this with a class-based analysis of the worker's struggle for better wages and conditions of work, versus the capitalist's drive for ever greater profits. Second, Marx's denial that there is any long-run tendency to equilibrium in the market, and his descriptions of mechanisms which underlie the trade-cycle of boom and bust. Both provide a salutary corrective to aspects of orthodox economic theory.

4.3 Exploitation

As noted, traditionally Marx's definition of exploitation is given in terms of the theory of surplus value, which in turn is taken to depend on the labour theory of value: the theory that the value of any commodity is proportional to the amount of "socially necessary" labour embodied in it. However, the question arises of whether the basic idea of exploitation should be so dependent on a particular theory of value. For if it is, the notion of exploitation becomes vulnerable to Robert Nozick's objection: that if the labour theory of value can be shown to be faulty, the Marxist theory of exploitation collapses too (Nozick 1974).

Others have felt that it is possible to restore the intuitive core of a Marxist theory of exploitation independent of the labour theory of value (cf. Cohen 1979, Wolff 1999, Vrousalis 2013). John Roemer, to take one leading case, states:

Marxian exploitation is defined as the unequal exchange of labor for goods: the exchange is unequal when the amount of labor embodied in the goods which the worker can purchase with his income ... is less than the amount of labor he expended to earn that income.(Roemer 1985: 30)

Suppose I work eight hours to earn my wages. With this perhaps the best thing I can buy is a coat. But imagine that the coat took only a total of four hours to make. Therefore I have exchanged my eight hours work for only four hours of other people's work, and thereby, on this view, I am exploited.

The definition requires some refinement. For example, if I am taxed for the benefit of those unable to work, I will be exploited by the above definition, but this is not what the definition of exploitation was intended to capture. Worse still, if there is one person exploited much more gravely than anyone else in the economy, then it may turn out that no-one else is exploited. Nevertheless, it should not be difficult to adjust the definition to take account of these difficulties, and as noted several other accounts of Marx-inspired accounts of exploitation have been offered that are independent of the labour theory of value.

Many of these alternative definitions add a notion of unfreedom or domination to unequal exchange of labour and goods (Vrousalis 2013). The exploited person is forced to accept a situation in which he or she just never gets back what they put into the labour process. Now there may be, in particular cases, a great deal to be said about why this is perfectly acceptable from a moral point of view. However, on the face of it such exploitation appears to be unjust. Nevertheless, we will see in the next section why attributing such a position to Marx himself is fraught with difficulty.

5. Morality

5.1 Unpacking Issues

The issue of Marx and morality poses a conundrum. On reading Marx's works at all periods of his life, there appears to be the strongest possible distaste towards bourgeois capitalist society, and an undoubted endorsement of future communist society. Yet the terms of this antipathy and endorsement are far from clear. Despite expectations, Marx never directly says that capitalism is unjust. Neither does he directly say that communism would be a just form of society. In fact he frequently takes pains to distance himself from those who engage in a discourse of justice, and makes a conscious attempt to exclude direct moral commentary in his own works. The puzzle is why this should be, given the weight of indirect moral commentary one also finds in his writings.

There are, initially, separate questions concerning Marx's attitude to capitalism and to communism. There are also separate questions concerning his attitude to ideas of justice, and to ideas of morality more broadly concerned. This, then, generates four questions: (a) Did Marx think capitalism unjust?; (b) did he think that capitalism could be morally criticised on other grounds?; (c) did he think that communism would be just? (d) did he think it could be morally approved of on other grounds? These are some of the questions we consider in this section.

5.2 The "Injustice" of Capitalism

The initial argument that Marx must have thought that capitalism is unjust is based on the observation that Marx argued that all capitalist profit is ultimately derived from the exploitation of the worker. Capitalism's dirty secret is that it is not a realm of harmony and mutual benefit but a system in which one class systematically extracts profit from another. How could this fail to be unjust? Yet it is notable that Marx never explicitly draws such a conclusion, and in Capital he goes as far as to say that such exchange is "by no means an injury to the seller" (MECW 35: 204), which some commentators have taken as evidence that Marx did not think that capitalism was unjust, although other readings are possible.

Allen Wood (1972) is perhaps the leading advocate of the view that Marx did not believe that capitalism is unjust. Wood argues that Marx takes this approach because his general theoretical approach excludes any trans-epochal standpoint from which one can comment on the justice of an economic system. Even though it is acceptable to criticise particular behaviour from within an economic structure as unjust (and theft under capitalism would be an example) it is not possible to criticise capitalism as a whole. This is a consequence of Marx's analysis of the role of ideas of justice from within historical materialism. Marx claims that juridical institutions are part of the superstructure, and that ideas of justice are ideological. Accordingly, the role of both the superstructure and ideology, in the functionalist reading of historical materialism adopted here, is to stabilise the economic structure. Consequently, to state that something is just under capitalism is simply a judgement that it will tend to have the effect of advancing capitalism. According to Marx, in any society the ruling ideas are those of the ruling class; the core of the theory of ideology.

Ziyad Husami (1978) however, argues that Wood is mistaken, ignoring the fact that for Marx ideas undergo a double determination. We need to differentiate not just by economic system, but also by economic class within the system. Therefore the ideas of the non-ruling class may be very different from those of the ruling class. Of course, it is the ideas of the ruling class that receive attention and implementation, but this does not mean that other ideas do not exist. Husami goes as far as to argue that members of the proletariat under capitalism have an account of justice that matches communism. From this privileged standpoint of the proletariat, which is also Marx's standpoint, capitalism is unjust, and so it follows that Marx thought capitalism unjust.

Plausible though it may sound, Husami's argument fails to account for two related points. First, it cannot explain why Marx never explicitly described capitalism as unjust, and second, it overlooks the distance Marx wanted to place between his own scientific socialism, and that of other socialists who argued for the injustice of capitalism. Hence one cannot avoid the conclusion that the "official" view of Marx is that capitalism is not unjust.

Nevertheless, this leaves us with a puzzle. Much of Marx's description of capitalism-his use of the words "embezzlement", "robbery" and "exploitation"-belie the official account. Arguably, the only satisfactory way of understanding this issue is, once more, from G.A. Cohen, who proposes that Marx believed that capitalism was unjust, but did not believe that he believed it was unjust (Cohen 1983). In other words, Marx, like so many of us, did not have perfect knowledge of his own mind. In his explicit reflections on the justice of capitalism he was able to maintain his official view. But in less guarded moments his real view slips out, even if never in explicit language. Such an interpretation is bound to be controversial, but it makes good sense of the texts.

Whatever one concludes on the question of whether Marx thought capitalism unjust, it is, nevertheless, obvious that Marx thought that capitalism was not the best way for human beings to live. Points made in his early writings remain present throughout his writings, if no longer connected to an explicit theory of alienation. The worker finds work a torment, suffers poverty, overwork and lack of fulfilment and freedom. People do not relate to each other as humans should. Does this amount to a moral criticism of capitalism or not? In the absence of any special reason to argue otherwise, it simply seems obvious that Marx's critique is a moral one. Capitalism impedes human flourishing. It is hard to disagree with the judgement that Marx

thinks that the capitalist exploitation of labor power is a wrong that has horrendous consequences for the laborers. (Roberts 2017: 129)

Marx, though, once more refrained from making this explicit; he seemed to show no interest in locating his criticism of capitalism in any of the traditions of moral philosophy, or explaining how he was generating a new tradition. There may have been two reasons for his caution. The first was that while there were bad things about capitalism, there is, from a world historical point of view, much good about it too. For without capitalism, communism would not be possible. Capitalism is to be transcended, not abolished, and this may be difficult to convey in the terms of moral philosophy.

Second, and perhaps more importantly, we need to return to the contrast between Marxian and other forms of socialism. Many non-Marxian socialists appealed to universal ideas of truth and justice to defend their proposed schemes, and their theory of transition was based on the idea that appealing to moral sensibilities would be the best, perhaps only, way of bringing about the new chosen society. Marx wanted to distance himself from these other socialist traditions, and a key point of distinction was to argue that the route to understanding the possibilities of human emancipation lay in the analysis of historical and social forces, not in morality. Hence, for Marx, any appeal to morality was theoretically a backward step.

5.3 Communism and "Justice"

This leads us now to Marx's assessment of communism. Would communism be a just society? In considering Marx's attitude to communism and justice there are really only two viable possibilities: either he thought that communism would be a just society or he thought that the concept of justice would not apply: that communism would transcend justice.

Communism is described by Marx, in the Critique of the Gotha Programme, as a society in which each person should contribute according to their ability and receive according to their need. This certainly sounds like a theory of justice, and could be adopted as such (Gilabert 2015). However, many will hold that it is truer to Marx's thought to say that this is part of an account in which communism transcends justice, as Lukes has argued (Lukes 1987).

If we start with the idea that the point of ideas of justice is to resolve disputes, then a society without disputes would have no need or place for justice. We can see this by reflecting upon the idea of the circumstances of justice in the work of David Hume (1711-1776). Hume argued that if there was enormous material abundance-if everyone could have whatever they wanted without invading another's share-we would never have devised rules of justice. And, of course, there are suggestions in Marx's writings that communism would be a society of such abundance. But Hume also suggested that justice would not be needed in other circumstances; if there were complete fellow-feeling between all human beings, there would be no conflict and no need for justice. Of course, one can argue whether either material abundance or human fellow-feeling to this degree would be possible, but the point is that both arguments give a clear sense in which communism transcends justice.

Nevertheless, we remain with the question of whether Marx thought that communism could be commended on other moral grounds. On a broad understanding, in which morality, or perhaps better to say ethics, is concerned with the idea of living well, it seems that communism can be assessed favourably in this light. One compelling argument is that Marx's career simply makes no sense unless we can attribute such a belief to him. But beyond this we can be brief in that the considerations adduced in Section 2 above apply again. Communism clearly advances human flourishing, in Marx's view. The only reason for denying that, in Marx's vision, it would amount to a good society is a theoretical antipathy to the word "good". And here the main point is that, in Marx's view, communism would not be brought about by high-minded benefactors of humanity. Quite possibly his determination to retain this point of difference between himself and other socialists led him to disparage the importance of morality to a degree that goes beyond the call of theoretical necessity.

6. Ideology

6.1 A Critical Account

The account of ideology contained in Marx's writings is regularly portrayed as a crucial element of his intellectual legacy. It has been identified as among his "most influential" ideas (Elster 1986: 168), and acclaimed as "the most fertile" part of his social and political theory (Leiter 2004: 84). Not least, these views on ideology are said to constitute Marx's claim to a place-alongside Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) and Sigmund Freud (1856-1939)-as one of the "masters of suspicion"; that is, as an author whose work casts doubt on the transparency of our everyday understandings of both our own identity and the social world we inhabit (Ricouer 1970: 32-33).

Given this enthusiastic reception, it can come as something of a surprise to turn to Marx's writings and discover how little they contain about ideology, and how inchoate and opaque those infrequent and passing observations on that topic are. There are, of course, some famous quotations, not least from The German Ideology manuscripts. The references there to ideology as involving an "inversion" of the relation between individuals and their circumstances, perhaps analogous to the workings of a "camera obscura"-an optical device which projected an image of its surroundings, upside down but preserving perspective, onto a screen inside-have often mesmerised commentators but not always generated much genuine illumination ( MECW 5: 36). The point should not be exaggerated, but these striking images notwithstanding, there is no clear and sustained discussion of ideology in the Marxian corpus.

Many commentators maintain that the search for a single model of ideology in his work has to be given up. Indeed, there is something of an "arms race" in the literature, as commentators discover two, three, even five, competing models of ideology in Marx's writings (Mepham 1979; Wood 1981 [2004]; Rosen 1996). Most surprisingly, it seems that some licence can be found in Marx's corpus for three very different ways of thinking about what ideology is. There is textual evidence of his variously utilising: a "descriptive" account of ideology involving a broadly anthropological study of the beliefs and rituals characteristic of certain groups; a "positive" account of ideology as a "worldview" providing the members of a group with a sense of meaning and identity; and a "critical" account seeking to liberate individuals from certain false and misleading forms of understanding (Geuss 1981: 4-26).

It is the last of these-the critical account rather than either of the two "non-critical" accounts-which is central to his wider social and political theory, but this account is itself subject to some considerable interpretative disagreement. Marx's theory of ideology is usually portrayed as an element in what might be called Marx's sociology, as distinct from his philosophical anthropology say, or his theory of history (although complexly related to the latter).

6.2 Ideology and Stability

Marx does not view ideology as a feature of all societies, and, in particular, suggests that it will not be a feature of a future communist society. However, ideology is portrayed as a feature of all class-divided societies, and not only of capitalist society-although many of Marx's comments on ideology are concerned with the latter. The theory of ideology appears to play a role in explaining a feature of class-divided societies which might otherwise appear puzzling, namely what might be called their "stability"; that is, the absence of overt and serious conflict between social classes. This stability is not permanent, but it can last for extended historical periods. This stability appears puzzling to Marx because class-divided societies are flawed in ways which not only frustrate human flourishing, but also work to the material advantage of the ruling minority. Why do the subordinate classes, who form a majority, tolerate these flaws, when resistance and rebellion of various kinds might be in their objective interests?

Marx's account of the sources of social stability in class-divided societies appeals to both repressive and non-repressive mechanisms. Such societies might often involve the direct repression (or the threat of it) of one group by another, but Marx does not think that this is the whole story. There are also non-repressive sources of social stability, and ideology is usually, and plausibly, considered one of these. Very roughly, Marx's account of ideology claims that the dominant social ideas in such societies are typically false or misleading in a fashion that works to the advantage of the economically dominant class.

We should note that ideology would seem to be a part and not the whole of Marx's account of the non-repressive sources of stability in class divided societies. Other factors might include: dull economic pressure, including the daily grind of having to earn a living; doubts-justified or otherwise-about the feasibility of alternatives; sensitivity to the possible costs of radical social change; and collective action problems of various kinds which face those who do want to rebel and resist. Marx does not think individuals are permanently trapped within ideological modes of thinking. Ideology may have an initial hold, but it is not portrayed as impervious to reason and evidence, especially in circumstances in which the objective conditions for social change obtain.

6.3 Characteristics

For Marx ideological beliefs are social in that they are widely shared, indeed so widely-shared that for long periods they constitute the "ruling" or "dominant" ideas in a given class-divided society ( MECW 5: 59). And they are social in that they directly concern, or indirectly impact upon, the action-guiding understandings of self and society that individuals have. These action-guiding understandings include the dominant legal, political, religious, and philosophical views within particular class-divided societies in periods of stability (MECW 29: 263).

Not all false or misleading beliefs count for Marx as ideological. Honest scientific error, for example can be non-ideological. And ideological belief can be misleading without being strictly false. For example, defenders of the capitalist economy portray what Marx calls the "wage form", with its exchange of equivalents, as the whole (rather than a part) of the story about the relation between capital and labour, thereby ignoring the exploitation which occurs in the sphere of production. Indeed, the notion of the "falsity" of ideology needs to be expanded beyond the content of the "ideas" in question, to include cases where their origins are in some way contaminated (Geuss 1981: 19-22). Perhaps the only reason I believe something to be the case is that the belief in question has a consoling effect on me. Arguably such a belief is held ideologically, even if it happens to be true. Nevertheless paradigmatic examples of ideology have a false content. For example, ideology often portrays institutions, policies, and decisions which are in the interests of the economically dominant class, as being in the interests of the society as a whole ( MECW 5: 60); and ideology often portrays social and political arrangements which are contingent, or historical, or artificial, as being necessary, or universal, or natural ( MECW 35: 605).

In addition to false or misleading content, ideological beliefs typically have at least two additional characteristics, relating to their social origin and their class function. By the "social origin" of ideology is meant that Marx thinks of these ideas as often originating with, and being reinforced by, the complex structure of class-divided societies-a complex structure in which a deceptive surface appearance is governed by underlying essential relations (Geras 1986: 63-84). Capitalism is seen as especially deceptive in appearance; for example, Marx often contrasts the relative transparency of "exploitation" under feudalism, with the way in which the "wage form" obscures the ratio of necessary and surplus labour in capitalist societies. Ideology stems, in part, from this deceptive surface appearance which makes it difficult to grasp the underlying social flaws that benefit the economically dominant class. Marx portrays the striving to uncover essences concealed by misleading appearances as characteristic of scientific endeavour ( MECW 37, 804). And, in this context, he distinguishes between classical political economy, which strove-albeit not always successfully-to uncover the essential relations often concealed behind misleading appearances, and what he calls vulgar economy, which happily restricts itself to the misleading appearances themselves ( MECW 37, 804).

By the "class function" of ideology is meant that Marx holds that the pervasiveness of ideology is explained by the fact it helps stabilise the economic structure of societies. All sorts of ideas might get generated for all sorts of reasons, but the ones that tend to "stick" (become widely accepted) in class-divided societies do so, not because of their truth, but because they conceal or misrepresent or justify flaws in that society in ways which redound to the benefit of the economically dominant class (Rosen & Wolff 1996: 235-236).

In response critics often see this as just another example of sloppy functional reasoning-purportedly widespread in the Marxist tradition-whereby a general pattern is asserted without the identification of any of the mechanisms which might generate that pattern. In the present case, it is said that Marx never properly explains why the ruling ideas should be those of the ruling class (Elster 1985: 473). Yet there are obvious possible mechanisms here. To give two examples. First, there is the control of the ruling class over the means of mental production, and in particular the print and broadcast media which in capitalist societies are typically owned and controlled by the very wealthy ( MECW 5, 59). A second possible mechanism appeals to the psychological need of individuals for invented narratives that legitimise or justify their social position; for instance, Marx identifies a widespread need, in flawed societies, for the consolatory effects of religion ( MECW 3, 175).

7. State and Politics

This broad heading-the state and politics-could cover very many different issues. To make the present account manageable, only two are addressed here: Marx's account of the state in capitalist society; and Marx's account of the fate of the state in communist society. (Consequently, many other important political issues-the nature of pre-capitalist states, relations between states, the political transition to communism, and so on-are not dealt with.)

7.1 The State in Capitalist Society

Marx offers no unified theoretical account of the state in capitalist society. Instead his remarks on this topic are scattered across the course of his activist life, and deeply embedded in discussions of contemporary events, events which most modern readers will know very little about. Providing some initial order to that complexity, Jon Elster helpfully identifies three different models in Marx's writings of the relationship, in capitalist society, between the political state, on the one hand, and the economically dominant class, on the other. (The next three paragraphs draw heavily on Elster 1985: 409-437.)

First, the "instrumental" model portrays the state as simply a tool, directly controlled by the economically dominant class, in its own interests, at the expense of the interests both of other classes and of the community as a whole. Marx is usually said to endorse the instrumental account in the Communist Manifesto, where he and Engels insist that "the executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie" ( MECW 6: 486). On this account, the state might also act against the short term, or the factional, interests of particular capitalists. The picture here is of the state as an instrument directed-presumably by a subset of capitalists or their representatives-in ways which promote the long term interests of the bourgeoisie as a whole. The precise mechanisms which might facilitate that result are not clear in Marx's writings.

Second, the "class balance" model portrays the state as having interests of its own, with capitalist interests as merely one of the strategic limits on its pursuit of these. This model gets its name from the exceptional social circumstances said to explain the independence of the state in this case. In situations where the social power of the two warring classes of contemporary society-capitalists and workers-are very nearly balanced, the political state (and especially the executive) can gain independence from both, exploiting that conflict in order to promote its own interests (the interests of the political caste). Something like this picture appears in Marx's discussions of the continued existence of certain absolutist states after the revolutions of 1848, and of the Bonapartist state established in France by the coup of Napoleon III in December 1851. The state now competes with capitalists and proletarians (and is not merely the tool of the former), and by "promising each of the major classes to protect it against the other, the government can rule autonomously" (Elster 1985: 425). On this account, the state has interests of its own, but presumably only gets to pursue them if those promises to others are plausible, finding some reflection in its policies and behaviour. Capitalist interests accordingly remain a political constraint, but they are now only one of the factors constraining the state's actions rather than constituting its primary goal.

Third, the "abdication" model presents the bourgeoisie as staying away from the direct exercise of political power, but doing this because it is in their economic interests to do so. As Elster notes, strictly speaking, "abdication" here covers two slightly different cases-first, where the bourgeoisie abdicate from the political power that they initially controlled (relevant to France); and, second, where the bourgeoisie abstain from taking political power in the first place (relevant to Britain and Germany)-but they can be treated together. In both cases, Marx identifies a situation where "in order to save its purse, [the bourgeoisie] must forfeit the crown" ( MECW 11: 143). Where the instrumental picture claims that the state acts in the interests of the capitalist class because it is directly controlled by the latter, the abdication picture advances an explanatory connection between the promotion of bourgeois interests and the retreat from the direct exercise of power. Circumstances obtain where "the political rule of the bourgeoisie" turns out to be "incompatible" with its continued economic flourishing, and the bourgeoisie seeks "to get rid of its own political rule in order to get rid of the troubles and dangers of ruling" ( MECW 11: 173). There are several possible explanations of why the bourgeoisie might remain outside of politics in order to promote their own interests. To give three examples: the bourgeoisie might recognise that their own characteristic short-termism could be fatal to their own interests if they exercised direct political as well as economic power; the bourgeoisie might find political rule sufficiently time and effort consuming to withdraw from it, discovering that the economic benefits kept on coming regardless; or the bourgeoisie might appreciate that abdication weakened their class opponents, forcing the proletariat to fight on two fronts (against capital and government) and thereby making it less able to win those struggles.

