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Slide 13- Beyond the Acceptable Use Policy

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Slide 13- Beyond the Acceptable Use Policy

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Citation: Marcineck. A. (2014, October 22). Digital citizenship: Developing a culture of trust and transparency. Edutopia.
A STEM Program can develop empathetic cyber citizens by
- Framing curriculum from legal obligations to an empowerment of rights and protections
- Empowering learners with privacy skills: strong passwords, cybersecurity basics, personal information disclosure
- Equipping students with devices and guidelines to make choices based on empathy through digital citizenship curriculum
- Using positive and age-appropriate language to review laws
- Communicating and implementing cyberbullying policies
- Participating in Digital Citizenship Week
- Modeling Digital Citizenship daily and explicitly

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Turning a forbidding acceptable use policy into a friendlier digital empowerment guideline can shift your school culture into a more tech-friendly place.

Photo credit: Institute of Play

An acceptable use policy is a document that is present in every school district around the country. The purpose of this policy is to provide safe parameters for exploring digital resources and using school-issued devices properly. It also ensures that schools do their very best to block out the darkest corners of the web. And while these policies are effective and required, they have not evolved in their semantics.

From Acceptable to Empowered

Within the development of these school-wide policies, several shifts need to happen. My observation about the need for a semantic shift, probably one of the biggest shifts requited, reflects how acceptable use policies are interpreted by students. Essentially, these policies read more like a legal document rather than a document that students can understand and carry out. Additionally, we need to shift the focus from "you shouldn't do that" to a sense of empowerment around technology. In short, schools should place a positive connotation around technology use.

Some districts have started implementing responsible digital use guidelines or empowered digital use policies. Regardless of the title you choose, it should provide a sense of purpose for using technology beyond the idea that "said devices may get me in trouble." Similarly, this policy should be something that all students can understand and interpret. It should be simple and direct without creating an air of fear when signing on the dotted line.

Here is an example that I've used to begin simplifying my district's Empowered Digital Use Policy:

I understand that using digital devices (whether personal or school owned) and the GDRSD network is a privilege, and when I use them according to the Responsible Use Guidelines I will keep that privilege.

I will:

Use digital devices, networks, and software in school for educational purposes and activities

Keep my personal information (including home/mobile phone number, mailing address, and user password) and that of others private

Show respect for myself and others when using technology including social media

Give acknowledgement to others for their ideas and work

Report inappropriate use of technology immediately.

This novel policy fits within the parameters of the Child Online Protection Act (COPA) and the Children's Internet Protection Act (CIPA) and doesn't cloud the tasks with lofty, legal verbiage. Another great resource for developing a school-wide policy for digital use is the wiki Unmasking the Digital Truth created by Dr. Wesley Fryer. Dr. Fryer breaks down the legal verbiage for each policy enacted by the federal government and shares what schools must comply with and what they can allow.

Health, Wellness, and Information

Once you've developed a policy, it's time to introduce the concept of digital health and wellness to students. This term may sound like I'm talking about calorie-counting apps, but it actually refers to making good choices online much like you would for your body's health. One of the best places to start is Common Sense Media. They offer iBooks and printable digital citizenship curriculum for grades K-12. These resources look great on an iPad, but they also offer a printable scope and sequence curriculum that allow teachers to prepare students for engaging in a digital space.

Beyond creating policy and teaching digital citizenship concepts, schools must include parents in these conversations around digital health and wellness. One of the biggest challenges for parents and schools is to develop policies and practice for a subject matter that is constantly in motion. As soon as you feel like you've gotten a handle on Instagram and Snapchat, something else comes along -- like Yik Yak -- that throws a curveball into every policy and practice you've created.

In my roles as both an instructional technology specialist and a director of technology, I used a variety of resources to make every attempt at staying ahead of the curve so that I could help the district, teachers, and parents understand what applications were out there and which of them posed an issue. Additionally, to inform parents on these new apps, I would offer community tech nights in our district. These events had a focused topic and took place in the evening. I targeted them toward parents but invited all community members to participate. The purpose was to share information about what apps students were using in class and what apps they might be using outside of school. In addition to the informative pieces, we would segue into a workshop setting where attendees could actually use the app itself to better understand how it works.

