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Ten principles for making democratic process more engaging and rewarding 

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Ten principles for making democratic process more engaging and rewarding 

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Take others into consideration: validate individuals voice and cultural backgrounds without favoritism

Debate and communication are the foundation of successful interaction: both parties respect each other and strive towards the common good, not towards beating each other

My values and views matter, but alone I am vulnerable and at the mercy of others

Take into consideration the structures: they provide the basis for democratic processes, but they can also cripple it

Make the processes as transparent as possible across the board

Make engagement creative and playful: turn the process into play or a game

Promote the principles of diversity and inclusivity in the design of physical spaces, buildings, or events

Use several different forms and methods of participation: sketch pads, dialogue, pantomime etc.

Approach the process from a constructive and positive perspective: difficult and emotional factors are targets for development and challenges, not negative forces of dominion

Ensure that the constitution that emerges at the end of the process is made visible to all those involved in the process

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(SUCCESSFUL) CASES OF GAMIFIED URBAN GOVERNANCE

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(SUCCESSFUL) CASES OF GAMIFIED URBAN GOVERNANCE

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United States, Raleigh, capital of North Carolina. With a population of nearly 500,000, Raleigh is one of the fastest-growing cities in the United States18. In 2017, the municipality released a web-based 3D visualisation tool named InVision Raleigh. This tool allows urban designers and planners to develop and envision a variety of development scenarios within the urban environment. Users of InVision Raleigh can add potential buildings by defining location, height, width and orientation, and observe the resulting changes to the physical characteristics of city streets, shadow patterns and density. By using simple navigation tools, users can see how development (or other changes) in the use of land would impact the city. InVision Raleigh, currently in beta, has a stated goal: to lower the bar of citizen participation. To this end, the team of developers is currently at work to engage users with enhanced storytelling features about what the future urban environment could be designed to be.

Active Citizen app promoted by the Municipality of Moscow to vote on non-political city decisions, such as naming a new subway station, expanding bike lanes, supporting a band to play in a park, or setting the speed limits in urban areas. Under the motto “The city entrusts you to decide” the platform awards points for every vote casted by its users. Points can be redeemed with prizes available on an online store. The mechanism is simple: the more votes, the higher number of points (with city- wide votes afforded more points than district-level ones), and therefore the better prizes, including tickets for a ballet performance, a bestseller book, branded merchandise, or a breakfast with Moscow’s mayor. According to data released by the municipality of Moscow, thus far Active Citizen has worked successfully. Since its launch it has hosted nearly 2,800 polls, gathering 1,9 million users – with the most popular polls attracting an average of 500,000 citizens. At the end of 2017 the municipality of Moscow announced a pilot project to migrate the Active Citizen‘s voting system to the blockchain. With the new system citizens’ answers will be threated as a transaction, stored and sent to the network. Users’ anonymity protected through an unique ID assigned to each user.

Regarding rewards
The sense of playfulness occurs under three conditions: the perception of a non-trivial goal that can be reasonably pursued; the desire to pursue that goal under behavioural rules that differ from the behavioural rules that one would normally apply; the voluntariness of the decision to pursue that goal. Others claim a gameful system must contain at least some of the 9 key features of games: 1.player, 2.environment, 3.rule, 4.challenge, 5.interaction, 6.goal, 7.emotional experience, 6.quantifiable outcome, 7.negotiable consequence.

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What if we were to build an instrument: A set of democratic principles/guidelines, that we find most valuable from the point of view of making democratic process more engaging and rewarding, to be explored in a gamified manner. As a result of this exploratory process the participants would formulate the actual constitution.

This instrument could then be implemented on local level organizations and institutions to engage a vide demographic of people to learn more about democratic process and about themselves!

Important: apply the instrument in a context where you want to create a sense of consensus! Engage and empower individuals to build and interact together!

Involvement of local stakeholders crucial for implementing the instrument: they have more knowledge about the community and of the setting = they are in a better position to engage with individuals on a local level

Can be utilized in multiple settings = this could be our goal = means that it needs to be simple, but not boring/unengaging

Utilizing the instrument builds trust and teamwork skills!

Means and tools to be used in the implementation face of the instrument: Self-reflection using sketch pads, dialogue and debate when formulating the final constitution?

Other methods? Like pantomime and acting in groups?

Constitutions could be shared/delivered to higher level actors? Implemented on local level?

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The London Assembly is a locally elected body representing 8 million people in 32 boroughs.

It is headed by an elected Mayor, currently Sadiq Khan and it holds public consultation events regularly at City Hall.

"Community engagement is an essential part of plan making. It works best where it is an ongoing process that enables relationships and trust to build and strengthen over time."

https://www.london.gov.uk/what-we-do/planning/london-plan/new-london-plan/public-consultation-events

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Details of the consultation events for the new draft London Plan.

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Mediating participation in local communities

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Mediating participation in local communities

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Engaging through e-participation, and using that as a tool for physical participation, ensuring representation of youth and older people in community engagement. Promote events online, allow for interactive tools online and in physical spaces, making these modes of participation equal both in reward for the citizen and in impact on governmental level/organisational level. Recognise the diverse demographic of a population and figure out ways of connecting these cultures by tailoring participation to their needs without separating the community into subgroups, but allowing communication in between them as well.