There are many questions one might have about these three models.

First, one might wonder which of these three models best embodies Marx's considered view? The instrumental account is the earliest account, which he largely abandons from the early 1850s, presumably noticing how poorly it captured contemporary political realities-in particular, the stable existence of states which were not directly run by the capitalist class, but which still in some way served their interests. That outcome is possible under either of the two other accounts. However, Marx seems to have thought of the class balance model as a temporary solution in exceptional circumstances, and perhaps held that it failed to allow the stable explanatory connection that he sought between the extant political arrangements and the promotion of dominant economic interests. In short, for better or worse, Marx's considered view looks closer to the abdication account, reflecting his conviction that the central features of political life are explained by the existing economic structure.

Second, one might wonder which model allows greatest "autonomy" to the political state? A weak definition of state autonomy might portray the state as autonomous when it is independent of direct control by the economically dominant class. On this definition, both the class balance and abdication models-but not the instrumental account-seem to provide for autonomy. A stronger definition of state autonomy might require what Elster calls "explanatory autonomy", which exists

when (and to the extent that) its structure and policies cannot be explained by the interest of an economically dominant class. (Elster 1985: 405)

Only the class balance view seems to allow significant explanatory autonomy. In his preferred abdication account, Marx allows that the state in capitalist society is independent of direct capitalist control, but goes on to claim that its main structures (including that very independence) and policies are ultimately explained by the interests of the capitalist class.

7.2. The Fate of the State in Communist Society

For reasons discussed below (see Section 8), Marx declines to say much about the basic structure of a future communist society. However, in the case of the fate of the state, that reluctance is partially mitigated by his view that the institutional arrangements of the Paris Commune prefigured the political dimensions of communist society.

Marx's views on the nature and fate of the state in communist society are to be distinguished from his infrequent, and subsequently notorious, use of the term "the dictatorship of the proletariat". (On the infrequency, context, and content, of these uses see Draper 1986 and Hunt 1974.) The idea of "dictatorship" in this historical context has the (ancient) connotation of emergency rule rather than the (modern) connotation of totalitarianism. Marx's use makes it clear that any such temporary government should be democratic; for instance, in having majority support, and in preserving democratic rights (of speech, association, and so on). However, it is by definition "extra-legal" in that it seeks to establish a new regime and not to preserve an old one. So understood, the dictatorship of the proletariat forms part of the political transition to communist society (a topic not covered here), rather than part of the institutional structure of communist society itself. The "dictatorial"-that is, the temporary and extra-legal-character of this regime ends with establishment of a new and stable polity, and it is the latter which is discussed here (Hunt 1974: 297).

The character of the state in communist society consists, in part, of its form (its institutional arrangements) and its function (the tasks that it undertakes).

Some sense of the form of the state in communist society can be gained from Marx's engagement with the Paris Commune. His preferred future political arrangements involve a high degree of participation, and the radical "de-professionalisation" of certain public offices. First, Marx is enthusiastic about regular elections, universal suffrage, mandat impératif, recall, open executive proceedings, decentralisation, and so on. Second, he objects to public offices (in the legislature, executive, and judiciary) being the spoils of a political caste, and sought to make them working positions, remunerated at the average worker's wage, and regularly circulating (through election). This combination of arrangements has been characterised as "democracy without professionals" (Hunt 1974: 365). Marx saw it as reflecting his view that:

Freedom consists in converting the state from an organ superimposed upon society into one completely subordinate to it. ( MECW 24: 94)

Some sense of the function of the state in communist society can be gained from Marx's distinction between "necessary" tasks that a state would need to undertake in all societies (at least, economically developed societies), and "unnecessary" tasks that a state would only need to undertake in class-divided societies. The difficulty here is less in allowing this distinction, than in deciding what might fall into each category. On the necessary side, Marx appears to require that the state in communist society provide both: democratic solutions to coordination problems (deciding which side of the road traffic should drive on, for instance); and the supply of public goods (health, welfare, education, and so on). On the unnecessary side, Marx seems to think that a communist society might hugely reduce, or even eliminate, the element of organised coercion found in most states (in the form of standing armies, police forces, and so on). At least, this reduction might be feasible once communist society had reached its higher stage (where distribution is based on "the needs principle"), and there is no longer a threat from non-communist societies.

Again, there are many reservations that one might have about this account.

First, many will be sceptical about its feasibility, and perhaps especially of the purported reduction, still less elimination, of state coercion. That scepticism might be motivated by the thought that this would only be possible if communist society were characterised by widespread social and political consensus, and that such consensus is, both unlikely (at least, in modern societies), and undesirable (diversity and disagreement having a value). However, the reduction, or even elimination, of state coercion might be compatible with certain forms of continuing disagreement about the ends and means of communist society. Imagine that a democratic communist polity introduces a new law prohibiting smoking in public places, and that a representative smoker (call her Anne) obeys that law despite being among the minority who wanted this practice permitted. Anne's motivation for obedience, we can stipulate, is grounded, not in fear of the likely response of bodies of armed persons enforcing the law, but rather in respect for the democratic majority of the community of which she is a part. In short, reasonably strong assumptions about the democratic commitments of individuals might allow the scaling down of organised coercion without having to presume universal agreement amongst citizens on all issues.

Second, some might object to the reference, throughout this section, to the "state" in communist society. It might be said that a polity whose form and functions are so radically transformed-the form by democratic participation and de-professionalisation, the function by eliminating historically unnecessary tasks-is insufficiently "state-like" to be called a state. That is certainly possible, but the terminological claim would appear to assume that there is greater clarity and agreement about just what a state is, either than is presupposed here or than exists in the world. Given that lack of consensus, "state" seems a suitably prudent choice. As well as being consistent with some of Marx's usage, it avoids prejudging this very issue. However, anyone unmoved by those considerations can simply replace "state", in this context, with their own preferred alternative.

8. Utopianism

8.1 Utopian Socialism

It is well-known that Marx never provided a detailed account of the basic structure of the future communist society that he predicted. This was not simply an omission on his part, but rather reflects his deliberate commitment, as he colloquially has it, to refrain from writing "recipes" for the "restaurants" of the future ( MECW 35: 17, translation amended).

The reasoning that underpins this commitment can be reconstructed from Marx's engagement with the radical political tradition that he called "utopian socialism", and whose founding triumvirate were Charles Fourier (1772-1837), Henri Saint-Simon (1760-1825), and Robert Owen (1771-1858). Note that the distinction between Marxian socialism and utopian socialism is not an exhaustive one. Marx happily allows that there are socialists who are neither Marxian nor Utopian; for example, the "feudal socialists" discussed in the Communist Manifesto.

Marx's account of utopian socialism might appear contradictory. It is certainly easy to find not only passages fiercely criticising utopian authors and texts, but also passages generously praising them. However, that criticism and that praise turn out to attach to slightly different targets, revealing an underlying and consistent structure to his account.

That underlying structure rests on two main distinctions. The first distinction is a chronological one running between the founding triumvirate, on the one hand, and second and subsequent generations of utopian socialists, on the other. (These later generations including both loyal followers of the founding triumvirate, and independent later figures such as Étienne Cabet (1788-1856)). The second distinction is a substantive one running between the critical part of utopian writings (the portrayal of faults within contemporary capitalist society), on the one hand, and the constructive part of utopian writings (the detailed description of the ideal socialist future), on the other.

Note that these distinctions underpin the asymmetry of Marx's assessment of utopian socialism. Simply put: he is more enthusiastic and positive about the achievements of the first generation of utopians, by comparison with those of second and subsequent generations; and he is more enthusiastic and positive about the utopians' criticism of contemporary society, by comparison with the utopians' constructive endeavours.

8.2 Marx's Utopophobia

The remainder of this section will focus on Marx's disapproval of the constructive endeavours of the utopians.

In trying to organise and understand Marx's various criticisms of utopianism, it is helpful to distinguish between foundational and non-foundational variants. (This distinction is intended to be exhaustive, in that all of his criticisms of utopianism will fall into one of these two categories.) Non-foundational criticisms of utopian socialism are those which, if sound, would provide us with a reason to reject views which might be held by, or even be characteristic of, utopian socialists, but which are not constitutive of their utopianism. That is, they would give us a reason to abandon the relevant beliefs, or to criticise those (including utopians) who held them, but they would not give us cause to reject utopianism as such. In contrast, foundational criticisms of utopian socialism are those which, if sound, would provide us with a reason to reject utopianism as such; that is, a reason to refrain from engaging in socialist design, a reason not to describe in relevant detail the socialist society of the future. (Of course, that reason might not be decisive, all things considered, but it would still count against utopianism per se.)

Many of Marx's best-known criticisms of utopian socialism are non-foundational. For instance, in the Communist Manifesto, he complains that utopian socialists hold a mistaken "ahistorical" view of social change. The utopians purportedly fail to understand that the achievement of socialism depends on conditions which can only emerge at a certain stage of historical development. They might, for instance, recognise that there are strategic preconditions for socialism (for instance, the right blueprint and sufficient will to put it into practice), but (mistakenly on Marx's account) imagine that those preconditions could have appeared at any point in time. This complaint is non-foundational in that one can accept that there are historical conditions for establishing a socialist society, and that the utopian socialists fail to understand this, without thereby having a reason to abandon utopianism as such. A commitment to the necessity and desirability of socialist design does not require one to hold an "ahistorical" view of social change.

Assessing the soundness of non-foundational criticisms, and their relevance to the utopian socialist tradition, is a complicated task (see Leopold 2018). However, even if sound and relevant, these criticisms would provide no reason to abandon utopianism as such. Consequently, they are pursued no further here. Instead, the focus is on the three main foundational arguments against utopianism that can be located in Marx's writings; namely, that utopian plans and blueprints are necessarily undemocratic, impossible, and redundant (see Leopold 2016).

Marx's first argument involves a normative claim that utopian plans and blueprints are undemocratic. ("Democracy" here connoting individual and collective self-determination, rather than political forms of governance.) The basic argument runs: that it is undemocratic to limit the self-determination of individuals; that providing a plan or blueprint for a socialist society limits the self-determination of individuals; and that therefore the provision of plans and blueprints for a socialist society is undemocratic. If we add in the assumption that undemocratic means are undesirable; then we can conclude that it is undesirable to provide plans or blueprints of a future socialist society. One central reason for resisting this argument is that it is hard to identify a plausible account of the conditions for self-determination, according to which it is necessarily true that merely providing a socialist plan or blueprint restricts self-determination. Indeed, one might heretically think that detailed plans and blueprints often tend to promote self-determination, helping individuals think about where it is they want to go, and how they want to get there.

Marx's second argument rests on an epistemological claim that that utopian plans and blueprints are impossible, because they require accurate knowledge of the future of a kind which cannot be had. The basic argument starts from the assumption that to be of any use a blueprint must facilitate the construction of a future socialist society. Moreover, to facilitate the construction of a future socialist society a blueprint must be completely accurate; and to be completely accurate a blueprint must predict all the relevant circumstances of that future society. However, since it is not possible-given the complexity of the social world and the limitations of human nature-to predict all the relevant circumstances of that future society, we can conclude that socialist blueprints are of no use. One central reason for resisting this argument is that, whilst it is hard to deny that completely accurate plans are impossible (given the complexity of the world and the limitations of human understanding), the claim that only completely accurate plans are useful seems doubtful. Plans are not simply predictions, and providing less than wholly accurate plans for ourselves often forms part of the process whereby we help determine the future for ourselves (insofar as that is possible).

Marx's third argument depends on an empirical claim that utopian plans and blueprints are unnecessary, because satisfactory solutions to social problems emerge automatically from the unfolding of the historical process without themselves needing to be designed. The basic argument runs as follows: that utopian blueprints describe the basic structure of the socialist society of the future; and that such blueprints are necessary if and only if the basic structure of future socialist society needs to be designed. However, given that the basic structure of the future socialist society develops automatically (without design assistance) within capitalist society; and that the role of human agency in this unfolding historical process is to deliver (not design) that basic structure, Marx concludes that utopian blueprints are redundant. Reasons for resisting this argument include scepticism about both Marx's reasoning and the empirical record. Marx is certain that humankind does not need to design the basic structure of the future socialist society, but it is not really made clear who or what does that designing in its place. Moreover, the path of historical development since Marx's day does not obviously confirm the complex empirical claim that the basic structure of socialist society is developing automatically within existing capitalism, needing only to be delivered (and not designed) by human agency.

This brief discussion suggests that there are cogent grounds for doubting Marx's claim that utopian plans and blueprints are necessarily undemocratic, impossible, and redundant.

Finally, recall that Marx is less enthusiastic about the second and subsequent generations of utopians, than he is about the original triumvirate. We might reasonably wonder about the rationale for greater criticism of later utopians. It is important to recognise that it is not that second and subsequent generations make more or grosser errors than the original triumvirate. (Indeed, Marx appears to think that all these different generations largely held the same views, and made the same mistakes). The relevant difference is rather that, by comparison with their successors, this first generation were not to blame for those errors. In short, the rationale behind Marx's preference for the first over the second and subsequent generations of utopian socialists is based on an understanding of historical development and an associated notion of culpability.

Marx held that the intellectual formation of this first generation took place in a historical context (the cusp of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries) which was sufficiently developed to provoke socialist criticism, but not sufficiently developed for that socialist criticism to escape serious misunderstandings (Cohen 2000: 51). Since neither the material conditions of modern society, nor the historical agent capable of bringing socialism about, were sufficiently developed, this first generation were bound to develop faulty accounts of the nature of, and transition to, socialism. However, that defence-the historical unavoidability of error-is not available to subsequent generations who, despite significantly changed circumstances, hold fast to the original views of their intellectual forerunners. Marx maintains that more recent utopians, unlike the original triumvirate, really ought to know better.

9. Marx's Legacy

At this point, we might be expected briefly to survey Marx's legacy.

That legacy is often elaborated in terms of movements and thinkers. However, so understood, the controversy and scale of that legacy make brevity impossible, and this entry is already long enough. All we can do here is gesture at the history and mention some further reading.

The chronology here might provisionally be divided into three historical periods: from Marx's death until the Russia Revolution (1917); from the Russian Revolution to the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989); and since 1989. It seems hard to say much that is certain about the last of these periods, but some generalisations about the first two might be hazarded.

That first period of "Classical Marxism" can be thought of in two generational waves. The first smaller group of theorists was associated with the Second International, and includes Karl Kautsky (1854-1938) and Plekhanov. The succeeding more activist generation includes Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919), V.I. Lenin (1870-1924) and Leon Trotsky (1879-1940).

The second period is perhaps dominated by "Soviet Marxism" and the critical reaction from other Marxists that it provoked. The repressive bureaucratic regimes which solidified in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe repressed independent theoretical work, including scholarly editorial work on the writings of Marx and Engels. However, they also provoked a critical reaction in the form of a body of thought often called "Western Marxism", usually said to include the work of Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), Theodor Adorno (1903-1969), and Althusser. The later parts of this period saw the continuing development of "Critical Theory", as well as the birth of currents such as "Analytical Marxism" whose longer term impact is uncertain.

These first two periods are both partly covered by the Polish philosopher and historian of ideas, Leszek Kołakowski, in the final two volumes of his encyclopaedic three volume Main Currents of Marxism (1976 [1978]). A succinct critical account of the emergence and distinctive character of Western Marxism is provided by Perry Anderson in his Considerations on Western Marxism (1976). And some of the more philosophically interesting authors in this latter tradition are also covered elsewhere in this Encyclopaedia (see the Related Entries section below). Finally, and edging a little into the third of these historical periods, Christoph Henning offers an account of the (mis) readings of Marx-especially those replacing social theory with moral philosophy-in German philosophy from Heidegger to Habermas and beyond, in his Philosophy After Marx (2014).

However, we might also think of Marx's legacy, less in terms of thinkers and movements, and more in terms of reasons for wanting to study Marx's ideas. In that context, we would stress that this is not simply a question of the truth of his various substantive claims. The work of philosophers is, of course, also valued for the originality, insight, potential, and so on, that it may also contain. And, so judged, Marx's writings have much to offer.

The various strands of Marx's thought surveyed here include his philosophical anthropology, his theory of history, his critical engagement with the economic and political dimensions of capitalism, and a frustratingly vague outline of what might replace it. Whatever the connections between these threads, it seems implausible to suggest that Marx's ideas form a system which has to be swallowed or rejected in its entirety. It might, for instance, be that Marx's diagnosis looks more persuasive than his remedies. Readers may have little confidence in his solutions, but that does not mean that the problems he identifies are not acute.

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Karl Marx was born in 1818, one of nine children. The family lived in the Rhineland region of Prussia, previously under French rule. Both of his parents came from Jewish families with distinguished rabbinical lineages. Marx's father was a lawyer who converted to Christianity when it became necessary for him to do so if he was to continue his legal career.

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Marx "Epitome of History" source excerpt

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Marx "Epitome of History" source excerpt

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Cleisthenes of Athens, Cleisthenes also spelled Clisthenes, (born c. 570 bce-died c. 508), statesman regarded as the founder of Athenian democracy, serving as chief archon (highest magistrate) of Athens (525-524). Cleisthenes successfully allied himself with the popular Assembly against the nobles (508) and imposed democratic reform. Perhaps his most important innovation was the basing of individual political responsibility on citizenship of a place rather than on membership in a clan.

Cleisthenes belonged to the Alcmaeonid family, which had played a leading part in Athenian public life since the early Archaic period, and was the son of Megacles. At the time of Cleisthenes' birth the family was still affected by a public curse incurred by his great-grandfather, also named Megacles. The latter had been chief archon when the Athenian noble Cylon had made an unsuccessful bid to seize the Acropolis and make himself tyrant ( c. 632). Some of Cylon's followers had taken refuge at an altar and did not abandon their sanctuary until they had been promised that their lives would be spared. They were, however, put to death, and Megacles was held responsible. On the advice of Apollo's oracle at Delphi, a curse was pronounced on the Alcmaeonids, who went into exile, but they were back in Athens when the lawgiver Solon was called on to avert civil war in 594. The Alcmaeonids were strong supporters of Solon, and Megacles' son Alcmaeon led an Athenian contingent that fought with Thessaly and the powerful tyrant of Sicyon (also named Cleisthenes), in a so-called Sacred War for the protection of Delphi. It is not surprising that, when the tyrant of Sicyon was looking for a husband for his daughter Agariste ( c. 574), he should have chosen Megacles, son of Alcmaeon. The first son of the marriage was named Cleisthenes after his mother's father.

In the period following Solon's reforms, Attica was unsettled. The old nobility thought that Solon had gone too far and were anxious to reverse the trend; the common people thought that he had not gone far enough. The Alcmaeonids, whom the curse had alienated from the nobility, championed a middle way based on Solon's reforms; but both these parties were outmaneuvered by Peisistratus, a noble with a good military reputation who appealed to the poorer classes and, with their support, seized power in 560. After an unsuccessful attempt to share power with the tyrant, the Alcmaeonids joined the opposition; but, when Peisistratus, having built up his resources during a 10-year exile, defeated his enemies, the Alcmaeonids again had to leave Attica (546). Cleisthenes was then about 25 years old, and for nearly 20 years he could not return. Nothing more is heard of his father, who probably died before Peisistratus. The Alcmaeonids' part in the Sacred War ensured the favour of Delphi; this support was further strengthened by the part played by the family in the rebuilding of Apollo's temple, which had burned down in about 548.

The fragment of an archon list found in the excavation of the Athenian Agora has shown that Cleisthenes was chief archon in 525-524. It is believed that when Peisistratus died in 527, his son and successor, Hippias, tried to win back those nobles who had been most hostile to the tyranny. But the reconciliation did not last. In 512, at a time when Hippias, frightened by the murder of his brother in 514, had become increasingly repressive, the Alcmaeonids tried unsuccessfully with other nobles to fight their way back. They were more successful when they enlisted the help of Delphi. The Spartans were repeatedly urged by Delphi to set Athens free, and it was finally a Spartan army that forced Hippias and his family to leave Attica.