Whether your district employs technology or is just beginning to plan, it's never too late to start integrating lessons on digital citizenship. The two key elements in developing a healthy digital culture in your school are leading with transparency and establishing trust. Administrators and teachers need to place their trust in students and empower them to use the technology provided. This includes technology directors who may occasionally find it easier to block the entire internet rather than allow access to digital information. School administrators and teachers should also be upfront and open with the parents about what applications or digital resources they are incorporating into the classroom. If trust and transparency are leading your technology initiatives, schools will begin to see great successes in teaching and learning.

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Digital Citizenship: Developing a Culture of Trust and Transparency

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Turning a forbidding acceptable use policy into a friendlier digital empowerment guideline can shift your school culture into a more tech-friendly place. Photo credit: Institute of Play An acceptable use policy is a document that is present in every school district around the country.

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Slide 12- Curriculum to develop digital citizenship

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Slide 12- Curriculum to develop digital citizenship

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Link: https://www.commonsense.org/education/digital-citizenship
Citation: Common Sense Education. (2023). Everything you need to teach digital citizenship.
Common Sense education (CSE)provides K-12 Digital Citizenship curriculum. CSE uses research-based strategies to develop lessons targeting skills needed for Digital Citizenship. An annual Digital Citizenship week is hosted by CSE and its partners to raise awareness of its resources.

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Common Sense Education provides educators and students with the resources they need to harness the power of technology for learning and life. Find a free K-12 Digital Citizenship curriculum, reviews of popular EdTech apps, and resources for protecting student privacy.

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Slide 11- Commitment to Learners and Practice

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Slide 11- Commitment to Learners and Practice

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Link: https://www.nea.org

/resource-library/code-ethics-educators
Citation: National Education Association. (2020). Code of ethics for educators.

This protection students from injury is an ethical obligation as expressed in many codes of ethics including the code drafted by the National Education Association (2020). This commitment to learners and practice will strengthen the health of an individual and the overall STEM community.

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Slide 10- SAISD's Acceptable and Unacceptable Use of District Technology Resources

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Slide 10- SAISD's Acceptable and Unacceptable Use of District Technology Resources

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Link: https://resources.finalsite.net/images/v1694204222/saisdorg/unk3opvbik3ofueam3hj/SAISDStudentHandbook2023-2024.pdf
Citation: San Angelo Independent School District Student Handbook, 2023
The SAISD acceptable and unacceptable use of technology resources policy specifies the provision of technology for instructional purposes and online behavior. The policies require students and parents to maintain a digital presence that protects privacy, intellectual property, and the student code of conduct.

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Slide 9- Children's Online Privacy Protection Act, 1998 (COPA)

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Slide 9- Children's Online Privacy Protection Act, 1998 (COPA)

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Source of Law: Administrative, U.S. Code
Citation: Children's Online Privacy Protection Act, Pub. L. No. 105-277, Title XIII, 112 Stat. 2681, 2681-728 to 2681-735 (1998) (codified at 15 U.S.C. §§ 6501-6506)
Link: https://www.govinfo.gov/app/details/FR-1999-11-03/99-27740
- Extends and specify privacy laws specific to children under the age of 13
- It regulates the collection of minor’s personal information by Web sites
- Parents and staff should be aware of these protections for digital learning

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Office of the Federal Register, National Archives and Records Administration

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64 FR 59888 - Children’s Online Privacy Protection Rule - Content Details - 99-27740

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The Federal Trade Commission issues its final Rule pursuant to the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act of 1998 (``COPPA″ or ``the Act″). Section 6502 of the Act requires the Commission to enact rules governing the online collection of personal information from children under 13 within one yea…

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Slide 8- Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Act, 1994

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Slide 8- Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Act, 1994

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Source of Law: Statutory
Citation: The Federal Trade Commission Act, 15 U.S.C. § 45(a) (1994 ed.)
Link: http://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=granuleid%3AUSC-prelim-title15-chapter2-subchapter1&edition=prelim
- The FTC was established to protect consumers from unfair and unlawful trade practices
- The FTC requires educators and learners to uphold their digital responsibility to protect private information for self and others

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15 USC CHAPTER 2, SUBCHAPTER I: FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION

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A commission is created and established, to be known as the Federal Trade Commission (hereinafter referred to as the Commission), which shall be composed of five Commissioners, who shall be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.