“Having memory from participating is an empowering tool. Being asked for your opinion and stating it is empowering. It’s an opportunity that strengthens one’s ability to communicate what they would like to see”

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Participatory planning in a low-income neighbourhood in Ontario, Canada: building capacity and collaborative interactions for influence

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You do not currently have access to this article. Subscription prices and ordering for this journal Don't already have an Oxford Academic account? Register Participatory planning in a low-income neighbourhood in Ontario, Canada: building capacity and collaborative interactions for influence - 24 Hours access

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Devolution is an important concept in democracy as it is about transferring the power from the centre of government to local authorities and communities.

When power is too centralised people feel remote and cut-off from the democratic decision making process, fore example in the UK were power is very centralised in Westminster, London.

Examples of good devolution include the Scottish Government at Holyrood and Transport for London which runs a highly efficient not for profit transport network in one of the world's biggest cities.

How can we used principles of devolution to inform our constitution and empower local people to be involved in a democratic organisations.

Resources: https://www.gov.uk/guidance/guidance-on-devolution

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How devolution affects the way governments work

Devolution has fundamentally changed the constitutional arrangements of the UK. Officials need to be aware of how devolution affects the policies they work on or the public services they manage. There are 3 main reasons why it is important to consider devolution:

the territorial extent of your work may be affected - you may be working on a policy that has an effect in England only, England and Wales, across Great Britain or UK-wide

even if you are working on something that is not devolved, you may need to work with the devolved administrations to successfully implement your policy or deliver your service

if you are working on something that is devolved in Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland, you have a good opportunity to learn from different approaches taken elsewhere and can share learning about common problems

Devolved responsibilities

The 3 devolution settlements vary, and further information is available in the detailed guidance on the settlements.

The following things are not devolved, and HM government remains responsible for them:

the constitution

international relations and defence

national security

nationality and immigration

nuclear energy

broadcasting

the UK tax system

employment and social security (except Northern Ireland)

The devolution settlements are complex and are all different. That said, broadly speaking, the following things are devolved in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland:

health and social care

education and training

local government and housing

agriculture, forestry and fisheries

the environment and planning

tourism, sport and heritage

economic development and internal transport

For more detail on what is devolved, you should contact your departmental devolution co-ordinator or the territorial offices, the Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland Office, who are part of HM Government.

Considering devolution in government work

When dealing with any policy, it's good to be clear at the outset where it takes effect. If you are working on a policy that will affect the devolved administrations, you should engage as early as possible, especially if you are developing legislation. Devolved administrations need time to consider the handling of issues, and gaining consent of devolved legislatures for Parliament to pass legislation in a devolved matter is rarely a quick process. This is also relevant when considering Private Members' Bills. It is the responsibility of those developing government publications, including consultation exercises and green papers, to make the territorial extent clear. If you are in any doubt, seek advice from departmental lawyers and the territorial offices.

Territorial offices (the Office of the Secretary of State for Scotland, the Office of the Secretary of State for Wales and the Northern Ireland Office) are invaluable in helping you understand the detail of the devolution settlements, and how to go about contacting the devolved administrations. As they are inside the UK government, they can give you full, frank and confidential advice.

There are some formal ministerial forums of engagement - such as the Joint Ministerial Committee. You may want to put an issue before one of these forums if you need to discuss a significant issue with the 3 devolved administrations at a high level quickly or to overcome difficulties.

For certain areas of government business that are not devolved, such as national security, there is no need to consult with the devolved administrations, but it is often extremely helpful to ensure alignment with any related devolved policies - some of which may not be obvious.

Confidentiality

HM government and the devolved administrations are separate political entities with different accountabilities. The private deliberations of each must remain private. However, in the interests of good government, careful information sharing in confidence will be respected when necessary. Officials should not ask that counterparts in different administrations keep information from their ministers.

All Whitehall departments have a devolution co-ordinator. They can advise on your department's relationship with the devolved administrations and how devolution affects the department's work.

Contact details can be found on departmental intranet pages or in devolution guidance for civil servants.

For complicated or high-profile issues involving more than one devolved administration, the Cabinet Office can provide assistance: devolution@cabinetoffice.gov.uk

Legal advice on devolution: within HM government

In the first instance, queries should go to your departmental legal adviser early in the consideration of devolution issues. If necessary, they will engage the departmental devolution contact and one or more of the following.

For the Territorial Offices:

the Office to the Advocate General (OAG) - provides advice to departments on Scots law issues and devolution issues arising under the Scotland Act 1998

Office of the Secretary of State for Wales legal advisers - who provide advice on issues arising under the Wales Act 2017

Northern Ireland Office legal advisers (based in Home Office Legal Advisers Branch) - who provide advice on issues arising under the Northern Ireland Act 1998

The Constitutional Law team in the Cabinet Office Central Advisory Division offers a central point of contact for GLS lawyers and gets involved in issues of cross-settlement or constitutional importance. They would also ordinarily be consulted where a department is seeking the advice of the Law Officers.