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In the struggle for power that followed the fall of the tyranny, Cleisthenes failed to impose his leadership, and in 508 Isagoras, the leader of the more reactionary nobles, was elected chief archon. It was at this point, according to later tradition, that Cleisthenes took the people into partnership and transformed the situation. Before the year 508-507 was over, the main principles of a complete reform of the system of government had been approved by the popular Assembly, a relative of the Alcmaeonids had been elected chief archon for the following year, Isagoras had left Athens to invoke Spartan intervention, and Sparta had declared for Isagoras. The Spartan king demanded the expulsion of "those under the curse," and Cleisthenes and his relatives were again exiles. The Spartans had no wish to see a democratic Athens, but they misjudged the mood of the people. The attempt to impose Isagoras as the leader of a narrow oligarchy was strongly resisted, and the Spartans had to withdraw. The Athenians now recalled the exiles and carried out the decision that the Assembly had taken in 508.

Cleisthenes had seen that though the tyranny had improved the economic condition of the common people and had, temporarily at least, broken the political power of the noble houses, most of the old families were still looking to the past rather than the future, the full promise of the Solonian reforms could not be realized unless the principle of hereditary privilege was attacked at the roots. He therefore persuaded the people to change the basis of political organization from the family, clan, and phratry (kinship group) to the locality. Public rights and duties should henceforward depend on membership of a deme, or township, which kept its own register of citizens and elected its own officials. The citizen would no longer be known only by his father's name but also or alone by the name of his deme. Ten new local tribes were formed to take the place of the four Ionic blood tribes, and, to make faction building more difficult, Attica was divided into three areas-the city itself and its suburbs, the coastal area, and the inland area; and townships from each of the three areas were included in each tribe, 10 counties, trittyes, being formed in each area for this purpose. Within that grouping steps were probably taken to diminish the local influence of some of the main priestly families. The mixed local tribe became the basis of representation in public office, and the Solonian Council of Four Hundred was increased to 500 (50 from each tribe, with members selected from demes according to their numbers). Isonomia, the principle of equality of rights for all, was one of the proudest boasts of the reformers, and there is no doubt that Cleisthenes' work led to a much wider and more active participation by all persons in public life.

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Cleisthenes of Athens | Biography & Facts

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Cleisthenes of Athens, Cleisthenes also spelled Clisthenes, (born c. 570 bce-died c. 508), statesman regarded as the founder of Athenian democracy, serving as chief archon (highest magistrate) of Athens (525-524). Cleisthenes successfully allied himself with the popular Assembly against the nobles (508) and imposed democratic reform.

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Cleisthenes (Greek Κλεισθένης): Athenian politician, founder of the Athenian democracy.

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Iroquois Confederacy, self-name Haudenosaunee ("People of the Longhouse"), also called Iroquois League, Five Nations, or (from 1722) Six Nations, confederation of five (later six) Indian tribes across upper New York state that during the 17th and 18th centuries played a strategic role in the struggle between the French and British for mastery of North America. The five original Iroquois nations were the Mohawk (self-name: Kanien'kehá:ka ["People of the Flint"]), Oneida (self-name: Onᐱyoteʔa∙ká ["People of the Standing Stone"]), Onondaga (self-name: Onoñda'gega' ["People of the Hills"]), Cayuga (self-name: Gayogo̱hó:nǫ' ["People of the Great Swamp"]), and Seneca (self-name: Onödowa'ga:' ["People of the Great Hill"]). After the Tuscarora (self-name: Skarù∙ręʔ ["People of the Shirt"]) joined in 1722, the confederacy became known to the English as the Six Nations and was recognized as such at Albany, New York (1722). Often characterized as one of the world's oldest participatory democracies, the confederacy has persisted into the 21st century.

The origins and growth of the Iroquois Confederacy

The Peacemaker story of Iroquois tradition credits the formation of the confederacy, between 1570 and 1600, to Dekanawidah (the Peacemaker), born a Huron, who is said to have persuaded Hiawatha, an Onondaga living among Mohawks, to advance "peace, civil authority, righteousness, and the great law" as sanctions for confederation. Cemented mainly by their desire to stand together against invasion, the tribes united in a common council composed of clan and village chiefs; each tribe had one vote, and unanimity was required for decisions. Under the Great Law of Peace (Gayanesshagowa), the joint jurisdiction of 50 peace chiefs, known as sachems, or hodiyahnehsonh, embraced all civil affairs at the intertribal level.

The Iroquois (Haudenosaunee) Confederacy differed from other American Indian confederacies in the northeastern woodlands primarily in being better organized, more consciously defined, and more effective. The Iroquois used elaborately ritualized systems for choosing leaders and making important decisions. They persuaded colonial governments to use these rituals in their joint negotiations, and they fostered a tradition of political sagacity based on ceremonial sanction rather than on the occasional outstanding individual leader. Because the league lacked administrative control, the nations did not always act in unison, but spectacular successes in warfare compensated for this and were possible because of security at home.

During the formative period of the confederacy about 1600, the Five Nations remained concentrated in what is now central and upper New York state, barely holding their own with the neighbouring Huron and Mohican (Mahican), who were supplied with guns through their trade with the Dutch. By 1628, however, the Mohawk had emerged from their secluded woodlands to defeat the Mohican and lay the Hudson River valley tribes and New England tribes under tribute for goods and wampum. The Mohawk traded beaver pelts to the English and Dutch in exchange for firearms, and the resulting depletion of local beaver populations drove the confederacy members to wage war against far-flung tribal enemies in order to procure more supplies of beaver. In the years from 1648 to 1656, the confederacy turned west and dispersed the Huron, Tionontati, Neutral, and Erie tribes. The Andaste succumbed to the confederacy in 1675, and then various eastern Siouan allies of the Andaste were attacked. By the 1750s most of the tribes of the Piedmont had been subdued, incorporated, or destroyed by the league.

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Iroquois Confederacy | Definition, Significance, History, & Facts

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Iroquois Confederacy (or Haudenosaunee Confederacy), confederation of five (later six) Indian tribes across upper New York state that participated in the struggle between the French and British in North America. The Iroquois nations are the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, and Tuscarora.

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The 6 Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy

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The Iroquois Confederacy of upper New York state and southeastern Canada is often characterized as the world's oldest participatory democracy. Learn more about the Native American peoples who made up this influential body.

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Iroquois Museum Virtual Tour: Formation of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy Told by David Fadden

The Iroquois Museum uses contemporary Iroquois/Haudenosaunee art as a window into understanding Iroquois culture, history, and traditions.

How to Explore the Tour (Tour is best viewed full screen and optimally on a desktop or laptop.)

Use the navigation bar above at the bottom of the photo to discover all parts of the 360-degree tour. Click the green icons to learn about the art and the blue video icons to learn about the Confederacy.

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Iroquois Museum Virtual Tour: Formation of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy Told by David Fadden The Iroquois Museum uses contemporary Iroquois/Haudenosaunee art as a window into understanding Iroquois culture, history, and traditions. How to Explore the Tour (Tour is best viewed full screen and optimally on a desktop or laptop.)

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Modern History Sourcebook:
The Constitution of the Iroquois Confederacy

ABOUT THE IROQUOIS CONSTITUTION:

During the bi-centennial year of The Constitution of the United States, a number of books were written concerning the origin of that long-revered document. One of these, The Genius of the People, alleged that after the many weeks of debate a committee sat to combine the many agreements into one formal document. The chairman of the committee was John Rutledge of South Carolina. He had served in an earlier time, along with Ben Franklin and others, at the Stamp Act Congress, held in Albany, New York. This Committee of Detail was having trouble deciding just how to formalize the many items of discussion into one document that would satisfy one and all. Rutledge proposed they model the new government they were forming into something along the lines of the Iroquois League of Nations, which had been functioning as a democratic government for hundreds of years, and which he had observed in Albany. While there were many desirable, as well as undesirable, models from ancient and modern histories in Europe and what we know now as the Middle East, only the Iroquois had a system that seemed to meet most of the demands espoused by the many parties to the debates. The Genius of the People alleged that the Iroquois had a Constitution which began: "We the people, to form a union. . ."

That one sentence was enough to light a fire under me, and cause me to do some deep research into ancient Iroquoian lore. I never did find that one sentence backed up in what writings there are concerning the ancient Iroquois. But I DID find sufficient data and evidence to convince me that the Iroquois most certainly did have a considerable influence on the drafting of our own Constitution, and we present-day Americans owe them a very large debt. At the time of the founding of the Iroquois League of Nations, no written language existed; we have only the early stories which were passed down from generation to generation, until such time as there was a written language, and interpreters available, to record that early history. One such document is listed below.

There are several other documents now available in various places which refer to the original founding of the Iroquois, and they seem to substantiate this document as probably truthful and accurate. This version was prepared by Arthur C. Parker, Archeologist of the State Museum in New York in 1915, and published by the University of the State of New York as Bulletin 184 on April 1, 1916. It is entitled: The Constitution of the Five Nations - or - The Iroquois Book of the Great Law. In it, you will find close parallels to our Executive, Legislative and Judiciary branches of government as originally described in our U. S. Constitution.

You will find it very difficult to keep in mind that it survives after some 500 or 600 years, and was originated by people that our ancestors mistakenly considered as "savages". Some sources place the origin of the Five Nation Confederacy as early as 1390 AD, but others insist it was prepared about 1450-1500 AD; in any case, it was well before any possible contamination by European invaders. Early explorers and colonists found the Iroquois well established, as they had been for many generations: with a democratic government; with a form of religion that acknowledged a Creator in heaven; with a strong sense of family which was based on, and controlled by, their women; and many other surprises you will soon discover.

It must also be pointed out that this document refers to to the "Five" Nations, while other references to the Confederacy speak of the "Six" nations. From the inception, there were the Five Nations discussed in this Constitution. In about 1715, the Tuscarora Nation, once part of the Iroquois peoples in a much earlier period of their history, moved up from North Carolina to avoid warfare with the invading white settlers, and were adopted into the Confederacy. At this point in time, the Iroquois controlled many parts of our now eastern states from their homelands in what is now New York state. The original Five Nations were:

Mohawk: People Possessors of the Flint

Onondaga: People on the Hills

Seneca: Great Hill People

Oneida: Granite People

Cayuga: People at the Mucky Land

Tuscarora: Shirt Wearing People became the Sixth Nation.

The founder of the Confederacy of the Five Nations is generally acknowledged to be Dekanawida, born near the Bay of Quinte, in southeastern Ontario, Canada. During his travels, he associated himself with a Mohawk tribal lord in what is now New York, and named him Hahyonhwatha (Hiawatha) (He who has misplaced something, but knows where to find it). Hiawatha left his family and friends, and joined Dekanawida in his travels, becoming his chief spokesman. One legend has it that Dekanawida, while brilliant, had a speech impediment, and depended on Hiawatha to do his public speaking for him. Together, they traveled the length and breadth of the lands on the south shores of Lakes Erie and Ontario, as well as the river to the sea, now known as the St. Lawrence. These were the homelands of tribes with a common heritage, but who had been warring with one another for many years. Dekanawida united them into a League of Nations that we now call the Iroquois League. Centuries later, Longfellow "borrowed" the name of Hiawatha to be his hero in a fictional legend; there is no other connection between the two Hiawathas nor their stories.

Here is their original Constitution, as best it can be reconstructed from legend and spoken history. Read it and be amazed...keep in mind it is over 500 years old!

Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa300) Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN).

Permission is hereby granted to download, reprint, and/or otherwise redistribute this file, provided appropriate point of origin credit is given to the preparer(s) and the National Public Telecomputing Network.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE IROQUOIS NATIONS:
THE GREAT BINDING LAW, GAYANASHAGOWA

1. I am Dekanawidah and with the Five Nations' Confederate Lords I plant the Tree of Great Peace. I plant it in your territory, Adodarhoh, and the Onondaga Nation, in the territory of you who are Firekeepers. I name the tree the Tree of the Great Long Leaves. Under the shade of this Tree of the Great Peace we spread the soft white feathery down of the globe thistle as seats for you, Adodarhoh, and your cousin Lords. We place you upon those seats, spread soft with the feathery down of the globe thistle, there beneath the shade of the spreading branches of the Tree of Peace. There shall you sit and watch the Council Fire of the Confederacy of the Five Nations, and all the affairs of the Five Nations shall be transacted at this place before you, Adodarhoh, and your cousin Lords, by the Confederate Lords of the Five Nations.

2. Roots have spread out from the Tree of the Great Peace, one to the north, one to the east, one to the south and one to the west. The name of these roots is The Great White Roots and their nature is Peace and Strength. If any man or any nation outside the Five Nations shall obey the laws of the Great Peace and make known their disposition to the Lords of the Confederacy, they may trace the Roots to the Tree and if their minds are clean and they are obedient and promise to obey the wishes of the Confederate Council, they shall be welcomed to take shelter beneath the Tree of the Long Leaves. We place at the top of the Tree of the Long Leaves an Eagle who is able to see afar. If he sees in the distance any evil approaching or any danger threatening he will at once warn the people of the Confederacy.

3. To you Adodarhoh, the Onondaga cousin Lords, I and the other Confederate Lords have entrusted the caretaking and the watching of the Five Nations Council Fire. When there is any business to be transacted and the Confederate Council is not in session, a messenger shall be dispatched either to Adodarhoh, Hononwirehtonh or Skanawatih, Fire Keepers, or to their War Chiefs with a full statement of the case desired to be considered. Then shall Adodarhoh call his cousin (associate) Lords together and consider whether or not the case is of sufficient importance to demand the attention of the Confederate Council. If so, Adodarhoh shall dispatch messengers to summon all the Confederate Lords to assemble beneath the Tree of the Long Leaves.

When the Lords are assembled the Council Fire shall be kindled, but not with chestnut wood, and Adodarhoh shall formally open the Council. [ ed note: chestnut wood throws out sparks in burning, thereby creating a disturbance in the council ] Then shall Adodarhoh and his cousin Lords, the Fire Keepers, announce the subject for discussion. The Smoke of the Confederate Council Fire shall ever ascend and pierce the sky so that other nations who may be allies may see the Council Fire of the Great Peace. Adodarhoh and his cousin Lords are entrusted with the Keeping of the Council Fire.

4. You, Adodarhoh, and your thirteen cousin Lords, shall faithfully keep the space about the Council Fire clean and you shall allow neither dust nor dirt to accumulate. I lay a Long Wing before you as a broom. As a weapon against a crawling creature I lay a staff with you so that you may thrust it away from the Council Fire. If you fail to cast it out then call the rest of the United Lords to your aid.

5. The Council of the Mohawk shall be divided into three parties as follows: Tekarihoken, Ayonhwhathah and Shadekariwade are the first party; Sharenhowaneh, Deyoenhegwenh and Oghrenghrehgowah are the second party, and Dehennakrineh, Aghstawenserenthah and Shoskoharowaneh are the third party. The third party is to listen only to the discussion of the first and second parties and if an error is made or the proceeding is irregular they are to call attention to it, and when the case is right and properly decided by the two parties they shall confirm the decision of the two parties and refer the case to the Seneca Lords for their decision. When the Seneca Lords have decided in accord with the Mohawk Lords, the case or question shall be referred to the Cayuga and Oneida Lords on the opposite side of the house.

6. I, Dekanawidah, appoint the Mohawk Lords the heads and the leaders of the Five Nations Confederacy. The Mohawk Lords are the foundation of the Great Peace and it shall, therefore, be against the Great Binding Law to pass measures in the Confederate Council after the Mohawk Lords have protested against them. No council of the Confederate Lords shall be legal unless all the Mohawk Lords are present.

7. Whenever the Confederate Lords shall assemble for the purpose of holding a council, the Onondaga Lords shall open it by expressing their gratitude to their cousin Lords and greeting them, and they shall make an address and offer thanks to the earth where men dwell, to the streams of water, the pools, the springs and the lakes, to the maize and the fruits, to the medicinal herbs and trees, to the forest trees for their usefulness, to the animals that serve as food and give their pelts for clothing, to the great winds and the lesser winds, to the Thunderers, to the Sun, the mighty warrior, to the moon, to the messengers of the Creator who reveal his wishes and to the Great Creator who dwells in the heavens above, who gives all the things useful to men, and who is the source and the ruler of health and life. Then shall the Onondaga Lords declare the council open. The council shall not sit after darkness has set in.

8. The Firekeepers shall formally open and close all councils of the Confederate Lords, and they shall pass upon all matters deliberated upon by the two sides and render their decision. Every Onondaga Lord (or his deputy) must be present at every Confederate Council and must agree with the majority without unwarrantable dissent, so that a unanimous decision may be rendered. If Adodarhoh or any of his cousin Lords are absent from a Confederate Council, any other Firekeeper may open and close the Council, but the Firekeepers present may not give any decisions, unless the matter is of small importance.

9. All the business of the Five Nations Confederate Council shall be conducted by the two combined bodies of Confederate Lords. First the question shall be passed upon by the Mohawk and Seneca Lords, then it shall be discussed and passed by the Oneida and Cayuga Lords. Their decisions shall then be referred to the Onondaga Lords, (Fire Keepers) for final judgement. The same process shall obtain when a question is brought before the council by an individual or a War Chief.

10. In all cases the procedure must be as follows: when the Mohawk and Seneca Lords have unanimously agreed upon a question, they shall report their decision to the Cayuga and Oneida Lords who shall deliberate upon the question and report a unanimous decision to the Mohawk Lords. The Mohawk Lords will then report the standing of the case to the Firekeepers, who shall render a decision as they see fit in case of a disagreement by the two bodies, or confirm the decisions of the two bodies if they are identical. The Fire Keepers shall then report their decision to the Mohawk Lords who shall announce it to the open council.

11. If through any misunderstanding or obstinacy on the part of the Fire Keepers, they render a decision at variance with that of the Two Sides, the Two Sides shall reconsider the matter and if their decisions are jointly the same as before they shall report to the Fire Keepers who are then compelled to confirm their joint decision.

12. When a case comes before the Onondaga Lords (Fire Keepers) for discussion and decsion, Adodarho shall introduce the matter to his comrade Lords who shall then discuss it in their two bodies. Every Onondaga Lord except Hononwiretonh shall deliberate and he shall listen only. When a unanimous decision shall have been reached by the two bodies of Fire Keepers, Adodarho shall notify Hononwiretonh of the fact when he shall confirm it. He shall refuse to confirm a decision if it is not unanimously agreed upon by both sides of the Fire Keepers.

13. No Lord shall ask a question of the body of Confederate Lords when they are discussing a case, question or proposition. He may only deliberate in a low tone with the separate body of which he is a member.

14. When the Council of the Five Nation Lords shall convene they shall appoint a speaker for the day. He shall be a Lord of either the Mohawk, Onondaga or Seneca Nation. The next day the Council shall appoint another speaker, but the first speaker may be reappointed if there is no objection, but a speaker's term shall not be regarded more than for the day.

15. No individual or foreign nation interested in a case, question or proposition shall have any voice in the Confederate Council except to answer a question put to him or them by the speaker for the Lords.

16. If the conditions which shall arise at any future time call for an addition to or change of this law, the case shall be carefully considered and if a new beam seems necessary or beneficial, the proposed change shall be voted upon and if adopted it shall be called, "Added to the Rafters".

Rights, Duties and Qualifications of Lords

17. A bunch of a certain number of shell (wampum) strings each two spans in length shall be given to each of the female families in which the Lordship titles are vested. The right of bestowing the title shall be hereditary in the family of the females legally possessing the bunch of shell strings and the strings shall be the token that the females of the family have the proprietary right to the Lordship title for all time to come, subject to certain restrictions hereinafter mentioned.

18. If any Confederate Lord neglects or refuses to attend the Confederate Council, the other Lords of the Nation of which he is a member shall require their War Chief to request the female sponsors of the Lord so guilty of defection to demand his attendance of the Council. If he refuses, the women holding the title shall immediately select another candidate for the title. No Lord shall be asked more than once to attend the Confederate Council.

19. If at any time it shall be manifest that a Confederate Lord has not in mind the welfare of the people or disobeys the rules of this Great Law, the men or women of the Confederacy, or both jointly, shall come to the Council and upbraid the erring Lord through his War Chief. If the complaint of the people through the War Chief is not heeded the first time it shall be uttered again and then if no attention is given a third complaint and warning shall be given. If the Lord is contumacious the matter shall go to the council of War Chiefs. The War Chiefs shall then divest the erring Lord of his title by order of the women in whom the titleship is vested. When the Lord is deposed the women shall notify the Confederate Lords through their War Chief, and the Confederate Lords shall sanction the act. The women will then select another of their sons as a candidate and the Lords shall elect him. Then shall the chosen one be installed by the Installation Ceremony. When a Lord is to be deposed, his War Chief shall address him as follows:

"So you, __________, disregard and set at naught the warnings of your women relatives. So you fling the warnings over your shoulder to cast them behind you. "Behold the brightness of the Sun and in the brightness of the Sun's light I depose you of your title and remove the sacred emblem of your Lordship title. I remove from your brow the deer's antlers, which was the emblem of your position and token of your nobility. I now depose you and return the antlers to the women whose heritage they are."