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Source of Law: Judicial, Supreme Court
Citation: Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 483-86 (1965)
Link: https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep381/usrep381479/usrep381479.pdf
- The Court ruled that privacy was an act implied by the Bill of Rights
- The ruling requires public and private agencies to disengage from activity that may be viewed as an invasion of privacy

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Source of Law: Constitutional Law
Citation: U.S. Const. amend ix.
Link: https://www.senate.gov/about/origins-foundations/senate-and-constitution/constitution.htm#amdt_9_(1791)
- Privacy is a right is not expressly stated in the Constitution
- The ninth amendment protects privacy as a right
retained by the people

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Constitution of the United States
Preamble Article I Article II Article III Article IV Article V Article VI
Article VII AMENDMENTS
Introduction

Written in 1787, ratified in 1788, and in operation since 1789, the United States Constitution is the world's longest surviving written charter of government. Its first three words - "We The People" - affirm that the government of the United States exists to serve its citizens. The supremacy of the people through their elected representatives is recognized in Article I, which creates a Congress consisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives. The positioning of Congress at the beginning of the Constitution affirms its status as the "First Branch" of the federal government.

The Constitution assigned to Congress responsibility for organizing the executive and judicial branches, raising revenue, declaring war, and making all laws necessary for executing these powers. The president is permitted to veto specific legislative acts, but Congress has the authority to override presidential vetoes by two-thirds majorities of both houses. The Constitution also provides that the Senate advise and consent on key executive and judicial appointments and on the approval for ratification of treaties.

For over two centuries the Constitution has remained in force because its framers successfully separated and balanced governmental powers to safeguard the interests of majority rule and minority rights, of liberty and equality, and of the federal and state governments. More a concise statement of national principles than a detailed plan of governmental operation, the Constitution has evolved to meet the changing needs of a modern society profoundly different from the eighteenth-century world in which its creators lived. To date, the Constitution has been amended 27 times, most recently in 1992. The first ten amendments constitute the Bill of Rights.

Annotated Constitutions

The Constitution of the United States of America: Analysis and Interpretation (popularly known as the Constitution Annotated) contains legal analysis and interpretation of the United States Constitution, based primarily on Supreme Court case law.

The Constitution of the United States of America, S.PUB.103-21 (1994) (PDF), prepared by the Office of the Secretary of the Senate with the assistance of Johnny H. Killian of the Library of Congress in 1994, provided the original text of each clause of the Constitution with an accompanying explanation of its meaning and how that meaning changed over time.

Italicized text indicates words and passages of the Constitution that were changed or affected by amendments.

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;

To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;

The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representatives from each State having one Vote; a quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice-President.

In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.

No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.

All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any state to the Contrary notwithstanding.

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.

The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same.

Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth In Witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names,

G o. Washington-Presid t.

And deputy from Virginia

New Hampshire John Langdon

Nicholas Gilman

Massachusetts Nathaniel Gorham

Rufus King

Connecticut Wm. Saml. Johnson

Roger Sherman

New York Alexander Hamilton

New Jersey Wil: Livingston

David Brearley

Wm. Paterson

Jona. Dayton

Pennsylvania B Franklin

Thomas Mifflin

Robt Morris

Geo. Clymer

Thos. FitzSimons

Jared Ingersoll

James Wilson

Gouv Morris

Delaware Geo: Read

Gunning Bedford jun

John Dickinson

Richard Bassett

Jaco: Broom

Maryland James McHenry

Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer

Danl Carroll

Virginia John Blair-

James Madison Jr.