The ultimate source of legal advice on devolution issues is the Law Officers of HM Government, who are the Attorney General and the Advocate General for Scotland, along with the Solicitor General for England and Wales. They provide advice on constitutional and complex matters, including aspects of the devolution settlements.

Legal advice on devolution: within the devolved administrations

The Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General for Scotland are the Law Officers of the Scottish government.

The Counsel General is the legal adviser to the Welsh government.

The Departmental Solicitor (in the Northern Ireland Department of Finance and Personnel) is the legal adviser to the Northern Ireland Executive.

Devolution guidance notes

The devolution guidance notes set out advice on working arrangements between the UK government and the devolved administrations. They are an introduction to the main principles involved in the managing of the devolution settlements, bilateral relations, correspondence, parliamentary business, legislation and concordats.

Index to the devolution guidance notes

1. Common working arrangements [PDF] - advice on common working arrangements between the UK government and the devolved administrations. This note introduces the main principles involved in the managing of the devolution settlements and looks in more depth at bilateral relations, correspondence, parliamentary business, legislation and concordats.

2. Handling correspondence under devolution [PDF] general principles for the handling by UK government departments of correspondence from members of the devolved legislatures. Guidance on the handling of inter-ministerial and inter-departmental correspondence is available in devolution guidance note 6 (see below).

3. Role of the Secretary of State for Scotland [PDF] - functions and role of the Secretary of State for Scotland following devolution.

4. Role of the Secretary of State for Wales [PDF] - functions and the role of the Secretary of State for Wales following devolution.

5. Role of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland [PDF] - functions and role of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (SOSNI) following the restoration of devolution in Northern Ireland. It makes clear that SOSNI retains responsibility for policing, criminal justice and constitutional matters affecting NI.

6. Circulation of inter-ministerial and inter-departmental correspondence [PDF] - conventions to be followed by UK government departments when they are involving devolved administrations in matters which are the subject of correspondence between UK ministers, or otherwise writing to ministers of devolved administrations.

7. Court proceedings regarding devolution issues - not yet published.

8. Post-devolution primary legislation affecting Northern Ireland [PDF] - guidance on handling legislation that affects Northern Ireland. It sets out what should be done if you wish to include in a Bill provisions that apply to Northern Ireland and deal with transferred (ie devolved) matters.

9. Superseded by devolution guidance note 18.

10. Post-devolution primary legislation affecting Scotland - guidance for UK government departments on handling legislation affecting Scotland. It sets out how the LP Committee expects departments to handle primary legislation affecting Scotland, while ensuring the smooth management of the government's legislative programme.

11. Ministerial accountability after devolution [PDF] - general advice on matters which remain the responsibility of UK ministers, and for which they are accountable to the UK parliament.

12. Attendance of UK ministers and officials at committees of the devolved legislatures [PDF] - advice for UK ministers and civil servants on how to deal with invitations to attend committees of devolved legislatures. It does not provide guidance on the giving of evidence to these committees.

13. Handling of parliamentary business in the House of Lords [PDF] - general principles to be put in practice in business before the House of Lords. This comprises 2 separate sections on Bills, and on parliamentary questions and debates.

14. Use of Scotland Act Section 30(2) Orders [PDF] - how Section 30(2) Orders are used to amend the list of reservations in the Scotland Act - either increasing or reducing the scope of reserved matters.

15. Scottish legislative proposals giving devolved powers and functions to UK bodies [PDF] - Acts of the Scottish Parliament can, in certain circumstances, include provisions giving powers or functions to UK government ministers, UK departments or other UK bodies. The Scottish government and the UK government have agreed a protocol setting out the procedures which will apply if considering the possibility of legislating in this way.

16. Superseded by devolution guidance note 17.

17. Superseded by devolution guidance note 18.

18. Parliamentary and Assembly Primary Legislation Affecting Wales [PDF] - this note explains the legislative competence of the National Assembly for Wales ("the Assembly") and the executive competence of Welsh Ministers, as well as the effects of the Welsh devolution settlement on UK government policy development and legislation in the UK Parliament.

Preparation of primary legislation: approach of the UK government

In accordance with the Sewel Convention (now set out in the Memorandum of Understanding on devolution, paragraph 14) the government will not normally invite the UK Parliament to legislate with regard to devolved matters except with agreement of the relevant devolved legislature.

There are a number of reasons why it may be appropriate for Parliament to legislate in devolved areas - for example some bills on non-devolved matters will not work effectively without making provision in areas that are devolved, or it may be most convenient for Parliament to implement EU or international obligations in a single instrument. In these cases a Legislative Consent Motion (informally known in the Scottish context as a 'Sewel Motion') is needed in the legislature concerned.

This principle applies to devolved matters in respect of Scotland and Wales. It also applies to transferred matters in respect of Northern Ireland.

Further guidance in respect of Northern Ireland is in devolution guidance note 8, in respect of Wales in devolution guidance note 18, and in respect of Scotland in devolution guidance note 10.