The War Chief shall now address the women of the deposed Lord and say:

"Mothers, as I have now deposed your Lord, I now return to you the emblem and the title of Lordship, therefore repossess them."

Again addressing himself to the deposed Lord he shall say:

"As I have now deposed and discharged you so you are now no longer Lord. You shall now go your way alone, the rest of the people of the Confederacy will not go with you, for we know not the kind of mind that possesses you. As the Creator has nothing to do with wrong so he will not come to rescue you from the precipice of destruction in which you have cast yourself. You shall never be restored to the position which you once occupied."

Then shall the War Chief address himself to the Lords of the Nation to which the deposed Lord belongs and say:

"Know you, my Lords, that I have taken the deer's antlers from the brow of ___________, the emblem of his position and token of his greatness."

The Lords of the Confederacy shall then have no other alternative than to sanction the discharge of the offending Lord.

20. If a Lord of the Confederacy of the Five Nations should commit murder the other Lords of the Nation shall assemble at the place where the corpse lies and prepare to depose the criminal Lord. If it is impossible to meet at the scene of the crime the Lords shall discuss the matter at the next Council of their Nation and request their War Chief to depose the Lord guilty of crime, to "bury" his women relatives and to transfer the Lordship title to a sister family. The War Chief shall address the Lord guilty of murder and say:

"So you, __________ (giving his name) did kill __________ (naming the slain man), with your own hands! You have comitted a grave sin in the eyes of the Creator. Behold the bright light of the Sun, and in the brightness of the Sun's light I depose you of your title and remove the horns, the sacred emblems of your Lordship title. I remove from your brow the deer's antlers, which was the emblem of your position and token of your nobility. I now depose you and expel you and you shall depart at once from the territory of the Five Nations Confederacy and nevermore return again. We, the Five Nations Confederacy, moreover, bury your women relatives because the ancient Lordship title was never intended to have any union with bloodshed. Henceforth it shall not be their heritage. By the evil deed that you have done they have forfeited it forever.."

The War Chief shall then hand the title to a sister family and he shall address it and say:

"Our mothers, ____________, listen attentively while I address you on a solemn and important subject. I hereby transfer to you an ancient Lordship title for a great calamity has befallen it in the hands of the family of a former Lord. We trust that you, our mothers, will always guard it, and that you will warn your Lord always to be dutiful and to advise his people to ever live in love, poeace and harmony that a great calamity may never happen again."

21. Certain physical defects in a Confederate Lord make him ineligible to sit in the Confederate Council. Such defects are infancy, idiocy, blindness, deafness, dumbness and impotency. When a Confederate Lord is restricted by any of these condition, a deputy shall be appointed by his sponsors to act for him, but in case of extreme necessity the restricted Lord may exercise his rights.

22. If a Confederate Lord desires to resign his title he shall notify the Lords of the Nation of which he is a member of his intention. If his coactive Lords refuse to accept his resignation he may not resign his title. A Lord in proposing to resign may recommend any proper candidate which recommendation shall be received by the Lords, but unless confirmed and nominated by the women who hold the title the candidate so named shall not be considered.

23. Any Lord of the Five Nations Confederacy may construct shell strings (or wampum belts) of any size or length as pledges or records of matters of national or international importance. When it is necessary to dispatch a shell string by a War Chief or other messenger as the token of a summons, the messenger shall recite the contents of the string to the party to whom it is sent. That party shall repeat the message and return the shell string and if there has been a sumons he shall make ready for the journey. Any of the people of the Five Nations may use shells (or wampum) as the record of a pledge, contract or an agreement entered into and the same shall be binding as soon as shell strings shall have been exchanged by both parties.

24. The Lords of the Confederacy of the Five Nations shall be mentors of the people for all time. The thickness of their skin shall be seven spans -- which is to say that they shall be proof against anger, offensive actions and criticism. Their hearts shall be full of peace and good will and their minds filled with a yearning for the welfare of the people of the Confederacy. With endless patience they shall carry out their duty and their firmness shall be tempered with a tenderness for their people. Neither anger nor fury shall find lodgement in their minds and all their words and actions shall be marked by calm deliberation.

25. If a Lord of the Confederacy should seek to establish any authority independent of the jurisdiction of the Confederacy of the Great Peace, which is the Five Nations, he shall be warned three times in open council, first by the women relatives, second by the men relatives and finally by the Lords of the Confederacy of the Nation to which he belongs. If the offending Lord is still obdurate he shall be dismissed by the War Chief of his nation for refusing to conform to the laws of the Great Peace. His nation shall then install the candidate nominated by the female name holders of his family.

26. It shall be the duty of all of the Five Nations Confederate Lords, from time to time as occasion demands, to act as mentors and spiritual guides of their people and remind them of their Creator's will and words. They shall say:

"Hearken, that peace may continue unto future days! "Always listen to the words of the Great Creator, for he has spoken. "United people, let not evil find lodging in your minds. "For the Great Creator has spoken and the cause of Peace shall not become old. "The cause of peace shall not die if you remember the Great Creator."

Every Confederate Lord shall speak words such as these to promote peace.

27. All Lords of the Five Nations Confederacy must be honest in all things. They must not idle or gossip, but be men possessing those honorable qualities that make true royaneh. It shall be a serious wrong for anyone to lead a Lord into trivial affairs, for the people must ever hold their Lords high in estimation out of respect to their honorable positions.

28. When a candidate Lord is to be installed he shall furnish four strings of shells (or wampum) one span in length bound together at one end. Such will constitute the evidence of his pledge to the Confederate Lords that he will live according to the constitution of the Great Peace and exercise justice in all affairs. When the pledge is furnished the Speaker of the Council must hold the shell strings in his hand and address the opposite side of the Council Fire and he shall commence his address saying: "Now behold him. He has now become a Confederate Lord. See how splendid he looks." An address may then follow. At the end of it he shall send the bunch of shell strings to the oposite side and they shall be received as evidence of the pledge. Then shall the opposite side say: "We now do crown you with the sacred emblem of the deer's antlers, the emblem of your Lordship. You shall now become a mentor of the people of the Five Nations. The thickness of your skin shall be seven spans -- which is to say that you shall be proof against anger, offensive actions and criticism. Your heart shall be filled with peace and good will and your mind filled with a yearning for the welfare of the people of the Confederacy. With endless patience you shall carry out your duty and your firmness shall be tempered with tenderness for your people. Neither anger nor fury shall find lodgement in your mind and all your words and actions shall be marked with calm deliberation. In all of your deliberations in the Confederate Council, in your efforts at law making, in all your official acts, self interest shall be cast into oblivion. Cast not over your shoulder behind you the warnings of the nephews and nieces should they chide you for any error or wrong you may do, but return to the way of the Great Law which is just and right. Look and listen for the welfare of the whole people and have always in view not only the present but also the coming generations, even those whose faces are yet beneath the surface of the ground -- the unborn of the future Nation."

29. When a Lordship title is to be conferred, the candidate Lord shall furnish the cooked venison, the corn bread and the corn soup, together with other necessary things and the labor for the Conferring of Titles Festival.

30. The Lords of the Confederacy may confer the Lordship title upon a candidate whenever the Great Law is recited, if there be a candidate, for the Great Law speaks all the rules.

31. If a Lord of the Confederacy should become seriously ill and be thought near death, the women who are heirs of his title shall go to his house and lift his crown of deer antlers, the emblem of his Lordship, and place them at one side. If the Creator spares him and he rises from his bed of sickness he may rise with the antlers on his brow. The following words shall be used to temporarily remove the antlers:

"Now our comrade Lord (or our relative Lord) the time has come when we must approach you in your illness. We remove for a time the deer's antlers from your brow, we remove the emblem of your Lordship title. The Great Law has decreed that no Lord should end his life with the antlers on his brow. We therefore lay them aside in the room. If the Creator spares you and you recover from your illness you shall rise from your bed with the antlers on your brow as before and you shall resume your duties as Lord of the Confederacy and you may labor again for the Confederate people."

32. If a Lord of the Confederacy should die while the Council of the Five Nations is in session the Council shall adjourn for ten days. No Confederate Council shall sit within ten days of the death of a Lord of the Confederacy. If the Three Brothers (the Mohawk, the Onondaga and the Seneca) should lose one of their Lords by death, the Younger Brothers (the Oneida and the Cayuga) shall come to the surviving Lords of the Three Brothers on the tenth day and console them. If the Younger Brothers lose one of their Lords then the Three Brothers shall come to them and console them. And the consolation shall be the reading of the contents of the thirteen shell (wampum) strings of Ayonhwhathah. At the termination of this rite a successor shall be appointed, to be appointed by the women heirs of the Lordship title. If the women are not yet ready to place their nominee before the Lords the Speaker shall say, "Come let us go out." All shall leave the Council or the place of gathering. The installation shall then wait until such a time as the women are ready. The Speaker shall lead the way from the house by saying, "Let us depart to the edge of the woods and lie in waiting on our bellies." When the women title holders shall have chosen one of their sons the Confederate Lords will assemble in two places, the Younger Brothers in one place and the Three Older Brothers in another. The Lords who are to console the mourning Lords shall choose one of their number to sing the Pacification Hymn as they journey to the sorrowing Lords. The singer shall lead the way and the Lords and the people shall follow. When they reach the sorrowing Lords they shall hail the candidate Lord and perform the rite of Conferring the Lordship Title.

33. When a Confederate Lord dies, the surviving relatives shall immediately dispatch a messenger, a member of another clan, to the Lords in another locality. When the runner comes within hailing distance of the locality he shall utter a sad wail, thus: "Kwa-ah, Kwa-ah, Kwa-ah!" The sound shall be repeated three times and then again and again at intervals as many times as the distance may require. When the runner arrives at the settlement the people shall assemble and one must ask him the nature of his sad message. He shall then say, "Let us consider." Then he shall tell them of the death of the Lord. He shall deliver to them a string of shells (wampum) and say "Here is the testimony, you have heard the message." He may then return home. It now becomes the duty of the Lords of the locality to send runners to other localities and each locality shall send other messengers until all Lords are notified. Runners shall travel day and night.

34. If a Lord dies and there is no candidate qualified for the office in the family of the women title holders, the Lords of the Nation shall give the title into the hands of a sister family in the clan until such a time as the original family produces a candidate, when the title shall be restored to the rightful owners. No Lordship title may be carried into the grave. The Lords of the Confederacy may dispossess a dead Lord of his title even at the grave.

Election of Pine Tree Chiefs

35. Should any man of the Nation assist with special ability or show great interest in the affairs of the Nation, if he proves himself wise, honest and worthy of confidence, the Confederate Lords may elect him to a seat with them and he may sit in the Confederate Council. He shall be proclaimed a 'Pine Tree sprung up for the Nation' and shall be installed as such at the next assembly for the installation of Lords. Should he ever do anything contrary to the rules of the Great Peace, he may not be deposed from office -- no one shall cut him down -- but thereafter everyone shall be deaf to his voice and his advice. Should he resign his seat and title no one shall prevent him. A Pine Tree chief has no authority to name a successor nor is his title hereditary.

Names, Duties and Rights of War Chiefs

36. The title names of the Chief Confederate Lords' War Chiefs shall be:

Ayonwaehs, War Chief under Lord Takarihoken (Mohawk) Kahonwahdironh, War Chief under Lord Odatshedeh (Oneida) Ayendes, War Chief under Lord Adodarhoh (Onondaga) Wenenhs, War Chief under Lord Dekaenyonh (Cayuga) Shoneradowaneh, War Chief under Lord Skanyadariyo (Seneca)

The women heirs of each head Lord's title shall be the heirs of the War Chief's title of their respective Lord. The War Chiefs shall be selected from the eligible sons of the female families holding the head Lordship titles.

37. There shall be one War Chief for each Nation and their duties shall be to carry messages for their Lords and to take up the arms of war in case of emergency. They shall not participate in the proceedings of the Confederate Council but shall watch its progress and in case of an erroneous action by a Lord they shall receive the complaints of the people and convey the warnings of the women to him. The people who wish to convey messages to the Lords in the Confederate Council shall do so through the War Chief of their Nation. It shall ever be his duty to lay the cases, questions and propositions of the people before the Confederate Council.

38. When a War Chief dies another shall be installed by the same rite as that by which a Lord is installed.

39. If a War Chief acts contrary to instructions or against the provisions of the Laws of the Great Peace, doing so in the capacity of his office, he shall be deposed by his women relatives and by his men relatives. Either the women or the men alone or jointly may act in such a case. The women title holders shall then choose another candidate.

40. When the Lords of the Confederacy take occasion to dispatch a messenger in behalf of the Confederate Council, they shall wrap up any matter they may send and instruct the messenger to remember his errand, to turn not aside but to proceed faithfully to his destination and deliver his message according to every instruction.

41. If a message borne by a runner is the warning of an invasion he shall whoop, "Kwa-ah, Kwa-ah," twice and repeat at short intervals; then again at a longer interval. If a human being is found dead, the finder shall not touch the body but return home immediately shouting at short intervals, "Koo-weh!"

Clans and Consanguinity

42. Among the Five Nations and their posterity there shall be the following original clans: Great Name Bearer, Ancient Name Bearer, Great Bear, Ancient Bear, Turtle, Painted Turtle, Standing Rock, Large Plover, Deer, Pigeon Hawk, Eel, Ball, Opposite-Side-of-the-Hand, and Wild Potatoes. These clans distributed through their respective Nations, shall be the sole owners and holders of the soil of the country and in them is it vested as a birthright.

43. People of the Five Nations members of a certain clan shall recognize every other member of that clan, irrespective of the Nation, as relatives. Men and women, therefore, members of the same clan are forbidden to marry.

44. The lineal descent of the people of the Five Nations shall run in the female line. Women shall be considered the progenitors of the Nation. They shall own the land and the soil. Men and women shall follow the status of the mother.

45. The women heirs of the Confederated Lordship titles shall be called Royaneh (Noble) for all time to come.

46. The women of the Forty Eight (now fifty) Royaneh families shall be the heirs of the Authorized Names for all time to come. When an infant of the Five Nations is given an Authorized Name at the Midwinter Festival or at the Ripe Corn Festival, one in the cousinhood of which the infant is a member shall be appointed a speaker. He shall then announce to the opposite cousinhood the names of the father and the mother of the child together with the clan of the mother. Then the speaker shall announce the child's name twice. The uncle of the child shall then take the child in his arms and walking up and down the room shall sing: "My head is firm, I am of the Confederacy." As he sings the opposite cousinhood shall respond by chanting, "Hyenh, Hyenh, Hyenh, Hyenh," until the song is ended.

47. If the female heirs of a Confederate Lord's title become extinct, the title right shall be given by the Lords of the Confederacy to the sister family whom they shall elect and that family shall hold the name and transmit it to their (female) heirs, but they shall not appoint any of their sons as a candidate for a title until all the eligible men of the former family shall have died or otherwise have become ineligible.

48. If all the heirs of a Lordship title become extinct, and all the families in the clan, then the title shall be given by the Lords of the Confederacy to the family in a sister clan whom they shall elect.

49. If any of the Royaneh women, heirs of a titleship, shall wilfully withhold a Lordship or other title and refuse to bestow it, or if such heirs abandon, forsake or despise their heritage, then shall such women be deemed buried and their family extinct. The titleship shall then revert to a sister family or clan upon application and complaint. The Lords of the Confederacy shall elect the family or clan which shall in future hold the title.

50. The Royaneh women of the Confederacy heirs of the Lordship titles shall elect two women of their family as cooks for the Lord when the people shall assemble at his house for business or other purposes. It is not good nor honorable for a Confederate Lord to allow his people whom he has called to go hungry.

51. When a Lord holds a conference in his home, his wife, if she wishes, may prepare the food for the Union Lords who assemble with him. This is an honorable right which she may exercise and an expression of her esteem.

52. The Royaneh women, heirs of the Lordship titles, shall, should it be necessary, correct and admonish the holders of their titles. Those only who attend the Council may do this and those who do not shall not object to what has been said nor strive to undo the action.

53. When the Royaneh women, holders of a Lordship title, select one of their sons as a candidate, they shall select one who is trustworthy, of good character, of honest disposition, one who manages his own affairs, supports his own family, if any, and who has proven a faithful man to his Nation.

54. When a Lordship title becomes vacant through death or other cause, the Royaneh women of the clan in which the title is hereditary shall hold a council and shall choose one from among their sons to fill the office made vacant. Such a candidate shall not be the father of any Confederate Lord. If the choice is unanimous the name is referred to the men relatives of the clan. If they should disapprove it shall be their duty to select a candidate from among their own number. If then the men and women are unable to decide which of the two candidates shall be named, then the matter shall be referred to the Confederate Lords in the Clan. They shall decide which candidate shall be named. If the men and the women agree to a candidate his name shall be referred to the sister clans for confirmation. If the sister clans confirm the choice, they shall refer their action to their Confederate Lords who shall ratify the choice and present it to their cousin Lords, and if the cousin Lords confirm the name then the candidate shall be installed by the proper ceremony for the conferring of Lordship titles.

Official Symbolism

55. A large bunch of shell strings, in the making of which the Five Nations Confederate Lords have equally contributed, shall symbolize the completeness of the union and certify the pledge of the nations represented by the Confederate Lords of the Mohawk, the Oneida, the Onondaga, the Cayuga and the Senecca, that all are united and formed into one body or union called the Union of the Great Law, which they have established. A bunch of shell strings is to be the symbol of the council fire of the Five Nations Confederacy. And the Lord whom the council of Fire Keepers shall appoint to speak for them in opening the council shall hold the strands of shells in his hands when speaking. When he finishes speaking he shall deposit the strings on an elevated place (or pole) so that all the assembled Lords and the people may see it and know that the council is open and in progress. When the council adjourns the Lord who has been appointed by his comrade Lords to close it shall take the strands of shells in his hands and address the assembled Lords. Thus will the council adjourn until such time and place as appointed by the council. Then shall the shell strings be placed in a place for safekeeping. Every five years the Five Nations Confederate Lords and the people shall assemble together and shall ask one another if their minds are still in the same spirit of unity for the Great Binding Law and if any of the Five Nations shall not pledge continuance and steadfastness to the pledge of unity then the Great Binding Law shall dissolve.

56. Five strings of shell tied together as one shall represent the Five Nations. Each string shall represent one territory and the whole a completely united territory known as the Five Nations Confederate territory.

57. Five arrows shall be bound together very strong and each arrow shall represent one nation. As the five arrows are strongly bound this shall symbolize the complete union of the nations. Thus are the Five Nations united completely and enfolded together, united into one head, one body and one mind. Therefore they shall labor, legislate and council together for the interest of future generations. The Lords of the Confederacy shall eat together from one bowl the feast of cooked beaver's tail. While they are eating they are to use no sharp utensils for if they should they might accidentally cut one another and bloodshed would follow. All measures must be taken to prevent the spilling of blood in any way.

58. There are now the Five Nations Confederate Lords standing with joined hands in a circle. This signifies and provides that should any one of the Confederate Lords leave the council and this Confederacy his crown of deer's horns, the emblem of his Lordship title, together with his birthright, shall lodge on the arms of the Union Lords whose hands are so joined. He forfeits his title and the crown falls from his brow but it shall remain in the Confederacy. A further meaning of this is that if any time any one of the Confederate Lords choose to submit to the law of a foreign people he is no longer in but out of the Confederacy, and persons of this class shall be called "They have alienated themselves." Likewise such persons who submit to laws of foreign nations shall forfeit all birthrights and claims on the Five Nations Confederacy and territory. You, the Five Nations Confederate Lords, be firm so that if a tree falls on your joined arms it shall not separate or weaken your hold. So shall the strength of the union be preserved.