North Carolina Wm. Blount

Richd. Dobbs Spaight

Hu Williamson

South Carolina J. Rutledge

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney

Charles Pinckney

Pierce Butler

Georgia William Few

Abr Baldwin

Attest William Jackson Secretary

AMENDMENTS
Amendment I (1791) Amendment II (1791)
Amendment III (1791) Amendment IV (1791)
Amendment V (1791) Amendment VI (1791)
Amendment VII (1791) Amendment VIII (1791)
Amendment IX (1791) Amendment X (1791)
Amendment XI (1795/1798) Amendment XII (1804)
Amendment XIII (1865) Amendment XIV (1868)
Amendment XV (1870) Amendment XVI (1913)
Amendment XVII (1913) Amendment XVIII (1919)
Amendment XIX (1920) Amendment XX (1933)
Amendment XXI (1933) Amendment XXII (1951)
Amendment XXIII (1961) Amendment XXIV (1964)
Amendment XXV (1967) Amendment XXVI (1971)
Amendment XXVII (1992)

The Electors shall meet in their respective states and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate;-The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted;-The person having the greatest Number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President -The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.

Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.

When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies: Provided, That the legislature of any State may empower the executive thereof to make temporary appointments until the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature may direct.

This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution.

Section 1. After one year from the ratification of this article the manufacture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importation thereof into, or the exportation thereof from the United States and all territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof for beverage purposes is hereby prohibited.

Section 2. The Congress and the several States shall have concurrent power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

Section 3. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of the several States, as provided in the Constitution, within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to the States by the Congress.

Section 1. The terms of the President and Vice President shall end at noon on the 20th day of January, and the terms of Senators and Representatives at noon on the 3d day of January, of the years in which such terms would have ended if this article had not been ratified; and the terms of their successors shall then begin.

Section 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall begin at noon on the 3d day of January, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

Section 3. If, at the time fixed for the beginning of the term of the President, the President elect shall have died, the Vice President elect shall become President. If a President shall not have been chosen before the time fixed for the beginning of his term, or if the President elect shall have failed to qualify, then the Vice President elect shall act as President until a President shall have qualified; and the Congress may by law provide for the case wherein neither a President elect nor a Vice President elect shall have qualified, declaring who shall then act as President, or the manner in which one who is to act shall be selected, and such person shall act accordingly until a President or Vice President shall have qualified.

Section 4. The Congress may by law provide for the case of the death of any of the persons from whom the House of Representatives may choose a President whenever the right of choice shall have devolved upon them, and for the case of the death of any of the persons from whom the Senate may choose a Vice President whenever the right of choice shall have devolved upon them.

Section 5. Sections 1 and 2 shall take effect on the 15th day of October following the ratification of this article.

Section 6. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven years from the date of its submission.

Section 1. The eighteenth article of amendment to the Constitution of the United States is hereby repealed.

Section 2. The transportation or importation into any State, Territory, or possession of the United States for delivery or use therein of intoxicating liquors, in violation of the laws thereof, is hereby prohibited.

Section 3. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by conventions in the several States, as provided in the Constitution, within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to the States by the Congress.

Section 1. The District constituting the seat of Government of the United States shall appoint in such manner as the Congress may direct:

A number of electors of President and Vice President equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives in Congress to which the District would be entitled if it were a State, but in no event more than the least populous State; they shall be in addition to those appointed by the States, but they shall be considered, for the purposes of the election of President and Vice President, to be electors appointed by a State; and they shall meet in the District and perform such duties as provided by the twelfth article of amendment.

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

Section 1. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the Vice President shall become President.

Section 2. Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress.

Section 3. Whenever the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice President as Acting President.

Section 4. Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.

Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive department or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. Thereupon Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that purpose if not in session. If the Congress, within twenty-one days after receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required to assemble, determines by two-thirds vote of both Houses that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the powers and duties of his office.