UK departments preparing Bills need to be alive to the possibility of a Legislative Consent Motion being necessary in one or more of the devolved legislatures. They should be aware that this can be a complex process and they must ensure that they allow adequate time for the devolved administrations to consider the issues fully. In all cases, early contact with relevant territorial offices is advisable. A similar approach should be taken in relation to bills which are due to be published in draft and for Private Member's Bills that are supported by the UK government. Devolution issues should be resolved by the time a Bill is brought before the Parliamentary Business and Legislation Committee prior to its introduction in Parliament. Departments should address promptly the devolution implications of possible amendments during the Parliamentary passage of a Bill.

Further information

You can also download to keep on hand:

Are you a Civil Servant who does not know about or is looking to learn more about devolution? Are you new to the Civil Service?

Our Introduction to Devolution and Intergovernmental Working session is a great opportunity to learn about the basics of devolution history, settlements and intergovernmental working structures, all from the comfort of your desk. It includes what the UK's departure from the EU means for the relationships between the UK's administrations and a Q&A.

To enrol, please email: devolution@cabinetoffice.gov.uk

We also have a range of devolution and intergovernmental working modules available on the Learning Platform for Government and a must read for all: Devolution and Intergovernmental Working.

Please note: the training session is only open to Civil Servants and to enrol, you must have a GOV.UK email address or an email address from one of the Devolved Administrations. This training is hosted on Google Meet. Please check with your department's IT team that you can access this software.

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Devolution has fundamentally changed the constitutional arrangements of the UK. Officials need to be aware of how devolution affects the policies they work on or the public services they manage.

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https://www.playworks.org/news/democracy-begins-on-the-playground/

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Twelve games to develop engaged citizens of the future.

Help our kids become engaged citizens and thoughtful leaders by teaching them to play well with others-to be seen and heard, to have empathy for others, and to understand our interdependence. Here are twelve games to encourage citizenship at your school.
Games to practice taking turns: Games to practice kindness: Games to build community: Games to teach conflict resolution:

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Democracy Begins on the Playground | Playworks

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Twelve games to develop engaged citizens of the future. Help our kids become engaged citizens and thoughtful leaders by teaching them to play well with others-to be seen and heard, to have empathy for others, and to understand our interdependence. Here are twelve games to encourage citizenship at your school.

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https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/transformation/four-ways-redesign-democracy-future-generations/

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Democracy has a blind spot so enormous that almost nobody notices it - myself included. In the decade I spent as a political scientist researching democratic governance, it simply never occurred to me that we systematically disenfranchise future generations in the same way that women and slaves have been disenfranchised in the past. Yet that is the reality.

They are given no rights, nor (in the vast majority of countries) are there public bodies to represent their interests or potential views on decisions that will undoubtedly affect their lives, from policies to confront the climate crisis and the regulation of artificial intelligence to planning for the next pandemic.

The disturbing truth is that we have colonised the future. Especially in wealthy nations, we treat it is a dumping ground for ecological degradation, technological risk and nuclear waste - as if there is nobody there. And there is little that the unborn citizens of tomorrow can do about it. They cannot throw themselves in front of the King's horse like a Suffragette, block an Alabama bridge like a civil rights protestor, or go on a Salt March to defy their colonial oppressors like Mahatma Gandhi.

The good news is that a pioneering generation of time rebels is now emerging to challenge the myopic political presentism at the heart of representative government, where politicians can barely see past the next election or even the latest tweet. This vanguard movement of political activists, policymakers and engaged academics has proposed more than 70 different ways to embed long-term thinking and intergenerational justice into democratic institutions, offering a new kind of politics that I call 'deep democracy.'

Their most powerful and innovative proposals (many of which are already being put into practice) fall into four main areas shown in the graphic below. They don't represent a blueprint to be imposed on the existing system but rather a set of radical design principles with the potential to inject democratic structures with a far deeper and longer sense of time.

Guardians of the future.

Public officials and institutions with the specific remit to represent future citizens who are left out of traditional democratic processes are essential - covering not just children but also unborn generations. One model can be found in Finland, which since 1993 has had a parliamentary 'Committee for the Future' comprising 17 MPs who engage in long-term scenario planning around technology, employment and environmental issues.

Wales has taken a different approach, establishing a Commissioner for Future Generations under the 2015 Well-Being for Future Generations Act. Its current holder, Sophie Howe, is a leading time rebel for intergenerational justice who scrutinises public policy for its impacts thirty years into the future, but she has little direct power beyond the capacity to name and shame.

That's why a new campaign has been launched called Today for Tomorrow to establish a 'Future Generations Commissioner' for the whole UK, but with the legal power to hold public bodies to account for failing to act in the interests of future citizens. It's gaining a surprising amount of cross-party support.

However, such models face a potential problem of democratic legitimacy. Why shouldn't angry teenage climate strikers have a say themselves rather than having to rely on proxy adult representatives? And how can we ensure that these 'guardians of the future' tackle the full range of issues, including the way that racial injustice is transmitted intergenerationally in criminal justice systems?

Citizens' assemblies.