59. A bunch of wampum shells on strings, three spans of the hand in length, the upper half of the bunch being white and the lower half black, and formed from equal contributions of the men of the Five Nations, shall be a token that the men have combined themselves into one head, one body and one thought, and it shall also symbolize their ratification of the peace pact of the Confederacy, whereby the Lords of the Five Nations have established the Great Peace. The white portion of the shell strings represent the women and the black portion the men. The black portion, furthermore, is a token of power and authority vested in the men of the Five Nations. This string of wampum vests the people with the right to correct their erring Lords. In case a part or all the Lords pursue a course not vouched for by the people and heed not the third warning of their women relatives, then the matter shall be taken to the General Council of the women of the Five Nations. If the Lords notified and warned three times fail to heed, then the case falls into the hands of the men of the Five Nations. The War Chiefs shall then, by right of such power and authority, enter the open concil to warn the Lord or Lords to return from the wrong course. If the Lords heed the warning they shall say, "we will reply tomorrow." If then an answer is returned in favor of justice and in accord with this Great Law, then the Lords shall individualy pledge themselves again by again furnishing the necessary shells for the pledge. Then shall the War Chief or Chiefs exhort the Lords urging them to be just and true. Should it happen that the Lords refuse to heed the third warning, then two courses are open: either the men may decide in their council to depose the Lord or Lords or to club them to death with war clubs. Should they in their council decide to take the first course the War Chief shall address the Lord or Lords, saying: "Since you the Lords of the Five Nations have refused to return to the procedure of the Constitution, we now declare your seats vacant, we take off your horns, the token of your Lordship, and others shall be chosen and installed in your seats, therefore vacate your seats." Should the men in their council adopt the second course, the War Chief shall order his men to enter the council, to take positions beside the Lords, sitting bewteen them wherever possible. When this is accomplished the War Chief holding in his outstretched hand a bunch of black wampum strings shall say to the erring Lords: "So now, Lords of the Five United Nations, harken to these last words from your men. You have not heeded the warnings of the women relatives, you have not heeded the warnings of the General Council of women and you have not heeded the warnings of the men of the nations, all urging you to return to the right course of action. Since you are determined to resist and to withhold justice from your people there is only one course for us to adopt." At this point the War Chief shall let drop the bunch of black wampum and the men shall spring to their feet and club the erring Lords to death. Any erring Lord may submit before the War Chief lets fall the black wampum. Then his execution is withheld. The black wampum here used symbolizes that the power to execute is buried but that it may be raised up again by the men. It is buried but when occasion arises they may pull it up and derive their power and authority to act as here described.

60. A broad dark belt of wampum of thirty-eight rows, having a white heart in the center, on either side of which are two white squares all connected with the heart by white rows of beads shall be the emblem of the unity of the Five Nations. [ ed note: This is the Hiawatha Belt, now in the Congressional Library. ] The first of the squares on the left represents the Mohawk nation and its territory; the second square on the left and the one near the heart, represents the Oneida nation and its territory; the white heart in the middle represents the Onondaga nation and its territory, and it also means that the heart of the Five Nations is single in its loyalty to the Great Peace, that the Great Peace is lodged in the heart (meaning the Onondaga Lords), and that the Council Fire is to burn there for the Five Nations, and further, it means that the authority is given to advance the cause of peace whereby hostile nations out of the Confederacy shall cease warfare; the white square to the right of the heart represents the Cayuga nation and its territory and the fourth and last white square represents the Seneca nation and its territory. White shall here symbolize that no evil or jealous thoughts shall creep into the minds of the Lords while in Council under the Great Peace. White, the emblem of peace, love, charity and equity surrounds and guards the Five Nations.

61. Should a great calamity threaten the generations rising and living of the Five United Nations, then he who is able to climb to the top of the Tree of the Great Long Leaves may do so. When, then, he reaches the top of the tree he shall look about in all directions, and, should he see that evil things indeed are approaching, then he shall call to the people of the Five United Nations assembled beneath the Tree of the Great Long Leaves and say: "A calamity threatens your happiness." Then shall the Lords convene in council and discuss the impending evil. When all the truths relating to the trouble shall be fully known and found to be truths, then shall the people seek out a Tree of Ka-hon-ka-ah-go-nah, [ a great swamp Elm ], and when they shall find it they shall assemble their heads together and lodge for a time between its roots. Then, their labors being finished, they may hope for happiness for many days after.

62. When the Confederate Council of the Five Nations declares for a reading of the belts of shell calling to mind these laws, they shall provide for the reader a specially made mat woven of the fibers of wild hemp. The mat shall not be used again, for such formality is called the honoring of the importance of the law.

63. Should two sons of opposite sides of the council fire agree in a desire to hear the reciting of the laws of the Great Peace and so refresh their memories in the way ordained by the founder of the Confederacy, they shall notify Adodarho. He then shall consult with five of his coactive Lords and they in turn shall consult with their eight brethern. Then should they decide to accede to the request of the two sons from opposite sides of the Council Fire, Adodarho shall send messengers to notify the Chief Lords of each of the Five Nations. Then they shall despatch their War Chiefs to notify their brother and cousin Lords of the meeting and its time and place. When all have come and have assembled, Adodarhoh, in conjunction with his cousin Lords, shall appoint one Lord who shall repeat the laws of the Great Peace. Then shall they announce who they have chosen to repeat the laws of the Great Peace to the two sons. Then shall the chosen one repeat the laws of the Great Peace.

64. At the ceremony of the installation of Lords if there is only one expert speaker and singer of the law and the Pacification Hymn to stand at the council fire, then when this speaker and singer has finished addressing one side of the fire he shall go to the oposite side and reply to his own speech and song. He shall thus act for both sidesa of the fire until the entire ceremony has been completed. Such a speaker and singer shall be termed the "Two Faced" because he speaks and sings for both sides of the fire.

65. I, Dekanawida, and the Union Lords, now uproot the tallest pine tree and into the cavity thereby made we cast all weapons of war. Into the depths of the earth, down into the deep underearth currents of water flowing to unknown regions we cast all the weapons of strife. We bury them from sight and we plant again the tree. Thus shall the Great Peace be established and hostilities shall no longer be known between the Five Nations but peace to the United People.

Laws of Adoption

66. The father of a child of great comliness, learning, ability or specially loved because of some circumstance may, at the will of the child's clan, select a name from his own (the father's) clan and bestow it by ceremony, such as is provided. This naming shall be only temporary and shall be called, "A name hung about the neck."

67. Should any person, a member of the Five Nations' Confederacy, specially esteem a man or woman of another clan or of a foreign nation, he may choose a name and bestow it upon that person so esteemed. The naming shall be in accord with the ceremony of bestowing names. Such a name is only a temporary one and shall be called "A name hung about the neck." A short string of shells shall be delivered with the name as a record and a pledge.

68. Should any member of the Five Nations, a family or person belonging to a foreign nation submit a proposal for adoption into a clan of one of the Five Nations, he or they shall furnish a string of shells, a span in length, as a pledge to the clan into which he or they wish to be adopted. The Lords of the nation shall then consider the proposal and submit a decision.

69. Any member of the Five Nations who through esteem or other feeling wishes to adopt an individual, a family or number of families may offer adoption to him or them and if accepted the matter shall be brought to the attention of the Lords for confirmation and the Lords must confirm adoption.

70. When the adoption of anyone shall have been confirmed by the Lords of the Nation, the Lords shall address the people of their nation and say: "Now you of our nation, be informed that such a person, such a family or such families have ceased forever to bear their birth nation's name and have buried it in the depths of the earth. Henceforth let no one of our nation ever mention the original name or nation of their birth. To do so will be to hasten the end of our peace.

Laws of Emigration

71. When any person or family belonging to the Five Nations desires to abandon their birth nation and the territory of the Five Nations, they shall inform the Lords of their nation and the Confederate Council of the Five Nations shall take cognizance of it.

72. When any person or any of the people of the Five Nations emigrate and reside in a region distant from the territory of the Five Nations Confederacy, the Lords of the Five Nations at will may send a messenger carrying a broad belt of black shells and when the messenger arrives he shall call the people together or address them personally displaying the belt of shells and they shall know that this is an order for them to return to their original homes and to their council fires.

Rights of Foreign Nations

73. The soil of the earth from one end of the land to the other is the property of the people who inhabit it. By birthright the Ongwehonweh (Original beings) are the owners of the soil which they own and occupy and none other may hold it. The same law has been held from the oldest times. The Great Creator has made us of the one blood and of the same soil he made us and as only different tongues constitute different nations he established different hunting grounds and territories and made boundary lines between them.

74. When any alien nation or individual is admitted into the Five Nations the admission shall be understood only to be a temporary one. Should the person or nation create loss, do wrong or cause suffering of any kind to endanger the peace of the Confederacy, the Confederate Lords shall order one of their war chiefs to reprimand him or them and if a similar offence is again committed the offending party or parties shall be expelled from the territory of the Five United Nations.

75. When a member of an alien nation comes to the territory of the Five Nations and seeks refuge and permanent residence, the Lords of the Nation to which he comes shall extend hospitality and make him a member of the nation. Then shall he be accorded equal rights and privileges in all matters except as after mentioned.

76. No body of alien people who have been adopted temporarily shall have a vote in the council of the Lords of the Confederacy, for only they who have been invested with Lordship titles may vote in the Council. Aliens have nothing by blood to make claim to a vote and should they have it, not knowing all the traditions of the Confederacy, might go against its Great Peace. In this manner the Great Peace would be endangered and perhaps be destroyed.

77. When the Lords of the Confederacy decide to admit a foreign nation and an adoption is made, the Lords shall inform the adopted nation that its admission is only temporary. They shall also say to the nation that it must never try to control, to interfere with or to injure the Five Nations nor disregard the Great Peace or any of its rules or customs. That in no way should they cause disturbance or injury. Then should the adopted nation disregard these injunctions, their adoption shall be annuled and they shall be expelled. The expulsion shall be in the following manner: The council shall appoint one of their War Chiefs to convey the message of annulment and he shall say, "You (naming the nation) listen to me while I speak. I am here to inform you again of the will of the Five Nations' Council. It was clearly made known to you at a former time. Now the Lords of the Five Nations have decided to expel you and cast you out. We disown you now and annul your adoption. Therefore you must look for a path in which to go and lead away all your people. It was you, not we, who committed wrong and caused this sentence of annulment. So then go your way and depart from the territory of the Five Nations and from the Confederacy."

78. Whenever a foreign nation enters the Confederacy or accepts the Great Peace, the Five Nations and the foreign nation shall enter into an agreement and compact by which the foreign nation shall endeavor to pursuade other nations to accept the Great Peace.

Rights and Powers of War

79. Skanawatih shall be vested with a double office, duty and with double authority. One-half of his being shall hold the Lordship title and the other half shall hold the title of War Chief. In the event of war he shall notify the five War Chiefs of the Confederacy and command them to prepare for war and have their men ready at the appointed time and place for engagement with the enemy of the Great Peace.

80. When the Confederate Council of the Five Nations has for its object the establishment of the Great Peace among the people of an outside nation and that nation refuses to accept the Great Peace, then by such refusal they bring a declaration of war upon themselves from the Five Nations. Then shall the Five Nations seek to establish the Great Peace by a conquest of the rebellious nation.

81. When the men of the Five Nations, now called forth to become warriors, are ready for battle with an obstinate opposing nation that has refused to accept the Great Peace, then one of the five War Chiefs shall be chosen by the warriors of the Five Nations to lead the army into battle. It shall be the duty of the War Chief so chosen to come before his warriors and address them. His aim shall be to impress upon them the necessity of good behavior and strict obedience to all the commands of the War Chiefs. He shall deliver an oration exhorting them with great zeal to be brave and courageous and never to be guilty of cowardice. At the conclusion of his oration he shall march forward and commence the War Song and he shall sing:

Now I am greatly surprised

And, therefore I shall use it --

The powerr of my War Song.

I am of the Five Nations

And I shall make supplication

To the Almighty Creator.

He has furnished this army.

My warriors shall be mighty

In the strength of the Creator.

Between him and my song they are

For it was he who gave the song

This war song that I sing!

82. When the warriors of the Five Nations are on an expedition against an enemy, the War Chief shall sing the War Song as he approaches the country of the enemy and not cease until his scouts have reported that the army is near the enemies' lines when the War Chief shall approach with great caution and prepare for the attack.

83. When peace shall have been established by the termination of the war against a foreign nation, then the War Chief shall cause all the weapons of war to be taken from the nation. Then shall the Great Peace be established and that nation shall observe all the rules of the Great Peace for all time to come.

84. Whenever a foreign nation is conquered or has by their own will accepted the Great Peace their own system of internal government may continue, but they must cease all warfare against other nations.

85. Whenever a war against a foreign nation is pushed until that nation is about exterminated because of its refusal to accept the Great Peace and if that nation shall by its obstinacy become exterminated, all their rights, property and territory shall become the property of the Five Nations.

86. Whenever a foreign nation is conquered and the survivors are brought into the territory of the Five Nations' Confederacy and placed under the Great Peace the two shall be known as the Conqueror and the Conquered. A symbolic relationship shall be devised and be placed in some symbolic position. The conquered nation shall have no voice in the councils of the Confederacy in the body of the Lords.

87. When the War of the Five Nations on a foreign rebellious nation is ended, peace shall be restored to that nation by a withdrawal of all their weapons of war by the War Chief of the Five Nations. When all the terms of peace shall have been agreed upon a state of friendship shall be established.

88. When the proposition to establish the Great Peace is made to a foreign nation it shall be done in mutual council. The foreign nation is to be persuaded by reason and urged to come into the Great Peace. If the Five Nations fail to obtain the consent of the nation at the first council a second council shall be held and upon a second failure a third council shall be held and this third council shall end the peaceful methods of persuasion. At the third council the War Chief of the Five nations shall address the Chief of the foreign nation and request him three times to accept the Great Peace. If refusal steadfastly follows the War Chief shall let the bunch of white lake shells drop from his outstretched hand to the ground and shall bound quickly forward and club the offending chief to death. War shall thereby be declared and the War Chief shall have his warriors at his back to meet any emergency. War must continue until the contest is won by the Five Nations.

89. When the Lords of the Five Nations propose to meet in conference with a foreign nation with proposals for an acceptance of the Great Peace, a large band of warriors shall conceal themselves in a secure place safe from the espionage of the foreign nation but as near at hand as possible. Two warriors shall accompany the Union Lord who carries the proposals and these warriors shall be especially cunning. Should the Lord be attacked, these warriors shall hasten back to the army of warriors with the news of the calamity which fell through the treachery of the foreign nation.

90. When the Five Nations' Council declares war any Lord of the Confederacy may enlist with the warriors by temporarily renouncing his sacred Lordship title which he holds through the election of his women relatives. The title then reverts to them and they may bestow it upon another temporarily until the war is over when the Lord, if living, may resume his title and seat in the Council.

91. A certain wampum belt of black beads shall be the emblem of the authority of the Five War Chiefs to take up the weapons of war and with their men to resist invasion. This shall be called a war in defense of the territory.

Treason or Secession of a Nation

92. If a nation, part of a nation, or more than one nation within the Five Nations should in any way endeavor to destroy the Great Peace by neglect or violating its laws and resolve to dissolve the Confederacy, such a nation or such nations shall be deemed guilty of treason and called enemies of the Confederacy and the Great Peace. It shall then be the duty of the Lords of the Confederacy who remain faithful to resolve to warn the offending people. They shall be warned once and if a second warning is necessary they shall be driven from the territory of the Confederacy by the War Chiefs and his men.

Rights of the People of the Five Nations

93. Whenever a specially important matter or a great emergency is presented before the Confederate Council and the nature of the matter affects the entire body of the Five Nations, threatening their utter ruin, then the Lords of the Confederacy must submit the matter to the decision of their people and the decision of the people shall affect the decision of the Confederate Council. This decision shall be a confirmation of the voice of the people.

94. The men of every clan of the Five Nations shall have a Council Fire ever burning in readiness for a council of the clan. When it seems necessary for a council to be held to discuss the welfare of the clans, then the men may gather about the fire. This council shall have the same rights as the council of the women.

95. The women of every clan of the Five Nations shall have a Council Fire ever burning in readiness for a council of the clan. When in their opinion it seems necessary for the interest of the people they shall hold a council and their decisions and recommendations shall be introduced before the Council of the Lords by the War Chief for its consideration.

96. All the Clan council fires of a nation or of the Five Nations may unite into one general council fire, or delegates from all the council fires may be appointeed to unite in a general council for discussing the interests of the people. The people shall have the right to make appointments and to delegate their power to others of their number. When their council shall have come to a conclusion on any matter, their decision shall be reported to the Council of the Nation or to the Confederate Council (as the case may require) by the War Chief or the War Chiefs.

97. Before the real people united their nations, each nation had its council fires. Before the Great Peace their councils were held. The five Council Fires shall continue to burn as before and they are not quenched. The Lords of each nation in future shall settle their nation's affairs at this council fire governed always by the laws and rules of the council of the Confederacy and by the Great Peace.

98. If either a nephew or a niece see an irregularity in the performance of the functions of the Great Peace and its laws, in the Confederate Council or in the conferring of Lordship titles in an improper way, through their War Chief they may demand that such actions become subject to correction and that the matter conform to the ways prescribed by the laws of the Great Peace.

Religious Ceremonies Protected

99. The rites and festivals of each nation shall remain undisturbed and shall continue as before because they were given by the people of old times as useful and necessary for the good of men.

100. It shall be the duty of the Lords of each brotherhood to confer at the approach of the time of the Midwinter Thanksgiving and to notify their people of the approaching festival. They shall hold a council over the matter and arrange its details and begin the Thanksgiving five days after the moon of Dis-ko-nah is new. The people shall assemble at the appointed place and the nephews shall notify the people of the time and place. From the beginning to the end the Lords shall preside over the Thanksgiving and address the people from time to time.

101. It shall be the duty of the appointed managers of the Thanksgiving festivals to do all that is needed for carrying out the duties of the occasions. The recognized festivals of Thanksgiving shall be the Midwinter Thanksgiving, the Maple or Sugar-making Thanksgiving, the Raspberry Thanksgiving, the Strawberry Thanksgiving, the Cornplanting Thanksgiving, the Corn Hoeing Thanksgiving, the Little Festival of Green Corn, the Great Festival of Ripe Corn and the complete Thanksgiving for the Harvest. Each nation's festivals shall be held in their Long Houses.

102. When the Thansgiving for the Green Corn comes the special managers, both the men and women, shall give it careful attention and do their duties properly.

103. When the Ripe Corn Thanksgiving is celebrated the Lords of the Nation must give it the same attention as they give to the Midwinter Thanksgiving.

104. Whenever any man proves himself by his good life and his knowledge of good things, naturally fitted as a teacher of good things, he shall be recognized by the Lords as a teacher of peace and religion and the people shall hear him.

The Installation Song

105. The song used in installing the new Lord of the Confederacy shall be sung by Adodarhoh and it shall be:

"Haii, haii Agwah wi-yoh " " A-kon-he-watha " " Ska-we-ye-se-go-wah " " Yon-gwa-wih " " Ya-kon-he-wa-tha

Haii, haii It is good indeed " " (That) a broom, -- " " A great wing, " " It is given me " " For a sweeping instrument."

106. Whenever a person properly entitled desires to learn the Pacification Song he is privileged to do so but he must prepare a feast at which his teachers may sit with him and sing. The feast is provided that no misfortune may befall them for singing the song on an occasion when no chief is installed.

Protection of the House

107. A certain sign shall be known to all the people of the Five Nations which shall denote that the owner or occupant of a house is absent. A stick or pole in a slanting or leaning position shall indicate this and be the sign. Every person not entitled to enter the house by right of living within it upon seeing such a sign shall not approach the house either by day or by night but shall keep as far away as his business will permit.

Funeral Addresses

108. At the funeral of a Lord of the Confederacy, say: Now we become reconciled as you start away. You were once a Lord of the Five Nations' Confederacy and the United People trusted you. Now we release you for it is true that it is no longer possible for us to walk about together on the earth. Now, therefore, we lay it (the body) here. Here we lay it away. Now then we say to you, 'Persevere onward to the place where the Creator dwells in peace. Let not the things of the earth hinder you. Let nothing that transpired while yet you lived hinder you. In hunting you once took delight; in the game of Lacrosse you once took delight and in the feasts and pleasant occasions your mind was amused, but now do not allow thoughts of these things to give you trouble. Let not your relatives hinder you and also let not your friends and associates trouble your mind. Regard none of these things.' "Now then, in turn, you here present who were related to this man and you who were his friends and associates, behold the path that is yours also! Soon we ourselves will be left in that place. For this reason hold yourselves in restraint as you go from place to place. In your actions and in your conversation do no idle thing. Speak not idle talk neither gossip. Be careful of this and speak not and do not give way to evil behavior. One year is the time that you must abstain from unseemly levity but if you can not do this for ceremony, ten days is the time to regard these things for respect."

109. At the funeral of a War Chief, say: "Now we become reconciled as you start away. You were once a War Chief of the Five Nations' Confederacy and the United People trusted you as their guard from the enemy." (The remainder is the same as the address at the funeral of a Lord).

110. At the funeral of a Warrior, say: "Now we become reconciled as you start away. Once you were a devoted provider and protector of your family and you were ever ready to take part in battles for the Five Nations' Confederacy. The United People trusted you." (The remainder is the same as the address at the funeral of a Lord).

111. At the funeral of a young man, say: "Now we become reconciled as you start away. In the beginning of your career you are taken away and the flower of your life is withered away." (The remainder is the same as the address at the funeral of a Lord).

112. At the funeral of a chief woman, say: "Now we become reconciled as you start away. You were once a chief woman in the Five Nations' Confederacy. You once were a mother of the nations. Now we release you for it is true that it is no longer possible for us to walk about together on the earth. Now, therefore, we lay it (the body) here. Here we lay it away. Now then we say to you, 'Persevere onward to the place where the Creator dwells in peace. Let not the things of the earth hinder you. Let nothing that transpired while you lived hinder you. Looking after your family was a sacred duty and you were faithful. You were one of the many joint heirs of the Lordship titles. Feastings were yours and you had pleasant occasions. . ." (The remainder is the same as the address at the funeral of a Lord).