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U.S. Senate: Constitution of the United States

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Link: https://www.newsweek.com/we-need-learn-become-digital-citizens-nick-harkaway-65073
Citation: Harkaway, N. (2012, June 24). We need to learn to become digital citizens. Newsweek.
- The internet is a reflection of our choices
- Our choices can be informed by learned skills
- Educators can respond by modeling empathetic decisions to opportunities and resources on the internet
(Harkaway, 2012)

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It's not about the technology, it's about us.

That's the obvious yet elusive truth that has been elbowing its way into the popular consciousness since 2010: there is no digital "world," no "first nation in cyberspace" lurking behind our computer screens. Instead, what we see and do online is a part of what we do, period. The Internet is neither a magical kingdom nor a pirate nation of free speech and perfect artistic self-expression circling the earth beyond the reach of national laws. Nor is it an alien intrusion flooding a fragile human reality with orcs, kinky sex, and email scams from Nigerian bankers. The Internet is us. Once we accept this, it follows that we have a lot of work to do.

How did we ever come to doubt that our technology is an extension of ourselves? In part, we needed a new dream, because the old ones had run dry. In the 1970s, for example, NASA commissioned a series of amazing images of space colonization to fire the public imagination about the Apollo Program, showing vast cylinders with diamond glass windows hung in orbit over our blue-green world, their interiors speckled with a suburban paradise of classic American Dream houses. This was the High Frontier, a continuation to the stars of the westward drift that created America: a perfect pressure valve implying boundless possibility, harking to the myths of the abundant past and the aspirational future at the same time. But by the '80s, that dream was over. We weren't going back to the moon, and orbital living had gone from "near future" to "not in my lifetime."

Then in 1982 William Gibson wrote "Burning Chrome" and the original Tron hit cinema screens. Graphical user interfaces-the ancestors of today's Mac OS and Windows-replaced the simple text instructions of the command line interface. Abruptly there was a new realm, glimpsed through a computer monitor and tantalizingly within reach. By the '90s it was official: cyberspace was a place, and everyone could visit. You could even set up a home, made at first out of text but subsequently out of pictures, and then in full-fledged (if poorly rendered) virtual environments. The freewheeling share-and-share-alike culture of the early MIT engineers spread out into a simple online culture where it was hard if not impossible to exchange money for goods or services, and physical consequences were all but unknown. The growing Internet was imaginative, argumentative, academically playful, and lawless.

As that environment became commercialized in the mid-1990s, online communities went through a kind of fast-forward version of the evolution of an up-and-coming big-city neighborhood. Lawsuits became more common as the ethos of a microcommunity (which, by virtue of its small population, had no obvious direct economic effects) spread out into the wider consumer culture. The copyright industries-especially music, TV, and music-took a hard line with copyright infringement.

And then in 2010, the iPad arrived: a computer we could at last touch. Like a curious aquarium fish, digital objects followed our fingers across the glass, making them responsive to a far more instinctive, immediate perception than ever before.

We don't get a free pass on bad behavior simply because it takes place in a digital environment or is associated with technology.

"You won't understand," reviewers wrote, "until you hold one." The trend continues: a recent project at the Microsoft Applied Sciences Group features a canted transparent desktop that creates an illusion of 3-D space while the user "reaches" around and into the area. Increasingly sophisticated haptic hardware can be used to give digital objects surfaces and edges we can feel. Beyond that, researchers looking to create prostheses that function more and more like natural limbs seek to wire their technologies straight into the brain. Data just aren't foreign objects anymore, experienced cognitively and read from a screen, manipulated by command and by complex tools like keyboards. On an intuitive level it is now something increasingly physical and therefore human. The digital world is just an aspect of the real one. Already, research reveals that our brains have started to assume the likely availability of an Internet connection when looking for information; the more we can touch it, the closer and more naturalistic that relationship will become.