The ancient Athenian model of participatory democracy has been making a comeback in the form of citizens' assemblies, where randomly selected members of the public deliberate on public issues (a process known as ' sortition '). In 2016 the Irish parliament established a Citizens' Assembly that played an historic role in supporting a referendum on abortion. Spain and Belgium now have permanent citizens' assemblies that feed into municipal government, while in 2019 the UK parliament created Climate Assembly UK to discuss the shift to a net-zero carbon society.

What's the connection to future generations? Research by political scientist Graham Smith suggests that citizens' assemblies "outperform traditional democratic institutions in orienting participants to consider long-term implications." In part, this is because they encourage the 'slow thinking' that's required to engage with long-range issues, but it's also because 'sortition' ensures a wide variety of social perspectives and thereby limits domination by traditional elites.

The Future Design movement in Japan is taking an innovative approach to this model. Local residents are invited to make planning decisions for their town or city but are split into two groups. One group is told that they are citizens from the present, while the second is told to imagine themselves as citizens from 2060, and are even given ceremonial robes to wear to aid their imaginative journey. The latter group typically propose far more radical policies in areas ranging from health care to environmental protection.

The Future Design approach, which is now spreading through local authorities in Japan, has huge potential to be adopted by progressive towns and cities in other countries. In the UK, it could help transform the House of Lords into a democratically-legitimate House of the Future that considers the legacies we leave to future generations.

Intergenerational rights.

A third design principle is to embed the rights of future generations into the legal system, especially constitutional law, as a means of ring-fencing their interests and protecting them from the short-termism of incumbent politicians.

It may sound far-fetched to give rights to future citizens who aren't even here to claim them, but this is already happening. Back in 1993 and acting on behalf of 43 children, environmental lawyer Antonio Oposa won a landmark case in the Philippines which established the right of future generations to a healthy environment.

In the more recent ' Urgenda' case in the Netherlands in 2019, the courts drew on the European Convention on Human Rights to rule that the government has a legal duty of care to protect its citizens from the future impacts of climate change by meeting its own stated targets to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In the US, Our Children's Trust is pursuing legal cases to secure "the legal right to a safe climate and healthy atmosphere for all present and future generations," backed by heavyweight figures such as climate scientist James Hansen and economist Joseph Stiglitz.

The challenge is that even if such cases are successful, there is the subsequent problem of enforcement: why would we expect governments to protect the rights of future people if they so manifestly fail to protect the rights of those who are alive today, such as those fighting for indigenous rights or against police violence?

Self-governing city-states.

The final strategy for redesigning democracy for future generations is the radical devolution of decision-making power from central government, where it is typically captured by corporations and other vested interests bent on short-term gains. Compelling evidence from a new Intergenerational Solidarity Index reveals that countries with decentralised political systems (such as Switzerland and Japan) perform better on indicators of long-term environmental, social and economic performance.

Devolving power to the city level may be the most effective means of benefiting future generations, because cities have proven themselves to be far better than nation-states at tackling long-term problems such as ecological degradation, migration pressures and housing crises. For example, think back to June 2017 when - just weeks after President Trump withdrew from the Paris Climate Agreement - 279 US mayors representing one in five Americans pledged to uphold the agreement in their own cities such as Boston and Miami.

More recently, Amsterdam has adopted economist Kate Raworth's model of Doughnut Economics as a way of emerging from the COVID-19 crisis and shifting towards a long-term post-growth regenerative economy. The city is part of the C40 network of over 90 cities that are committed to taking action on climate change.

While nation-states will be with us for some time yet, such interdependent city networks are signalling a gradual return to the era of Renaissance city-states and the Hanseatic League of trading cities in sixteenth-century Europe. Just imagine Europe as a confederation of twenty-first century city-states.

It is wishful thinking to believe that simply voting in politicians who support long-term policies would be enough to secure the interests of future generations. Short-termism is too deeply structured into the DNA of representative democracy. That's why we need radical institutional change that designs myopia out of the political system.

Democracy itself is under siege from the rise of far-right populism and declining faith in traditional political parties. We should take advantage of the crisis created by the coronavirus pandemic to rethink what democracy looks like in the twenty-first century.

There may be no better way of reviving faith in the democratic ideal than by granting a rightful place to the 'futureholders' - the unborn, unknown citizens of the future. It is time to expand the boundaries of the demos forward in time. Or as the philosopher John Dewey put it, "the cure for the ailments of democracy is more democracy."
Roman Krznaric's new book is "The Good Ancestor: How to Think Long Term in a Short-Term World," published by Penguin Random House.
Click here for more information and to order.

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Four ways to redesign democracy for future generations

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Democracy has a blind spot so enormous that almost nobody notices it - myself included. In the decade I spent as a political scientist researching democratic governance, it simply never occurred to me that we systematically disenfranchise future generations in the same way that women and slaves have been disenfranchised in the past.