113. At the funeral of a woman of the people, say: "Now we become reconciled as you start away. You were once a woman in the flower of life and the bloom is now withered away. You once held a sacred position as a mother of the nation. (Etc.) Looking after your family was a sacred duty and you were faithful. Feastings . . . (etc.)" (The remainder is the same as the address at the funeral of a Lord).

114. At the funeral of an infant or young woman, say: "Now we become reconciled as you start away. You were a tender bud and gladdened our hearts for only a few days. Now the bloom has withered away . . . (etc.) Let none of the things that transpired on earth hinder you. Let nothing that happened while you lived hinder you." (The remainder is the same as the address at the funeral of a Lord).

[ Editors note: the above ellipses and 'etc.' remarks are transcribed directly from the text I copied. ]

115. When an infant dies within three days, mourning shall continue only five days. Then shall you gather the little boys and girls at the house of mourning and at the funeral feast a speaker shall address the children and bid them be happy once more, though by a death, gloom has been cast over them. Then shall the black clouds roll away and the sky shall show blue once more. Then shall the children be again in sunshine.

116. When a dead person is brought to the burial place, the speaker on the opposite side of the Council Fire shall bid the bereaved family cheer their minds once again and rekindle their hearth fires in peace, to put their house in order and once again be in brightness for darkness has covered them. He shall say that the black clouds shall roll away and that the bright blue sky is visible once more. Therefore shall they be in peace in the sunshine again.

117. Three strings of shell one span in length shall be employed in addressing the assemblage at the burial of the dead. The speaker shall say:

"Hearken you who are here, this body is to be covered. Assemble in this place again ten days hence for it is the decree of the Creator that mourning shall cease when ten days have expired. Then shall a feast be made."

Then at the expiration of ten days the speaker shall say: "Continue to listen you who are here. The ten days of mourning have expired and your minds must now be freed of sorrow as before the loss of a relative. The relatives have decided to make a little compensation to those who have assisted at the funeral. It is a mere expression of thanks. This is to the one who did the cooking while the body was lying in the house. Let her come forward and receive this gift and be dismissed from the task." In substance this shall be repeated for every one who assisted in any way until all have been remembered.

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Modern History Sourcebook: The Constitution of the Iroquois Confederacy ABOUT THE IROQUOIS CONSTITUTION: During the bi-centennial year of The Constitution of the United States, a number of books were written concerning the origin of that long-revered document.

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Table of Contents

What was the purpose of the New Deal?

What were the New Deal programs and what did they do?

What were the most important results of the New Deal?

What New Deal programs remain in effect?

New Deal, domestic program of the administration of U.S. Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) between 1933 and 1939, which took action to bring about immediate economic relief as well as reforms in industry, agriculture, finance, waterpower, labour, and housing, vastly increasing the scope of the federal government's activities. The term was taken from Roosevelt's speech accepting the Democratic nomination for the presidency on July 2, 1932. Reacting to the ineffectiveness of the administration of Pres. Herbert Hoover in meeting the ravages of the Great Depression, American voters the following November overwhelmingly voted in favour of the Democratic promise of a "new deal" for the "forgotten man." Opposed to the traditional American political philosophy of laissez-faire, the New Deal generally embraced the concept of a government-regulated economy aimed at achieving a balance between conflicting economic interests.

The Hundred Days

Much of the New Deal legislation was enacted within the first three months of Roosevelt's presidency (March 9-June 16, 1933), which became known as the Hundred Days. The new administration's first objective was to alleviate the suffering of the nation's huge number of unemployed workers. Such agencies as the Works Progress Administration (WPA) and the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) were established to dispense emergency and short-term governmental aid and to provide temporary jobs, employment on construction projects, and youth work in the national forests. The WPA gave some 8.5 million people jobs. Its construction projects produced more than 650,000 miles of roads, 125,000 public buildings, 75,000 bridges, and 8,000 parks. Also under its aegis were the Federal Art Project, Federal Writers' Project, and Federal Theatre Project. The CCC provided national conservation work primarily for young unmarried men. Projects included planting trees, building flood barriers, fighting forest fires, and maintaining forest roads and trails.

Before 1935 the New Deal focused on revitalizing the country's stricken business and agricultural communities. To revive industrial activity, the National Recovery Administration (NRA) was granted authority to help shape industrial codes governing trade practices, wages, hours, child labour, and collective bargaining. The New Deal also tried to regulate the nation's financial hierarchy in order to avoid a repetition of the stock market crash of 1929 and the massive bank failures that followed. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) granted government insurance for bank deposits in member banks of the Federal Reserve System, and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) was established in 1934 to restore investor confidence in the stock market by ending the misleading sales practices and stock manipulations that had led to the stock market crash. The farm program, known as the Agricultural Adjustment Act, was signed in May 1933. It was centred in the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), which attempted to raise prices by controlling the production of staple crops through cash subsidies to farmers. In addition, the arm of the federal government reached into the area of electric power, establishing in 1933 the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), which was to cover a seven-state area and supply cheap electricity, prevent floods, improve navigation, and produce nitrates.

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New Deal | Definition, History, Programs, Summary, & Facts

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New Deal, domestic program of the administration of U.S. Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) between 1933 and 1939, which took action to bring about immediate economic relief as well as reforms in industry, agriculture, finance, waterpower, labour, and housing, vastly increasing the scope of the federal government's activities.

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Links to web sites relating to the New Deal era useful for research on New Deal agriculture, labor, and arts programs. See New Deal Bibliography for a selection of related materials in ALIC.
Contents NARA Resources
"Archival Vintages for The Grapes of Wrath"
Daniel Nealand's Prologue article shows how John Steinbeck used WPA documentary source material provided by Thomas E. Collins when writing The Grapes of Wrath.

FDR, the WPA, and the New Deal Arts Programs
The story of President Franklin Roosevelt, the Works Progress Administration, and New Deal Arts Programs told with photographs and images of artworks.

Interactive Periodic Table of the New Deal
The Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library has devised this interactive chart based on the periodic table of elements. "The table presents major programs, players and events surrounding the New Deal and includes brief definitions or descriptions."

A New Deal for the Arts
"This online exhibit is adapted from A New Deal for the Arts, an exhibit that was on display from March 28, 1997 through January 11, 1998, in the Rotunda of the National Archives Building in Washington, DC."

The New Deal in Action
The Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library provides this list of projects built by New Deal agencies. The list, which is not comprehensive, can be searched or browsed. "The purpose of this list is to demonstrate how the New Deal helped to shape this country by providing specific examples of infrastructure and cultural projects created by the Alphabet Agencies in communities across the nation." The public is invited to submit projects to the list.
Other Resources
Address on Agricultural Adjustment Act, 1935
PBS presents a transcript of President Roosevelt's address to the nation describing the ways in which conditions had improved for farmers.

Agricultural Adjustment Act
A discussion about the effects of the Agricultural Adjustment Act on farmers in Arkansas. Includes a bibliography.

The American Guide Series
The U.S. Senate provides an annotated listing of the 48 travel guides produced by the Federal Writers Project.

American Life Histories: Manuscripts from the Federal Writers' Project
The Library of Congress offers a collection of manuscripts representing the work of over 300 writers. Interviews with people in 24 states are presented in various formats such as narrative, dialogue, and case history. The project resulted in about 2900 documents describing life in America during the Depression.

Born in Slavery: Slave Narratives from the Federal Writers' Project, 1936-1938
This Library of Congress website "contains more than 2,300 first-person accounts of slavery and 500 black-and-white photographs of former slaves" originally compiled by the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration (WPA).

CCC: A New Deal to Rebuild a Nation
A five part lesson plan from the National Park Service.

Census of Old Buildings in Connecticut
"Often called 'The WPA House Survey', the Census of Old Buildings in Connecticut, 1934-1937 was a Works Progress Administration (W.P.A.) project. Survey forms provide descriptions of nearly 5,000 buildings." Photographs of the old buildings are available on this site, arranged by town and type of building.

Civilian Conservation Corps
A collection of CCC photos from the Oregon State University Special Collections & Archives

Civilian Conservation Corps Legacy
Provides information about the history of the CCC as well as aids for researchers, including a bibliography of materials related to the CCC and a list of CCC camps. This organization represents CCC alumni.

The Civilian Conservation Corps, What It Is and What It Does
Digitized version of the 1940 booklet from the Broward County Library's Digital Collections.

Farm Security Administration/Office of War Information Black-and-White Negatives
"The photographs in the Farm Security Administration - Office of War Information Photograph Collection form an extensive pictorial record of American life between 1935 and 1944." This collection from the Library of Congress contains images from such photographers as Dorothea Lange, Walker Evans, Ben Shahn, and more.

Federal Theatre Project
George Mason University Libraries present this collection of "nearly one thousand different 35mm slides taken from original posters." In addition to the gallery of digitized images, the site includes a map, a timeline, and an alphabetical list of posters.

Index of American Design
"The Index of American Design is a compilation of nearly 18,000 watercolor renderings that depict traditional American arts and crafts made before about 1890. The renderings were created under the auspices of the Index of American Design project, one of several Fine Arts Divisions in the Federal Art Project (FAP) of the Works Progress Administration (WPA), which operated from 1935 to 1942."

Indiana Farm Security Administration Photographs
The Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis Library offers this website which includes FSA photographs, background information, and IFSAP Study Guide and Curriculum Materials.

James F Justin Civilian Conservation Corps Museum
This online museum contains photographs, documents, anecdotes, and more.

National New Deal Preservation Association
A non-profit organization whose goal is to raise awareness about the legacy of New Deal programs and encourage the preservation of materials related to these projects. The association maintains a web site with information about the organization, its activities, and various New Deal topics, as well as links to other web resources.

New Deal Achievements
The Franklin D. Roosevelt American Heritage Center presents a list of President Roosevelt's New Deal initiatives along with descriptions and outcomes.

New Deal Artwork: GSA's Inventory Project
A description of the General Services Administration effort to catalog "movable New Deal artworks housed in non-federal repositories. In collaboration with repositories, GSA aims to provide a centralized resource of information about New Deal artwork that is readily available to museum professionals, the academic community, art conservators and the public at large."

New Deal Collections
Materials available on this website from the Archives of American Art include finding aids and oral histories of New Deal artists.

New Deal Era and Its Origins
This web site, sponsored by H-Net Humanities and Social Sciences OnLine, provides a forum for research and teaching the history of the United States from 1918 to 1945.

New Deal Legislation
A list of statutes that established New Deal programs, compiled by the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History.

New Deal Network
Features lesson plans and education tools related to the New Deal, on-line photographs and documents, and more in-depth information on a variety of featured topics.

New Deal Programs: Selected Library of Congress Resources
This site "was created to serve as a starting point for research using Library of Congress collections of New Deal program materials."

President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1933-1945
Teacher resources from the Library of Congress.

WPA Land use survey maps for the City of Los Angeles, 1933-1939
These 345 hand-colored land use survey maps are the result of a WPA survey from December 18, 1933 to May 8, 1939 for the city of Los Angeles, Department of City Planning. Provided by the USC Digital Library.

WPA Murals
This website provides listings by state of murals created by artists of the Works Progress Administration. Information for each mural includes the location, the artist, title, date, and medium. Some listings include an image of the mural.

WPA Posters
A Library of Congress collection consisting of 907 original posters produced from 1936-1943 by various agencies of the WPA.

WPA/TVA Archaeological Photographs
The University of Tennessee Frank H. McClung Museum and the Libraries provide this database of "information describing photographs taken by Works Progress Administration (WPA) workers of archaeological projects conducted in preparation for Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) dam construction in the 1930s." The database can be either searched or browsed.

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Links to web sites relating to the New Deal era useful for research on New Deal agriculture, labor, and arts programs. See New Deal Bibliography for a selection of related materials in ALIC. The New Deal , Painting/Mural by Conrad A. Albrizio. Dedicated to President Roosevelt.

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The Early Years

Franklin D. Roosevelt was born in Hyde Park, New York on January 30, 1882. He was the son of James Roosevelt and Sara Delano Roosevelt. His parents and private tutors provided him with almost all his formative education. He attended Groton (1896-1900), a prestigious preparatory school in Massachusetts, and received a BA degree in history from Harvard in only three years (1900-03). Roosevelt next studied law at New York's Columbia University. When he passed the bar examination in 1907, he left school without taking a degree. For the next three years he practiced law with a prominent New York City law firm. He entered politics in 1910 and was elected to the New York State Senate as a Democrat from his traditionally Republican home district.

In the meantime, in 1905, he had married a distant cousin, Anna Eleanor Roosevelt, who was the niece of President Theodore Roosevelt. The couple had six children, five of whom survived infancy: Anna (1906), James (1907), Elliott (1910), Franklin, Jr. (1914) and John (1916).

Roosevelt was reelected to the State Senate in 1912, and supported Woodrow Wilson's candidacy at the Democratic National Convention. As a reward for his support, Wilson appointed him Assistant Secretary of the Navy in 1913, a position he held until 1920. He was an energetic and efficient administrator, specializing in the business side of naval administration. This experience prepared him for his future role as Commander-in-Chief during World War II. Roosevelt's popularity and success in naval affairs resulted in his being nominated for vice-president by the Democratic Party in 1920 on a ticket headed by James M. Cox of Ohio. However, popular sentiment against Wilson's plan for US participation in the League of Nations propelled Republican Warren Harding into the presidency, and Roosevelt returned to private life.

While vacationing at Campobello Island, New Brunswick in the summer of 1921, Roosevelt contracted poliomyelitis (infantile paralysis). Despite courageous efforts to overcome his crippling illness, he never regained the use of his legs. In time, he established a foundation at Warm Springs, Georgia to help other polio victims, and inspired, as well as directed, the March of Dimes program that eventually funded an effective vaccine.

With the encouragement and help of his wife, Eleanor, and political confidant, Louis Howe, Roosevelt resumed his political career. In 1924 he nominated Governor Alfred E. Smith of New York for president at the Democratic National Convention, but Smith lost the nomination to John W. Davis. In 1928 Smith became the Democratic candidate for president and arranged for Roosevelt's nomination to succeed him as governor of New York. Smith lost the election to Herbert Hoover; but Roosevelt was elected governor.

Following his reelection as governor in 1930, Roosevelt began to campaign for the presidency. While the economic depression damaged Hoover and the Republicans, Roosevelt's bold efforts to combat it in New York enhanced his reputation. In Chicago in 1932, Roosevelt won the nomination as the Democratic Party candidate for president. He broke with tradition and flew to Chicago to accept the nomination in person. He then campaigned energetically calling for government intervention in the economy to provide relief, recovery, and reform. His activist approach and personal charm helped to defeat Hoover in November 1932 by seven million votes.

The Great Depression

The Depression worsened in the months preceding Roosevelt's inauguration, March 4, 1933. Factory closings, farm foreclosures, and bank failures increased, while unemployment soared. Roosevelt faced the greatest crisis in American history since the Civil War. He undertook immediate actions to initiate his New Deal programs. To halt depositor panics, he closed the banks temporarily. Then he worked with a special session of Congress during the first "100 days" to pass recovery legislation which set up alphabet agencies such as the AAA (Agricultural Adjustment Administration) to support farm prices and the CCC (Civilian Conservation Corps) to employ young men. Other agencies assisted business and labor, insured bank deposits, regulated the stock market, subsidized home and farm mortgage payments, and aided the unemployed. These measures revived confidence in the economy. Banks reopened and direct relief saved millions from starvation. But the New Deal measures also involved government directly in areas of social and economic life as never before and resulted in greatly increased spending and unbalanced budgets which led to criticisms of Roosevelt's programs. However, the nation-at-large supported Roosevelt, and elected additional Democrats to state legislatures and governorships in the mid-term elections.

Another flurry of New Deal legislation followed in 1935 including the establishment of the Works Projects Administration (WPA) which provided jobs not only for laborers but also artists, writers, musicians, and authors, and the Social Security act which provided unemployment compensation and a program of old-age and survivors' benefits.

Roosevelt easily defeated Alfred M. Landon in 1936 and went on to defeat by lesser margins, Wendell Willkie in 1940 and Thomas E. Dewey in 1944. He thus became the only American president to serve more than two terms.

After his overwhelming victory in 1936, Roosevelt took on the critics of the New Deal, namely, the Supreme Court, which had declared various legislation unconstitutional, and members of his own party. In 1937 he proposed to add new justices to the Supreme Court, but critics said he was "packing" the Court and undermining the separation of powers. His proposal was defeated, but the Court began to decide in favor of New Deal legislation. During the 1938 election he campaigned against many Democratic opponents, but this backfired when most were reelected to Congress. These setbacks, coupled with the recession that occurred midway through his second term, represented the low-point in Roosevelt's presidential career.

World War II

By 1939, with the outbreak of war in Europe, Roosevelt was concentrating increasingly on foreign affairs. New Deal reform legislation diminished, and the ills of the Depression would not fully abate until the nation mobilized for war.

When Hitler attacked Poland in September 1939, Roosevelt stated that, although the nation was neutral, he did not expect America to remain inactive in the face of Nazi aggression. Accordingly, he tried to make American aid available to Britain, France, and China and to obtain an amendment of the Neutrality Acts which rendered such assistance difficult. He also took measures to build up the armed forces in the face of isolationist opposition.

With the fall of France in 1940, the American mood and Roosevelt's policy changed dramatically. Congress enacted a draft for military service and Roosevelt signed a "lend-lease" bill in March 1941 to enable the nation to furnish aid to nations at war with Germany and Italy. America, though a neutral in the war and still at peace, was becoming the "arsenal of democracy", as its factories began producing as they had in the years before the Depression.

The Japanese surprise attack on Pearl Harbor, December 7, 1941, followed four days later by Germany's and Italy's declarations of war against the United States, brought the nation irrevocably into the war. Roosevelt exercised his powers as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, a role he actively carried out. He worked with and through his military advisers, overriding them when necessary, and took an active role in choosing the principal field commanders and in making decisions regarding wartime strategy.

He moved to create a "grand alliance" against the Axis powers through "The Declaration of the United Nations," January 1, 1942, in which all nations fighting the Axis agreed not to make a separate peace and pledged themselves to a peacekeeping organization (now the United Nations) upon victory.

He gave priority to the western European front and had General George Marshall, Chief of Staff, plan a holding operation in the Pacific and organize an expeditionary force for an invasion of Europe. The United States and its allies invaded North Africa in November 1942 and Sicily and Italy in 1943. The D-Day landings on the Normandy beaches in France, June 6, 1944, were followed by the allied invasion of Germany six months later. By April 1945 victory in Europe was certain.

The unending stress and strain of the war literally wore Roosevelt out. By early 1944 a full medical examination disclosed serious heart and circulatory problems; and although his physicians placed him on a strict regime of diet and medication, the pressures of war and domestic politics weighed heavily on him. During a vacation at Warm Springs, Georgia, on April 12, 1945, he suffered a massive stroke and died two and one-half hours later without regaining consciousness. He was 63 years old. His death came on the eve of complete military victory in Europe and within months of victory over Japan in the Pacific. President Roosevelt was buried in the Rose Garden of his estate at Hyde Park, New York.

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FDR Biography - FDR Presidential Library & Museum

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Franklin D. Roosevelt was born in Hyde Park, New York on January 30, 1882. He was the son of James Roosevelt and Sara Delano Roosevelt. His parents and private tutors provided him with almost all his formative education. He attended Groton (1896-1900), a prestigious preparatory school in Massachusetts, and received a BA degree in history from Harvard in only three years (1900-03).

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American civil rights movement, mass protest movement against racial segregation and discrimination in the southern United States that came to national prominence during the mid-1950s. This movement had its roots in the centuries-long efforts of enslaved Africans and their descendants to resist racial oppression and abolish the institution of slavery. Although enslaved people were emancipated as a result of the American Civil War and were then granted basic civil rights through the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the U.S. Constitution, struggles to secure federal protection of these rights continued during the next century. Through nonviolent protest, the civil rights movement of the 1950s and '60s broke the pattern of public facilities' being segregated by "race" in the South and achieved the most important breakthrough in equal-rights legislation for African Americans since the Reconstruction period (1865-77). Although the passage in 1964 and 1965 of major civil rights legislation was victorious for the movement, by then militant Black activists had begun to see their struggle as a freedom or liberation movement not just seeking civil rights reforms but instead confronting the enduring economic, political, and cultural consequences of past racial oppression.
(Read Henry Louis Gates, Jr.'s Britannica essay on "Monuments of Hope.")