Which means several quite interesting things. The most important, perhaps, is that we really have to consider what happens to information when we let it loose in the world. The discussion of digital privacy has been around for quite some time, of course, and governments have asserted, and in many cases established, far more intrusive powers over digital media than they have over comparable analog communications. Broadly this has been done by refusing to acknowledge the equivalence of the rising digital media to the preexisting forms-something that becomes untenable as we start to grasp that the distinction is spurious. The Megaupload case has recently thrown up a typical example: the FBI exported data from New Zealand in what the defense is claiming amounts to a breach of New Zealand law. The government's response is that the law applies only to physical objects. Where the rubber meets the road, though, may be less obvious: the serious issues of digital privacy may arise from choice architecture and behavioral economics and the techniques that are euphemistically called "nudging."

What's nudging? A way of getting people to act how you want them to. Consider organ donation: there are never enough donor organs, most probably because people are unwilling to contemplate the possibility of their own sudden death and therefore do not take the decision to obtain and carry organ-donor cards. So why not make the issue opt-out? If you die and you're not carrying a "Do not donate" card, your liver goes to that teen violin prodigy dying in room 8. Most people wouldn't opt out for exactly the same reason they don't opt in-it's easier to go with the default option. As a result, the supply of donor organs would be massively improved-an ideal outcome. A reframing of a difficult choice has resulted in people making the decision they ought to, without actually forcing them through the difficult process of contemplating mortality and morality. Right? Well, yes and no. They haven't actually made a choice. The choice has been recast to push them-nudge them-in a direction someone in authority believes is the better one.

It's not the most democratic process-in fact, it reeks of paternalism. The worse part, though, is that choice is a skill, and like any other skill it atrophies if you don't use it. The tools of behavioral economics can, with a generous mix of data, be built into maps of action and choice that can in turn be used to build more and more effective nudges. A world of unbalanced pseudochoice could create a consumer population and an electorate lacking the skills necessary to make decisions. The wisdom of crowds can be corrupted very easily. It doesn't work well if people vote in teams, for example, which is why national parliaments are so wretchedly disappointing; by the same token, it suffers if the individuals making choices don't give any serious thought to their decisions.

All of which means that personal information is one of the most important things we possess. Facebook may have been overvalued at $104 billion, but at around $100 per user, the data have actually been underpriced-not in terms of profit to commerce, but likely cost to society. The "free to user" model favored by Facebook and Google is part of a discussion not just about personal privacy, but citizenship, and it's a discussion we all have to give some time to. (For what it's worth, it's also at the heart of Google's internal dilemma: the company's mission is to make information available and useful, on the understanding that information is empowering. Its revenue stream, on the other hand, depends on supplying the kind of data that ultimately can become massively disempowering. Untangle that if you can.)

The realization that the digital world is not disconnected from the mundane brings these issues into sharp relief, along with a host of others, such as the chain of cause and consequence that connects our technological devices with appalling violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Middle East or with poor working conditions in China and southeast Asia. We don't get a free pass on bad behavior simply because it takes place in a digital environment or is associated with technology.

We have a lot to do: if the Internet is not to be a playful and idealized Other Place, then the aspirations toward free speech and justice that the early online homesteaders sought to realize on their frontier must be produced in the world we have, not a virtual surrogate. Aspirational virtuality is all very well, but we know culturally and individually that a society in which the vast majority live hard lives, and supplement their existence with fantasies, is not a fair or a good one.

Fortunately, digital technology also provides us with the opportunity to respond-if we take it. Research shows that using computers-especially for playing games, but also for reading Web pages-requires that we practice decision making. We can build on that, take pains to engage with tough choices rather than favoring the pablums we are often offered, and learn the basic tricks of behavioral economics to know when we're being played. For example: know that when you see Cornish lobster or white truffle at an astronomical price on a menu in New York, the partial function of that dish is to make everything else seem cheaper. Know also that restating a question in a language you speak less than perfectly forces you to frame the issue more rationally. Cultivate a habit of scrutinizing your choices for automatic, unconsidered responses. Use the Internet to seek, receive, and impart information you have assessed as useful: your personal opinion and expertise contribute to the biggest smart crowd there is. Don't be afraid to change your mind if events prove you wrong. The choices we make today determine what happens, and "wait and see"-as the content industries have discovered over the last decade-is not a neutral position. It's very nearly an admission of defeat.