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https://www.ifes.org/news/20-years-democracy-camps-building-legacy-youth-empowerment-and-engagement-kyrgyzstan

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Kyrgyzstan is a burgeoning democracy full of young people. Over 45 percent of the population is below age 24, and over 30 percent is 14 or younger. Despite boasting a promising future, remnants of the Soviet-style education system - where critical thinking and individual analysis are discouraged - serve as an enduring impediment to democratic progress in the country. Now a 20-year legacy, the International Foundation for Electoral Systems' (IFES) Democracy Camps help remove the fetters of the past by empowering young people with critical skills and confidence to become the next generation of leaders.

Since 1999, Camp applications have steadily increased. While not everyone is able to attend the Democracy Camps, those who do participate return home transformed and inspired to enrich their communities with the salient ideas that constitute an engaged democratic society. As Kyrgyzstan continues to overcome various entrenched challenges, its path forward will be sowed by these young citizens armed with confidence, passion and ambition to lead their country into a better tomorrow.
We asked Democracy Camp participants how the Camps have affected their lives. Here are some of their answers.
"How has Democracy Camp affected my life? The Camp days were extremely difficult and unusual. The program was rich, there was a lot of learning, and most importantly, the training staff treated the participants as adults. The participants built the (Camp) state, elected a president, the Parliament developed a Constitution and the media covered everything that was happening.

"Upon our return home, we were able to hold official school elections and implement various school projects. Then there was a Democracy Camp Alumni Forum, where the most active alumni from all regions gathered, and we saw the enormous scale of the Camps' organization and found many friends. IFES often called us to follow up and asked what we are doing, what projects we are implementing, and invited us to various events. I felt cared for. Furthermore, in my student years I managed to participate in the Camp as a volunteer, and then as a trainer. When IFES offered me a position to join its field team and I was given the opportunity to participate in the process of preparing and implementing the Camps' curricula, I was probably the happiest person." - Aichurek Usupbaeva, 2002 South Democracy Camp

"I was introduced to Democracy Camp at the age of 16-17, when I was young and hungry for new experiences. This was the time when the main goal of our generation was to prove your coolness and be the best and most attractive among the girls by demonstrating your power in street fights. In the midst of this kind of "kid chaos" I was informed about this Camp and without any hesitation decided to test my destiny and send in my application. You accepted, I was chosen, since then my life has changed. Before the Camp I was Azik, after the Camp I returned as an adult, Aziret Turatbekov. I found other ways to prove my coolness. I have unlocked the hidden skills that will bring me fame in the future. I say thank you to all the staff and organizers of this Camp. Thank you for the inspiration, for the fresh views towards the world. Let the universe know about Democracy Camp!" - Aziret Turatbekov, 2012 Democracy Camp

"I became a confident, goal-seeking person. I learned how to work in a team. I have made new friends, and they are wonderful friends. I learned about the different forms of government, the administrative and territorial structure of Kyrgyzstan, and also about elections. Now I know how to set a goal and pursue it. I created and implemented a project for the first time in my life. This means a lot to me. Now I can transform my project into reality. Oh yes! I was on stage for the first time in my life." - Tynybek kyzy Nurkyz, 2014 South Democracy Camp

"Democracy Camp had an enormous impact on my life, because I discovered myself through art and painting. After the Camp, I decided to start over from the beginning and become a new, dedicated person with a dream and clear goals, who will achieve everything he wants." - Akimov Joomart, 2015 South Democracy Camp

"At the Camp, I became the person that I've always wanted to become. I have developed the qualities inherent in a successful person. I worked as part of my team and made friends with many people. I became a deputy and took part in elections. Performed in the theater, created ideas and became self-confident. I now know what I want in the future. I know what it means to live in a democracy, to be a part of a team and the state. I became a leader." - Alina Umarova, 2017 North Democracy Camp

"The Camp was able to fill the void in my soul; I now feel like a full-fledged person. I realized that for me there is nothing impossible, I just need to try and life will smile to me. I realized the limitations that we set ourselves. I decided to change my lifestyle and myself. Currently, I am preparing for the implementation of many projects; I launched my own "Birimdik" volunteer club in Kyzyl-Kiya city. Last week we organized a chess tournament to promote the familiarization of chess in my motherland because it helps you make moves with a strong purpose and guide your thought process in the right direction." - Alambek Gulamidinov, 2017 South Democracy Camp

"I wondered how can a person be changed within just 10 days? Media Democracy Camp is an incredible Camp that gives young people the chance to discover our own unique opportunities and conquer new horizons as it opens the way forward.

"I tested myself in the role of an actor, politician and journalist during the Media Democracy Camp. From the first days of the Camp, we plunged into a new world for us where we felt free, talked openly about everything and tried to express our opinion. We had election campaigns and debates. The cool thing is that the Camp organizers were serious about this election. They wanted us to learn a lot and invited the Central Election Commission (CEC) with real automatic scanning ballot boxes. It was inspiring to see how an alumnus of the 2009 Democracy Camp, Urmat Kanybekov presented the work of the [CEC] department he works for. His example shows that we can achieve our goals and all our dreams can come true. I want to be useful to the community, and Media Democracy Camp inspired me to do that. I will actively use my knowledge for community development." - Nurbolot Monoldorov, 2017 North Media Democracy Camp