Abolitionism to Jim Crow

American history has been marked by persistent and determined efforts to expand the scope and inclusiveness of civil rights. Although equal rights for all were affirmed in the founding documents of the United States, many of the new country's inhabitants were denied essential rights. Enslaved Africans and indentured servants did not have the inalienable right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" that British colonists asserted to justify their Declaration of Independence. Nor were they included among the "People of the United States" who established the Constitution in order to "promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." Instead, the Constitution protected slavery by allowing the importation of enslaved persons until 1808 and providing for the return of enslaved people who had escaped to other states.

As the United States expanded its boundaries, Native American peoples resisted conquest and absorption. Individual states, which determined most of the rights of American citizens, generally limited voting rights to white property-owning males, and other rights-such as the right to own land or serve on juries-were often denied on the basis of racial or gender distinctions. A small proportion of Black Americans lived outside the slave system, but those so-called "free Blacks" endured racial discrimination and enforced segregation. Although some enslaved persons violently rebelled against their enslavement ( see slave rebellions), African Americans and other subordinated groups mainly used nonviolent means-protests, legal challenges, pleas and petitions addressed to government officials, as well as sustained and massive civil rights movements-to achieve gradual improvements in their status.

During the first half of the 19th century, movements to extend voting rights to non-property-owning white male labourers resulted in the elimination of most property qualifications for voting, but this expansion of suffrage was accompanied by brutal suppression of American Indians and increasing restrictions on free Blacks. Owners of enslaved people in the South reacted to the 1831 Nat Turner slave revolt in Virginia by passing laws to discourage antislavery activism and prevent the teaching of enslaved people to read and write. Despite this repression, a growing number of Black Americans freed themselves from slavery by escaping or negotiating agreements to purchase their freedom through wage labour. By the 1830s, free Black communities in the Northern states had become sufficiently large and organized to hold regular national conventions, where Black leaders gathered to discuss alternative strategies of racial advancement. In 1833 a small minority of whites joined with Black antislavery activists to form the American Anti-Slavery Society under the leadership of William Lloyd Garrison.

Frederick Douglass became the most famous of the formerly enslaved persons who joined the abolition movement. His autobiography-one of many slave narratives-and his stirring orations heightened public awareness of the horrors of slavery. Although Black leaders became increasingly militant in their attacks against slavery and other forms of racial oppression, their efforts to secure equal rights received a major setback in 1857, when the U.S. Supreme Court rejected African American citizenship claims. The Dred Scott decision stated that the country's founders had viewed Blacks as so inferior that they had "no rights which the white man was bound to respect." This ruling-by declaring unconstitutional the Missouri Compromise (1820), through which Congress had limited the expansion of slavery into western territories-ironically strengthened the antislavery movement, because it angered many whites who did not hold enslaved people. The inability of the country's political leaders to resolve that dispute fueled the successful presidential campaign of Abraham Lincoln, the candidate of the antislavery Republican Party. Lincoln's victory in turn prompted the Southern slave states to secede and form the Confederate States of America in 1860-61.

Although Lincoln did not initially seek to abolish slavery, his determination to punish the rebellious states and his increasing reliance on Black soldiers in the Union army prompted him to issue the Emancipation Proclamation (1863) to deprive the Confederacy of its enslaved property. After the American Civil War ended, Republican leaders cemented the Union victory by gaining the ratification of constitutional amendments to abolish slavery ( Thirteenth Amendment) and to protect the legal equality of formerly enslaved persons ( Fourteenth Amendment) and the voting rights of male ex-slaves ( Fifteenth Amendment). Despite those constitutional guarantees of rights, almost a century of civil rights agitation and litigation would be required to bring about consistent federal enforcement of those rights in the former Confederate states. Moreover, after federal military forces were removed from the South at the end of Reconstruction, white leaders in the region enacted new laws to strengthen the " Jim Crow" system of racial segregation and discrimination. In its Plessy v. Ferguson decision (1896), the Supreme Court ruled that " separate but equal" facilities for African Americans did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment, ignoring evidence that the facilities for Blacks were inferior to those intended for whites.

The Southern system of white supremacy was accompanied by the expansion of European and American imperial control over nonwhite people in Africa and Asia as well as in island countries of the Pacific and Caribbean regions. Like African Americans, most nonwhite people throughout the world were colonized or economically exploited and denied basic rights, such as the right to vote. With few exceptions, women of all races everywhere were also denied suffrage rights ( see woman suffrage).

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American civil rights movement | Definition, Protests, Activists, & Facts

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American civil rights movement, mass protest against racial segregation and discrimination in the southern U.S. that came to national prominence during the mid-1950s. Its roots were in the centuries-long efforts of enslaved Africans and their descendants to abolish slavery and resist racial oppression.

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The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950’s and 1960’s came about out of the need and desire for equality and freedom for African Americans and other people of color. Nearly one hundred years after slavery was abolished, there was widespread segregation, discrimination, disenfranchisement and racially m…

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Mahatma Gandhi (born October 2, 1869, Porbandar, India-died January 30, 1948, Delhi) Indian lawyer, politician, social activist, and writer who became the leader of the nationalist movement against the British rule of India. As such, he came to be considered the father of his country. Gandhi is internationally esteemed for his doctrine of nonviolent protest ( satyagraha) to achieve political and social progress.

In the eyes of millions of his fellow Indians, Gandhi was the Mahatma ("Great Soul"). The unthinking adoration of the huge crowds that gathered to see him all along the route of his tours made them a severe ordeal; he could hardly work during the day or rest at night. "The woes of the Mahatmas," he wrote, "are known only to the Mahatmas." His fame spread worldwide during his lifetime and only increased after his death. The name Mahatma Gandhi is now one of the most universally recognized on earth.

Youth

Gandhi was the youngest child of his father's fourth wife. His father-Karamchand Gandhi, who was the dewan (chief minister) of Porbandar, the capital of a small principality in western India (in what is now Gujarat state) under British suzerainty-did not have much in the way of a formal education. He was, however, an able administrator who knew how to steer his way between the capricious princes, their long-suffering subjects, and the headstrong British political officers in power.

Gandhi's mother, Putlibai, was completely absorbed in religion, did not care much for finery or jewelry, divided her time between her home and the temple, fasted frequently, and wore herself out in days and nights of nursing whenever there was sickness in the family. Mohandas grew up in a home steeped in Vaishnavism-worship of the Hindu god Vishnu-with a strong tinge of Jainism, a morally rigorous Indian religion whose chief tenets are nonviolence and the belief that everything in the universe is eternal. Thus, he took for granted ahimsa (noninjury to all living beings), vegetarianism, fasting for self-purification, and mutual tolerance between adherents of various creeds and sects.

The educational facilities at Porbandar were rudimentary; in the primary school that Mohandas attended, the children wrote the alphabet in the dust with their fingers. Luckily for him, his father became dewan of Rajkot, another princely state. Though Mohandas occasionally won prizes and scholarships at the local schools, his record was on the whole mediocre. One of the terminal reports rated him as "good at English, fair in Arithmetic and weak in Geography; conduct very good, bad handwriting." He was married at the age of 13 and thus lost a year at school. A diffident child, he shone neither in the classroom nor on the playing field. He loved to go out on long solitary walks when he was not nursing his by then ailing father (who died soon thereafter) or helping his mother with her household chores.

He had learned, in his words, "to carry out the orders of the elders, not to scan them." With such extreme passivity, it is not surprising that he should have gone through a phase of adolescent rebellion, marked by secret atheism, petty thefts, furtive smoking, and-most shocking of all for a boy born in a Vaishnava family-meat eating. His adolescence was probably no stormier than that of most children of his age and class. What was extraordinary was the way his youthful transgressions ended.

"Never again" was his promise to himself after each escapade. And he kept his promise. Beneath an unprepossessing exterior, he concealed a burning passion for self-improvement that led him to take even the heroes of Hindu mythology, such as Prahlada and Harishcandra-legendary embodiments of truthfulness and sacrifice-as living models.

In 1887 Mohandas scraped through the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay (now University of Mumbai) and joined Samaldas College in Bhavnagar (Bhaunagar). As he had to suddenly switch from his native language- Gujarati -to English, he found it rather difficult to follow the lectures.

Meanwhile, his family was debating his future. Left to himself, he would have liked to have been a doctor. But, besides the Vaishnava prejudice against vivisection, it was clear that, if he was to keep up the family tradition of holding high office in one of the states in Gujarat, he would have to qualify as a barrister. That meant a visit to England, and Mohandas, who was not too happy at Samaldas College, jumped at the proposal. His youthful imagination conceived England as "a land of philosophers and poets, the very centre of civilization." But there were several hurdles to be crossed before the visit to England could be realized. His father had left the family little property; moreover, his mother was reluctant to expose her youngest child to unknown temptations and dangers in a distant land. But Mohandas was determined to visit England. One of his brothers raised the necessary money, and his mother's doubts were allayed when he took a vow that, while away from home, he would not touch wine, women, or meat. Mohandas disregarded the last obstacle-the decree of the leaders of the Modh Bania subcaste ( Vaishya caste), to which the Gandhis belonged, who forbade his trip to England as a violation of the Hindu religion-and sailed in September 1888. Ten days after his arrival, he joined the Inner Temple, one of the four London law colleges ( The Temple).

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Mahatma Gandhi | Biography, Education, Religion, Accomplishments, Death, & Facts

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Mahatma Gandhi, the revered Indian leader and advocate of nonviolent resistance, inspired a nation to fight for independence from British rule through peaceful means, leaving an enduring legacy in history.

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He was Mohandas K Gandhi.

At that time, India was part of the British Empire, a group of countries ruled by Britain and Britain decided their laws.

Gandhi believed this was wrong. He thought India should be ruled by Indian people.

He wanted change but through peace, not violence.

Aged 23, Gandhi moved to South Africa, where one event changed the rest of his life. He was thrown off a train carriage which was just for white people. Because of this unfair treatment he returned to India, determined to work for change.

Gandhi started making many peaceful protests.

He now dressed in white cotton clothes to show he was living simply like the poor.

He wanted Indians to stop buying British things.

In 1930, he led the Salt March, a protest against the British who were selling salt to Indians. Indians needed salt to stay healthy. They wanted to make their own because it was cheaper. But the British said, "No".

Gandhi's protest was very important. Because of it, he was arrested and spent almost nine months in prison.

Gandhi won support from people around the world.

As his protests increased, the British decided they couldn't rule India any more.

In 1947 they left. But before going, they split it into two countries - India, where people mainly followed the Hindu religion, and Pakistan, where most were Muslims. This was called 'Partition'.

Gandhi died for his beliefs. In January 1948, he was killed by someone who blamed him for India being divided.

But we still remember him today for the power of his peaceful protests.

As Gandhi said, "In a gentle way, you can shake the world!"

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Explore the story of one man's peaceful fight to make India independent of British rule. Find out more with Bitesize KS1 History.

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An Autobiography or The Story of My Experiments with Truth: M.K. Gandhi : translated from Gujarati by Mahadev Desai :Navajivan Publishing House. Ahmedabad; vol. I, 1927;
Vol. II, 1929; edition used: 1959

Ethical Religion: Mahatma Gandhi; translated from Hindi by B. Rama Iyer; S. Ganesan, Madras,1930.

Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase: Pyarelal; Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad; Vol. I, February 1956; Vol. II, February 1958.

M. K. Gandhi: An Indian Patriot in South Africa: By J. J. Doke; introduction by Lord Ampthill; The London Indian Chronicle, London, 1909.

Towards New Horizons: Pyarelal; reprinted from Mahatma Gandhi; The Last Phase; Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1959.

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An Autobiography or The Story of My Experiments with Truth: M.K. Gandhi : translated from Gujarati by Mahadev Desai :Navajivan Publishing House. Ahmedabad; vol. I, 1927;Vol. II, 1929; edition used: 1959 Ethical Religion: Mahatma Gandhi; translated from Hindi by B. Rama Iyer; S. Ganesan, Madras,1930.

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John Wesley, (born June 17, 1703, Epworth, Lincolnshire, England-died March 2, 1791, London), Anglican clergyman, evangelist, and founder, with his brother Charles, of the Methodist movement in the Church of England.

John Wesley was the second son of Samuel, a former Nonconformist (dissenter from the Church of England) and rector at Epworth, and Susanna Wesley. After six years of education at the Charterhouse, London, he entered Christ Church, Oxford University, in 1720. Graduating in 1724, he resolved to become ordained a priest; in 1725 he was made a deacon by the bishop of Oxford and the following year was elected a fellow of Lincoln College. After assisting his father at Epworth and Wroot, he was ordained a priest on September 22, 1728.

Recalled to Oxford in October 1729 to fulfill the residential requirements of his fellowship, John joined his brother Charles, Robert Kirkham, and William Morgan in a religious study group that was derisively called the "Methodists" because of their emphasis on methodical study and devotion. Taking over the leadership of the group from Charles, John helped the group to grow in numbers. The "Methodists," also called the Holy Club, were known for their frequent communion services and for fasting two days a week. From 1730 on, the group added social services to their activities, visiting Oxford prisoners, teaching them to read, paying their debts, and attempting to find employment for them. The Methodists also extended their activities to workhouses and poor people, distributing food, clothes, medicine, and books and also running a school. When the Wesleys left the Holy Club in 1735, the group disintegrated.

Following his father's death in April 1735, John was persuaded by an Oxford friend, John Burton, and Col. James Oglethorpe, governor of the colony of Georgia in North America, to oversee the spiritual lives of the colonists and to missionize the Native Americans as an agent for the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Accompanied by Charles, who was ordained for this mission, John was introduced to some Moravian emigrants who appeared to him to possess the spiritual peace for which he had been searching. The mission to the indigenous peoples proved abortive, nor did Wesley succeed with most of his flock. He served them faithfully, but his stiff high churchmanship antagonized them. He had a naive attachment to Sophia Hopkey, niece of the chief magistrate of Savannah, who married another man, and Wesley unwisely courted criticism by repelling her from Holy Communion. In December 1737 he fled from Georgia; misunderstandings and persecution stemming from the Sophia Hopkey episode forced him to go back to England.

In London John met a Moravian, Peter Böhler, who convinced him that what he needed was simply faith, and he also discovered Martin Luther's commentary on the Letter of Paul to the Galatians, which emphasized the scriptural doctrine of justification by grace through faith alone. On May 24, 1738, in Aldersgate Street, London, during a meeting composed largely of Moravians under the auspices of the Church of England, Wesley's intellectual conviction was transformed into a personal experience while Luther's preface to the commentary to the Letter of Paul to the Romans was being read.

From this point onward, at the age of 35, Wesley viewed his mission in life as one of proclaiming the good news of salvation by faith, which he did whenever a pulpit was offered him. The congregations of the Church of England, however, soon closed their doors to him because of his enthusiasm. He then went to religious societies, trying to inject new spiritual vigour into them, particularly by introducing "bands" similar to those of the Moravians-i.e., small groups within each society that were confined to members of the same sex and marital status who were prepared to share intimate details of their lives with each other and to receive mutual rebukes. For such groups Wesley drew up Rules of the Band Societies in December 1738.

For a year he worked through existing church societies, but resistance to his methods increased. In 1739 George Whitefield, who later became an important preacher of the Great Awakening in Great Britain and North America, persuaded Wesley to go to the unchurched masses. Wesley gathered converts into societies for continuing fellowship and spiritual growth, and he was asked by a London group to become their leader. Soon other such groups were formed in London, Bristol, and elsewhere. To avoid the scandal of unworthy members, Wesley published, in 1743, Rules for the Methodist societies. To promote new societies he became a widely travelled itinerant preacher. Because most ordained clergymen did not favour his approach, Wesley was compelled to seek the services of dedicated laymen, who also became itinerant preachers and helped administer the Methodist societies.

Many of Wesley's preachers had gone to the American colonies, but after the American Revolution most returned to England. Because the bishop of London would not ordain some of his preachers to serve in the United States, Wesley controversially took it upon himself, in 1784, to do so. In the same year he pointed out that his societies operated independently of any control by the Church of England.

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Toward the end of his life, Wesley became an honoured figure in the British Isles.

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John Wesley | Biography, Methodism, Beliefs, & Facts

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John Wesley, (born June 17, 1703, Epworth, Lincolnshire, England-died March 2, 1791, London), Anglican clergyman, evangelist, and founder, with his brother Charles, of the Methodist movement in the Church of England. John Wesley was the second son of Samuel, a former Nonconformist (dissenter from the Church of England) and rector at Epworth, and Susanna Wesley.

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Sumer, site of the earliest known civilization, located in the southernmost part of Mesopotamia, between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, in the area that later became Babylonia and is now southern Iraq, from around Baghdad to the Persian Gulf.

A brief treatment of Sumerian civilization follows. For full treatment, see Mesopotamia, history of: Sumerian civilization.

Sumer was first settled between 4500 and 4000 bce by a non-Semitic people who did not speak the Sumerian language. These people now are called proto-Euphrateans or Ubaidians, for the village Al-ʿUbayd, where their remains were first discovered. The Ubaidians were the first civilizing force in Sumer, draining the marshes for agriculture, developing trade, and establishing industries, including weaving, leatherwork, metalwork, masonry, and pottery. After the Ubaidian immigration to Mesopotamia, various Semitic peoples infiltrated their territory, adding their cultures to the Ubaidian culture and creating a high pre-Sumerian civilization.

The people called Sumerians, whose language became the prevailing language of the territory, probably came from around Anatolia, arriving in Sumer about 3300 bce. By the 3rd millennium bce the country was the site of at least 12 separate city-states: Kish, Erech (Uruk), Ur, Sippar, Akshak, Larak, Nippur, Adab, Umma, Lagash, Bad-tibira, and Larsa. Each of these states comprised a walled city and its surrounding villages and land, and each worshipped its own deity, whose temple was the central structure of the city. Political power originally belonged to the citizens, but, as rivalry between the various city-states increased, each adopted the institution of kingship. An extant document, The Sumerian King List, records that eight kings reigned before the great Flood.

After the Flood, various city-states and their dynasties of kings temporarily gained power over the others. The first king to unite the separate city-states was Etana, ruler of Kish ( c. 2800 bce). Thereafter, Kish, Erech, Ur, and Lagash vied for ascendancy for hundreds of years, rendering Sumer vulnerable to external conquerors, first the Elamites ( c. 2530-2450 bce) and later the Akkadians, led by their king Sargon (reigned 2334-2279 bce). Although Sargon's dynasty lasted only about 100 years, it united the city-states and created a model of government that influenced all of Middle Eastern civilization.

After Sargon's dynasty ended and Sumer recovered from a devastating invasion by the semi-barbaric Gutians, the city-states once again became independent. The high point of this final era of Sumerian civilization was the reign of the 3rd dynasty of Ur, whose first king, Ur-Nammu, published the earliest law code yet discovered in Mesopotamia.

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After 1900 bce, when the Amorites conquered all of Mesopotamia, the Sumerians lost their separate identity, but they bequeathed their culture to their Semitic successors, and they left the world a number of technological and cultural contributions, including the first wheeled vehicles and potter's wheels; the first system of writing, cuneiform; the first codes of law; and the first city-states.

Amy Tikkanen.

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Sumer | Definition, Cities, Rulers, & Facts

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Sumer, site of the earliest known civilization, located in the southernmost part of Mesopotamia, between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, in the area that later became Babylonia and is now southern Iraq, from around Baghdad to the Persian Gulf. A brief treatment of Sumerian civilization follows.

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The background

In the narrow sense, Mesopotamia is the area between the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, north or northwest of the bottleneck at Baghdad, in modern Iraq; it is Al-Jazīrah ("The Island") of the Arabs. South of this lies Babylonia, named after the city of Babylon. However, in the broader sense, the name Mesopotamia has come to be used for the area bounded on the northeast by the Zagros Mountains and on the southwest by the edge of the Arabian Plateau and stretching from the Persian Gulf in the southeast to the spurs of the Anti-Taurus Mountains in the northwest. Only from the latitude of Baghdad do the Euphrates and Tigris truly become twin rivers, the rāfidān of the Arabs, which have constantly changed their courses over the millennia. The low-lying plain of the Kārūn River in Persia has always been closely related to Mesopotamia, but it is not considered part of Mesopotamia as it forms its own river system.