The technological revolution has put us in control of our options, and now we have to learn how to exercise them, or they will once more be expropriated. The massive rejection of the Stop Online Piracy Act earlier this year showed the strength of people power expressed and organized through the Internet-but that was negative rather than innovative. We are in a position now where we can look forward and ask what sort of society we want and try to build it not from the top down but from everywhere to everywhere else.

When Larry Page and Sergey Brin created Google, they did so not only with a view to making money but also with an understanding that they were creating a force for radical change. If the company's mission to make the world's information accessible turns out to be a little hopeful in its assessment, the founders of Google still offer a prototype understanding of how we should see enterprise and action. We have to learn to make choices with an eye not just to today, but to tomorrow, and not just to ourselves, but to the wider society. The sum and interactions of our choices make the world.

With distributed power, it seems, comes distributed responsibility.

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We don't get a free pass on bad behavior just because it's online, says novelist Nick Harkaway. We've had the Internet long enough to start taking our life on it seriously.

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Link: https://time.com/5932134/cyber-citizenship-national-priority/
Citation: Singer, P. W. & McConnell, M. (2021, January 21). Want to stop the next crisis? Teaching cyber citizenship must become a national priority. Time 2030.
- The internet has become a toxic environment
- There is a societal push for legal codes to be rewritten
- Digital Citizenship Curriculum may be more effective than a legal response
(Dutta & Mathur, 2021)

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Want to Stop the Next Crisis? Teaching Cyber Citizenship Must Become a National Priority

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"We need a sustained national effort if we are to prepare our citizens, both young and otherwise, for 'life on-line' in today's socially engineered world."

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Slide 3- Professional Association Resource

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Slide 3- Professional Association Resource

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Link: https://iste.org/digital-citizenship
Citation: International Society of Technology in Education. (2023). Digital citizenship.
The International Society of Technology in Education is professional association that partners with other agencies to guide STEM educators through updates concerning many topics including Digital Citizenship (ISTE, 2023). The link above provides information concerning the teaching of digital citizenship with suggestions for modeling and curriculum.

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ISTE resources on digital citizenship focus on creating digital citizens who can address ethical questions at the intersection of technology and humanity.

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Slide 2- Security and Privacy of Digital Citizenship

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Slide 2- Security and Privacy of Digital Citizenship

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Citation: Dutta, S. & Mathur, R. (2012, March 9). Cybersecurity — An integral part of STEM [Conference Session]. IEEE 2nd Integrated STEM Education Conference, Ewing, NJ, United States. https://ieeexplore.ieee.org/abstract/document/6204166

Digital Citizenship encompasses different topics with many ethics and laws. Privacy and security is a compelling aspect of Digital Citizenship with the most laws.
Within privacy and security, cybersecurity has become an emerging issue (Dutta & Mathur, 2012). There is an increase interest in protecting national interest with a STEM community prepared with skills to protect privacy and security. As STEM educators, we have an opportunity to equip our students with an understanding of this digital duty.

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Cybersecurity - An integral part of STEM

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As technology advances in society, the number of those who threaten its security also has increased. As devices gradually contain more sensitive information, they must be protected from unauthorized access. Cybercriminals are constantly finding new exploits and threats to get around the operating system's innermost workings and steal sensitive data, and potentially make that piece of technology insecure.

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Slide 1- Digital Citizenship from the Perspective of STEM Community Education

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Slide 1- Digital Citizenship from the Perspective of STEM Community Education

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Digital Citizenship is an issue for students and educators as they use internet resources to research and learn. The concept of digital citizenship encompasses rights, obligations, protections and ethical standards for behavior and interactions on the world wide web. Educators should teach and model digital citizenship in all curricula. STEM’s reliance on technology and research make the legal and ethical principles of digital citizenship pertinent to the discipline. The laws included in this guide establish the protections for privacy and security.