"The most valuable lesson I learned at the Camp is to decide my own fortune; to always do what I want and decide for myself. Of course, freedom always co-exists with responsibility. Since I was elected president of the Camp, I've learned to bear responsibility not only for my own actions but also my entire Camp community. From this moment on, I knew who I want to be. I have a priceless bundle of acquired knowledge, which I plan to enrich every day and use to accomplish all my dreams bit by bit." - Jumabek uulu Bakhtiyar, 2018 South Democracy Camp

"After the Camp, my life changed dramatically and for the better. I became open, sociable, and unafraid to express my own opinion. I'm not afraid of the public and I'm not afraid to speak to it. I became more literate and smarter. Here I gained new qualities and skills, such as creativity and the ability to think critically. I am grateful for the opportunity to change myself for the better." - Abdyjaparova Aijan, 2018 North Democracy Camp

"I would like to start with the fact that I am a 'strange dreamer,' according to my relatives and classmates, and so I start a success story with this topic. I want to clarify that all my classmates considered me strange, and therefore did not communicate with me. As a result, I haven't had a real friend for 16 years, only competitors whom I thank for enabling me to feel the fear of defeat and the joy of victory.

"Finally, I found friends at the Democracy Camp, to which I fell completely by accident. From the first minute I spent with them, I felt an atmosphere of warmth and friendliness. I found those who were ready to understand me. And in this brief period of time, I acquired not only friends, but also an enormous amount of knowledge about the world.

"In conclusion, I would like to say that this is not the end, but the beginning of our success story, our long journey. And of course, never stop dreaming; do not give up, even if others try to impose their opinions on you; believe in yourself. Go to the goal, try to leave a trace after yourself!" - Saadat Amanbaeva, 2018 South Democracy Camp

Watch the following video about the 2018 Media Democracy Camp, which aimed to educate youth on the importance of civic engagement and media literacy, while developing their leadership skills and promoting ideals of inclusivity and tolerance.
*Daria Azarjew is a program officer for IFES' Europe and Eurasia division.

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20 Years of Democracy Camps: Building a Legacy of Youth Empowerment and Engagement in Kyrgyzstan

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by Daria Azarjew* Kyrgyzstan is a burgeoning democracy full of young people. Over 45 percent of the population is below age 24, and over 30 percent is 14 or younger. Despite boasting a promising future, remnants of the Soviet-style education system - where critical thinking and individual analysis are discouraged - serve as an enduring impediment to democratic progress in the country.

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In the context of our constitution “rewarding” things lead to a continuum: feelings of empowerment and a desire to engage that follow “rewarding experiences lead to more engagement. Incentive rewards (gifts, monetary rewards, service award presents,) can increase engagement, but only to a degree. Our goal should be to increase the people's innate motivation to engage in democratic processes. Therefore, we should try to utilize rewards/rewarding systems that produce experiences of relevance and inclusion while also making the process fun for the participants.

Sources:

Yang, J., & Chen, H. (2019). Can rewards incentives of non-state-owned enterprises realize co-win cooperation of workers, enterprises and the society?: From the perspective of labor productivity, profit and labor absorption. Nankai Business Review International, 10(2), 179–206. https://doi.org/10.1108/NBRI-03-2018-0020

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Engagement should be seen as a participatory process: democratically engaged people are invested in the political and participatory process. This participation manifests itself as actions. Engagement is closely related to groups defined by social connections shared by individuals. These connections enable discussion and interaction. Engagement can be sparked by a power struggle that takes place in a system of unequal intergroup power relations (which society and its subcultures in many ways represent).

Sources:

Conroy, M., Feezell, J. T., & Guerrero, M. (2012). Facebook and political engagement: A study of online political group membership and offline political engagement. Computers in Human Behavior, 28(5), 1535–1546. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2012.03.012

Thomas, E. F., McGarty, C., & Louis, W. (2014). Social interaction and psychological pathways to political engagement and extremism. European Journal of Social Psychology, 44(1), 15–22. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.1988

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Controlling the thinking process, comment on the thinking being used

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Examples:

We have spent far too much time looking for someone to blame.

Could we have a summary of your views?

I think we should take a look at the priorities.

I suggest we try some green hat thinking to get some new ideas.

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New ideas, creative thinking, new alternative solution

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Examples:

We need some new ideas here.

Are there any additional alternatives?

Could we do this in a different way?

Could there be another explanation?

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Examples:

This might work if we moved the production plant nearer to the customers.

The benefit would come from repeat purchases.

The high cost of energy would make everyone more energy efficient

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Examples:

The regulations do not permit us to do that.

We do not have the production capacity to meet the order.

When we tried a higher price the sales fell off.

He has no experience in export management.

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Feelings, intuition, hunches, and emotions

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Examples:
•I just do not  think the idea will work

•  I have good feeling about doing it this way

• My gut-feeling is that it will not work.

• I don’t like the way this is being done.

•  My intuition tells me that the demand for this product is about to fall.

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Examples:
•What information do we have here?
•What information is missing?
• What information would we like to have?
• How are we going to get the information?