Mesopotamia, south of Al-Ramādī (about 70 miles, or 110 kilometres, west of Baghdad) on the Euphrates and the bend of the Tigris below Sāmarrāʾ (about 70 miles north-northwest of Baghdad), is flat alluvial land. Between Baghdad and the mouth of the Shaṭṭ al-ʿArab (the confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates, where it empties into the Persian Gulf) there is a difference in height of only about 100 feet (30 metres). As a result of the slow flow of the water, there are heavy deposits of silt, and the riverbeds are raised. Consequently, the rivers often overflow their banks (and may even change their course) when they are not protected by high dikes. In recent times they have been regulated above Baghdad by the use of escape channels with overflow reservoirs. The extreme south is a region of extensive marshes and reed swamps, hawrs, which, probably since early times, have served as an area of refuge for oppressed and displaced peoples. The supply of water is not regular; as a result of the high average temperatures and a very low annual rainfall, the ground of the plain of latitude 35° N is hard and dry and unsuitable for plant cultivation for at least eight months in the year. Consequently, agriculture without risk of crop failure, which seems to have begun in the higher rainfall zones and in the hilly borders of Mesopotamia in the 10th millennium bce, began in Mesopotamia itself, the real heart of the civilization, only after artificial irrigation had been invented, bringing water to large stretches of territory through a widely branching network of canals. Since the ground is extremely fertile and, with irrigation and the necessary drainage, will produce in abundance, southern Mesopotamia became a land of plenty that could support a considerable population. The cultural superiority of north Mesopotamia, which may have lasted until about 4000 bce, was finally overtaken by the south when the people there had responded to the challenge of their situation.

The present climatic conditions are fairly similar to those of 8,000 years ago. An English survey of ruined settlements in the area 30 miles around ancient Hatra (180 miles northwest of Baghdad) has shown that the southern limits of the zone in which agriculture is possible without artificial irrigation has remained unchanged since the first settlement of Al-Jazīrah.

The availability of raw materials is a historical factor of great importance, as is the dependence on those materials that had to be imported. In Mesopotamia, agricultural products and those from stock breeding, fisheries, date palm cultivation, and reed industries-in short, grain, vegetables, meat, leather, wool, horn, fish, dates, and reed and plant-fibre products-were available in plenty and could easily be produced in excess of home requirements to be exported. There are bitumen springs at Hīt (90 miles northwest of Baghdad) on the Euphrates (the Is of Herodotus). On the other hand, wood, stone, and metal were rare or even entirely absent. The date palm-virtually the national tree of Iraq-yields a wood suitable only for rough beams and not for finer work. Stone is mostly lacking in southern Mesopotamia, although limestone is quarried in the desert about 35 miles to the west and "Mosul marble" is found not far from the Tigris in its middle reaches. Metal can only be obtained in the mountains, and the same is true of precious and semiprecious stones. Consequently, southern Mesopotamia in particular was destined to be a land of trade from the start. Only rarely could "empires" extending over a wider area guarantee themselves imports by plundering or by subjecting neighbouring regions.

The raw material that epitomizes Mesopotamian civilization is clay: in the almost exclusively mud-brick architecture and in the number and variety of clay figurines and pottery artifacts, Mesopotamia bears the stamp of clay as does no other civilization, and nowhere in the world but in Mesopotamia and the regions over which its influence was diffused was clay used as the vehicle for writing. Such phrases as cuneiform civilization, cuneiform literature, and cuneiform law can apply only where people had had the idea of using soft clay not only for bricks and jars and for the jar stoppers on which a seal could be impressed as a mark of ownership but also as the vehicle for impressed signs to which established meanings were assigned-an intellectual achievement that amounted to nothing less than the invention of writing.

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History of Mesopotamia | Definition, Civilization, Summary, Agriculture, & Facts

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History of Mesopotamia, the region in southwestern Asia where the world's earliest civilization developed. Centered between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, the region in ancient times was home to several civilizations, including the Sumerians, Babylonians, Assyrians, and Persians.

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ABOUT CUNEIFORM WRITING. . .

Pictograms, or drawings representing actual things, were the basis for cuneiform writing. As shown in the chart, early pictograms resembled the objects they represented, but through repeated use over time they began to look simpler, even abstract. These marks eventually became wedge-shaped ("cuneiform"), and could convey sounds or abstract concepts.

Sumerians created cuneiform
script over 5000 years ago. It was the world's first written language. The last known cuneiform inscription was written in 75 AD.

Teachers
let your students try cuneiform with these classroom projects

webpage. 1. Print out your monogram in cuneiform from the Write Like a Babylonian
2. Roll out Sculpey clay onto a 4x6 card.
3. Using wedge-shaped pieces from a Trivial Pursuit game and a popsicle stick, copy your cuneiform monogram onto the clay.
4. Optional: using a pencil, make holes at the edge of the clay (for hanging later).
5. Bake the clay pieces in an ordinary oven (instructions on Sculpey boxes) until brown and ancient looking!

Project submitted by
Cecilia Wondergem 1. Make cuneiform "tablets" by placing 11 popsicle sticks side by side. Glue 3 sticks crosswise to hold them together.
2. Paint the smooth sides of the tablets in earth colors.
3. Draw your cuneiform monograms on the smooth sides with ink, paint, or pipecleaners which can be bent and glued into place.
St. Basil Catholic School
South Haven, Michigan
7th grade class

Got a classroom project?
Send it -- we'll post it!

The first pictograms were drawn in vertical columns with a pen made from a sharpened reed. Then two developments made the process quicker and easier: People began to write in horizontal rows, and a new type of pen was used which was pushed into the clay, producing "wedge-shaped" signs that are known as cuneiform writing.

Cuneiform was written on clay tablets, and then baked hard in a kiln.

Cuneiform was adapted by the Akkadians, Babylonians, Sumerians and Assyrians to write their own languages and was used in Mesopotamia for about 3000 years.

Clay tablets were the primary media for everyday written communication and were used extensively in schools. Tablets were routinely recycled and if permanence was called for, they could be baked hard in a kiln. Many of the tablets found by archaeologists were preserved because they were baked when attacking armies burned the building in which they were kept. Clay was an ideal writing material when paired with the reed stylus writing tool. The writer would make quick impressions in the soft clay using either the wedge or pointed end of the stylus. By adjusting the relative position of the tablet to the stylus, the writer could use a single tool to make a variety of impressions. While many wedge positions are possible, awkward ones quickly fell from use in favor of those that were quickest and easiest to make. Like sloppy handwriting, badly made cuneiform signs would be illegible or misunderstood.

Becoming a Scribe

On a hot sunny day 3700 years ago in the city of Nippur under the rule of the Hammurabi Dynasty (circa 1900 - 1600 BC) a young boy was learning to be a scribe. His classroom was most likely in a private home; his materials: a reed stylus and clay tablets. The lesson of the day was to practice writing thousand year old Sumerian cuneiform characters. Higher levels of Babylonian learning involved studying the Sumerian roots of their civilization, much like modern students study Greek and Latin. Literacy and knowledge were the tickets to a prosperous life as a scribe in the ever-growing government and religious bureaucracies. The day's lesson was a routine, but important, practice in handwriting and vocabulary.

In the reign of Hammurabi (1792 - 1750 BC) when law and literature were celebrated with zeal, the ancient Sumerian heritage of the region was fully incorporated into the education of the empire's most promising students. These Babylonians spoke Akkadian and wrote in cuneiform on clay tablets. Akkadian and cuneiform continued to thrive for more than another thousand years under the Assyrians and the later Babylonian revival of Nebuchadnezzar. The use of Aramaic became widespread after the beginning of the first millennium and the Aramaean alphabet gradually replaced cuneiform.

This type of school tablet is called a "lentil" or "bun." The convex shaped back fits naturally into the palm of the hand. There are 4 rows of signs on the front of the tablet. The teacher in ancient Nippur inscribed the signs in rows 1 and 2. The student then took the soft tablet and copied the text into rows 3 and 4. Our student was learning Sumerian signs that were already 1000 years old. The signs in row 1 were pronounced The Round School Tablet
from the Babylonian city of Nippur during the Hammurabi Dynasty gi-gur which translates "reed basket." Row 2 reads gi-gur-da and that means a type of large reed basket. This lesson was both for handwriting and vocabulary.

Early Sumerian Tablet

The Early Sumerian Tablet represents the second stage in the development of the Mesopotamian system of recording ancient economic activities. The very first stage of bookkeeping was tied to specific economic items represented by tokens, originally made from stone and then from clay. There was a specific token for sheep, another for wine, another for a day's work, etc. To record 3 sheep and 2 jugs of wine, the ancient bookkeeper would create the token for sheep three times and the token for wine twice. These tokens were then stored in a container, probably made of cloth or leather. In this first stage, quantities and items were integrally linked together.

Around 3000 BC the second stage of recording economic activities began to develop. Scribes began to utilize a more complex system of notation, in which tokens were replaced by pictographs on wet clay using a reed stylus. In this second stage, quantites and items were separated. No longer were they using the token for sheep three times in order to reprent three sheep, but rather they began to write the pictographic symbol for sheep alongside the symbol denoting the number three. Instead of the same symbol used three times, scribes now wrote two different symbols: one for the amount and another for the item. This was revolutionary. Numbers were now free to develop on their own into a complicated numerical designation system. Simultaneously, other written symbols were developed on a phonetic basis rather than a purely pictographic basis. This allowed for the recording of more abstract items such as names of gods, kings and humans and the recording of spoken words in addition to the recording of concrete pictograph items, like sheep and flour. With this breakthrough, the recording of written language developed so that cuneiform writing not only counted things, but could also tell stories.

The Sumerians lived along the lower Tigris and Euphrates valley in what is now Iraq. They were the first people to build cities and achieve what we call 'civilization.' Sumerians domesticated goats and cattle; they developed writing; they grew wheat and barley, and used them to bake bread and brew beer. The Sumerians built large temple complexes and had kings whom they buried in large tombs. We don't know whether the wheel was invented by the Sumerians or imported, but in the years between 4000 and 3000 BC it come into general use for military, commercial and agricultural applications.

tablet is divided into 3 columns, which are further subdivided in panels. Solid lines mark both the columns and the panels. Reading begins at the top left (column 1), moves down the three panels on that side. and continues around the bottom edge and on to the reverse side. The text picks up again on the front at the top of column 2, which continues down and around to the back. Column 3 does the same. Column 1 describes the acquisition of 180
Early Sumerian Tablet
found near Baghdad, Iraq
3100-2900 BC Five thousand years ago the people of Sumer began to write. They were the first, and they began not with poetry or stories or great literature, but rather with economic transactions. This tablet is one of the earliest on record. It describes the transfer of 300 acres of land between two parties. As the city states of Sumer grew in size, an increasingly complex social structure called for more sophisticated techniques to record and store accounts of economic transactions. This tablet illustrates the transition from a token oriented record keeping to the use of the world's first writing: cuneiform. The iku (63.5 heactares) of land by a person or temple household of a deity. Columns 2 and 3 describe how the 180 iku is divided into 4 fields. The round holes in the tablet count the bur (or field size).

The Key to Deciphering Cuneiform: inscriptions on a cliff

Knowledge of cuneiform was lost until AD 1835, when Henry Rawlinson, an English army officer, found some inscriptions on a cliff (shown above) at Behistun in Persia. Carved in the reign of King Darius of Persia (522-486 BC), they consisted of identical texts in three languages: Old Persian, Babylonian and Elamite. After translating the Persian, Rawlinson began to decipher the others. By 1851 he could read 200 Babylonian signs.

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Write Like a Babylonian | Penn Museum

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Cuneiform Writing @ University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology

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ABOUT CUNEIFORM WRITING. . . Pictograms, or drawings representing actual things, were the basis for cuneiform writing. As shown in the chart, early pictograms resembled the objects they represented, but through repeated use over time they began to look simpler, even abstract. These marks eventually became wedge-shaped ("cuneiform"), and could convey sounds or abstract concepts.

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jazz, musical form, often improvisational, developed by African Americans and influenced by both European harmonic structure and African rhythms. It was developed partially from ragtime and blues and is often characterized by syncopated rhythms, polyphonic ensemble playing, varying degrees of improvisation, often deliberate deviations of pitch, and the use of original timbres.

Any attempt to arrive at a precise, all-encompassing definition of jazz is probably futile. Jazz has been, from its very beginnings at the turn of the 20th century, a constantly evolving, expanding, changing music, passing through several distinctive phases of development; a definition that might apply to one phase-for instance, to New Orleans style or swing-becomes inappropriate when applied to another segment of its history, say, to free jazz. Early attempts to define jazz as a music whose chief characteristic was improvisation, for example, turned out to be too restrictive and largely untrue, since composition, arrangement, and ensemble have also been essential components of jazz for most of its history. Similarly, syncopation and swing, often considered essential and unique to jazz, are in fact lacking in much authentic jazz, whether of the 1920s or of later decades. Again, the long-held notion that swing could not occur without syncopation was roundly disproved when trumpeters Louis Armstrong and Bunny Berigan (among others) frequently generated enormous swing while playing repeated, unsyncopated quarter notes.

Jazz, in fact, is not-and never has been-an entirely composed, predetermined music, nor is it an entirely extemporized one. For almost all of its history it has employed both creative approaches in varying degrees and endless permutations. And yet, despite these diverse terminological confusions, jazz seems to be instantly recognized and distinguished as something separate from all other forms of musical expression. To repeat Armstrong's famous reply when asked what swing meant: "If you have to ask, you'll never know." To add to the confusion, there often have been seemingly unbridgeable perceptual differences between the producers of jazz (performers, composers, and arrangers) and its audiences. For example, with the arrival of free jazz and other latter-day avant-garde manifestations, many senior musicians maintained that music that didn't swing was not jazz.

Most early classical composers (such as Aaron Copland, John Alden Carpenter-and even Igor Stravinsky, who became smitten with jazz) were drawn to its instrumental sounds and timbres, the unusual effects and inflections of jazz playing (brass mutes, glissandos, scoops, bends, and stringless ensembles), and its syncopations, completely ignoring, or at least underappreciating, the extemporized aspects of jazz. Indeed, the sounds that jazz musicians make on their instruments-the way they attack, inflect, release, embellish, and colour notes-characterize jazz playing to such an extent that if a classical piece were played by jazz musicians in their idiomatic phrasings, it would in all likelihood be called jazz.

Nonetheless, one important aspect of jazz clearly does distinguish it from other traditional musical areas, especially from classical music: the jazz performer is primarily or wholly a creative, improvising composer-his own composer, as it were-whereas in classical music the performer typically expresses and interprets someone else's composition.

West Africa in the American South: gathering the musical elements of jazz

The elements that make jazz distinctive derive primarily from West African musical sources as taken to the North American continent by slaves, who partially preserved them against all odds in the plantation culture of the American South. These elements are not precisely identifiable because they were not documented-at least not until the mid- to late 19th century, and then only sparsely. Furthermore, Black slaves came from diverse West African tribal cultures with distinct musical traditions. Thus, a great variety of Black musical sensibilities were assembled on American soil. These in turn rather quickly encountered European musical elements-for example, simple dance and entertainment musics and shape-note hymn tunes, such as were prevalent in early 19th-century North America.

The music that eventually became jazz evolved out of a wide-ranging, gradually assimilated mixture of Black and white folk musics and popular styles, with roots in both West Africa and Europe. It is only a slight oversimplification to assert that the rhythmic and structural elements of jazz, as well as some aspects of its customary instrumentation (e.g., banjo or guitar and percussion), derive primarily from West African traditions, whereas the European influences can be heard not only in the harmonic language of jazz but in its use of such conventional instruments as trumpet, trombone, saxophone, string bass, and piano.

The syncopations of jazz were not entirely new-they had been the central attraction of one of its forerunners, ragtime, and could be heard even earlier in minstrel music and in the work of Creole composer Louis Moreau Gottschalk ( Bamboula, subtitled Danse des Nègres, 1844-45, and Ojos Criollos, 1859, among others). Nevertheless, jazz syncopation struck nonblack listeners as fascinating and novel, because that particular type of syncopation was not present in European classical music. The syncopations in ragtime and jazz were, in fact, the result of reducing and simplifying (over a period of at least a century) the complex, multilayered, polyrhythmic, and polymetric designs indigenous to all kinds of West African ritual dance and ensemble music. In other words, the former accentuations of multiple vertically competing metres were drastically simplified to syncopated accents.

The provenance of melody (tune, theme, motive, riff) in jazz is more obscure. In all likelihood, jazz melody evolved out of a simplified residue and mixture of African and European vocal materials intuitively developed by slaves in the United States in the 1700s and 1800s-for example, unaccompanied field hollers and work songs associated with the changed social conditions of Blacks. The widely prevalent emphasis on pentatonic formations came primarily from West Africa, whereas the diatonic (and later more chromatic) melodic lines of jazz grew from late 19th- and early 20th-century European antecedents.

Harmony was probably the last aspect of European music to be absorbed by Blacks. But once acquired, harmony was applied as an additional musical resource to religious texts; one result was the gradual development of spirituals, borrowing from the white religious revival meetings that African Americans in many parts of the South were urged to attend. One crucial outcome of these musical acculturations was the development by Blacks of the so-called blues scale, with its "blue notes"-the flatted third and seventh degrees. This scale is neither particularly African nor particularly European but acquired its peculiar modality from pitch inflections common to any number of West African languages and musical forms. In effect these highly expressive-and in African terms very meaningful-pitch deviations were superimposed on the diatonic scale common to almost all European classical and vernacular music.

That jazz developed uniquely in the United States, not in the Caribbean or in South America (or any other realm to which thousands of African Blacks were also transported) is historically fascinating. Many Blacks in those other regions were very often emancipated by the early 1800s and thus were free individuals who actively participated in the cultural development of their own countries. In the case of Brazil, Blacks were so geographically and socially isolated from the white establishment that they simply were able to retain their own African musical traditions in a virtually pure form. It is thus ironic that jazz would probably never have evolved had it not been for the slave trade as it was practiced specifically in the United States.

Jazz grew from the African American slaves who were prevented from maintaining their native musical traditions and felt the need to substitute some homegrown form of musical expression. Such composers as the Brazilian mulatto José Maurício Nunes Garcia were fully in touch with the musical advances of their time that were developing in Europe and wrote music in those styles and traditions. American slaves, by contrast, were restricted not only in their work conditions and religious observances but in leisure activities, including music making. Although slaves who played such instruments as the violin, horn, and oboe were exploited for their musical talents in such cities as Charleston, South Carolina, these were exceptional situations. By and large the slaves were relegated to picking up whatever little scraps of music were allowed them.

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Jazz | Definition, History, Musicians, & Facts

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Jazz, musical form, often improvisational, developed by African Americans and influenced by both European harmonic structure and African rhythms. It is often characterized by syncopated rhythms, polyphonic ensemble playing, and the use of original timbres. Learn more about its history and prominent musicians.

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Jazz is a kind of music in which improvisation is typically an important part. In most jazz performances, players play solos which they make up on the spot, which requires considerable skill. There is tremendous variety in jazz, but most jazz is very rhythmic, has a forward momentum called "swing," and uses "bent" or "blue" notes. You can often hear "call--and--response" patterns in jazz, in which one instrument, voice, or part of the band answers another. (You can hear Ella Fitzgerald and Roy Eldridge do "call and response" in Ella's Singing Class.) Jazz can express many different emotions, from pain to sheer joy. In jazz, you may hear the sounds of freedom-for the music has been a powerful voice for people suffering unfair treatment because of the color of the skin, or because they lived in a country run by a cruel dictator.

THE NATURE OF JAZZ

Jazz musicians place a high value on finding their own sound and style, and that means, for example, that trumpeter Miles Davis sounds very different than trumpeter Louis Armstrong (whose sound you can hear in Louis's Music Class.) Jazz musicians like to play their songs in their own distinct styles, and so you might listen to a dozen different jazz recordings of the same song, but each will sound different. The musicians' playing styles make each version different, and so do the improvised solos. Jazz is about making something familiar--a familiar song--into something fresh. And about making something shared--a tune that everyone knows--into somethingpersonal. Those are just some of the reasons that jazz is a great art form, and why some people consider it "America's classical music."

THE GROWTH OF JAZZ

Jazz developed in the United States in the very early part of the 20th century. New Orleans, near the mouth of the Mississippi River, played a key role in this development. The city's population was more diverse than anywhere else in the South, and people of African, French, Caribbean, Italian, German, Mexican, and American Indian, as well as English, descent interacted with one another. African-American musical traditions mixed with others and gradually jazz emerged from a blend of ragtime, marches, blues, and other kinds of music. At first jazz was mostly for dancing. (In later years, people would sit and listen to it.) After the first recordings of jazz were made in 1917, the music spread widely and developed rapidly. The evolution of jazz was led by a series of brilliant musicians such as Louis Armstrong, Duke Ellington (listen to Ellington in Duke's Music Class), Charlie Parker, and Miles Davis. Jazz developed a series of different styles including traditional jazz, swing (listen, for example, to Benny Carter, who got his start in swing music, in Benny's Music Class) bebop, cool jazz, and jazz?rock, among others. At the same time, jazz spread from the United States to many parts of the world, and today jazz musicians--and jazz festivals--can be found in dozens of nations. Jazz is one of the United States's greatest exports to the world.

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Jazz is a kind of music in which improvisation is typically an important part. In most jazz performances, players play solos which they make up on the spot, which requires considerable skill. There is tremendous variety in jazz, but most jazz is very rhythmic, has a forward momentum called "swing," and uses "bent" or "blue" notes.

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Perpetuating the Jazz Tradition...since 1994

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Building a community of lifelong learners!