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Ways to attract people to participate through motivational and rewarding measures/incentives

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Ways to attract people to participate through motivational and rewarding measures/incentives

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By providing safety, any kind of intolerance must be suppressed. Every individual should then feel targeted as the perfect fit who can contribute to make a positive impact in their own unique way; not only to be part of something, but to develop such something as a part of the person. In fact, when an individual is engaged on a behavioral, cognitive or emotional level, it is more inclined to take up a cause personally. Feeling part of a community, building meaningful interactions and satisfying a never ending thirst of knowledge, helps in feeling as a gear of the wheel: vital, no matter how small. In transmitting this view, the hierarchical model crumbles down, in favor of a circular one; where everyone's voice gets the same level of validation. As a consequence, there are higher chances for individuals to feel more accountable towards their rights and duties, as well as for the group, to get more cohesive and cooperative.

- Gamification in democracy.

- Opt-out option instead of opt-in (every citizen should attend a democratic event on rotation in time, whose discussion's topics are equal, but adjusted to the age of its participants. Plus, free to drop out anytime).

- De-centralized power, by empowering (through facilities, money, resources etc.) medium and small communities -> self governing city-states.

- Confrontation of different neighborhoods on what their needs and priorities are, to make clear to the whole community how a big impact is build on the base of small changes.

- Protection of future generations -> ensuring intergenerational rights.

- To prevent from degradation as well as to enhance historical heritage and safe urban spaces -> city mapping.

- Equal and fair access to education and technology resources for involvement (in participation), individual growth and overall experiential background.

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With the Youth.

With Children.

With Marginalised groups.

Accessible language
- maps
- democracy cards
- using everyday jargon

Step-by-step process
for inclusivity and participation

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https://thecityateyelevel.com/app/uploads/2018/08/STIPO-Time-Machine-tool.pdf

https://placemaking-europe.eu/wp-content/uploads/listing-uploads/file/2019/11/Urban-Girls-Catalogue.pdf pg. 117-160

https://thecityateyelevel.com/stories/inclusive-strategic-planning-for-disadvantaged-communities/

https://academic.oup.com/cdj/article/54/4/622/5053104?guestAccessKey=b359f7b2-cff2-4dc4-bbe7-b0af7421ad0a

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Ensuring safety is not a task for a single discipline or stakeholder. Psychology, sociology, architecture all participate in promoting perceived safety in places and communication channels.

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4-Our goal and steps we need to take: related questions

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4-Our goal and steps we need to take: related questions

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-What is it that we aim to archive with our constitution = is the goal for it to be a more holistic point of view or a practically oriented set of guidelines?
-What steps/faces do we need to take into consideration when incorporating engaging and rewarding elements into our constitution?
-How do (or do) cultural and sociological elements affect the content of our constitution? What things we can/need to take into consideration in relation to these components?

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-What sort of activism has worked in engaging citizens and seeing implemented results?
-What forms of democratic guidelines already exists? What can we learn from them?
-What can we learn from history? What can still work and what is outdated? How can it be turned for the better by tailoring it to our present times?

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-How to define a constitution?
-How to define democracy?
-How to conceptualize participation?
-What does engage mean in the context of democracy?
-How do you define rewarding in the context of our challenge?
-Who are the people and groups we try to target our constitutions towards?

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Why is it hard to engage people? Why are some categories more involved in the process than others? Where does this actually come from? Targeted advertisment, laziness, lack of motivation, lack of resources, lack of appeal, difficulty in seeing a long-term benefit... Also, what does the generational gap teaches us? What can we learn from history? What can still work and what is outdated? How can it be turned for the better by tailoring it to our present times?

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2-Previous attempts at enhancing democratic processes: related questions

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2-Previous attempts at enhancing democratic processes: related questions

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-What forms of democratic guidelines already exist? What can we learn from them?
-What kind of initiatives are there that have tried to increase participation in the democratic process? What can we learn from them?

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-How can we maximise participation in a democratic organisation in Stavanger?
-How do we make direct democracy inclusive?
-How can we ensure the organisation is bottom up?
-How can people engage with this organisation?
-How do we promote awareness of the organisation and its function?
-How do we ensure the constitution promotes respectful democratic dialogue?
-How do ensure the organisation reflects and supports a diverse range of views?
-What interactions would we need with stakeholders such as the local kommune?

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Why is participation important?
Why is participation difficult?
- What obstacles do people face when trying to engage in democracy?
- Why don't people want to participate in democracy?
- What feelings do young people associate with democracy, politics and participation?
- What feelings do older people associate with it?
- What do people need to engage?
Identifying wishes. Do people actually want to engage? Why? Why not? What experiences have shaped their association with politics? What does politics mean to them now, and what can it mean to them in the future? Can we redefine politics and political processes in ways that feel more accessible to each citizen?
What is the political need for the individual citizen?
- How should the constitution affect the individual citizen?
- What should be the long-term effect on the individual citizen and their relationship with the state and its politics?
What ways of communicating are accessible for people?
What language do we use?
Who gets to shape the constitution?
How is hateful language avoided and how do we avoid hateful politics, discrimination, exclusion etc.
Who are the political channels made for?
What sort of activism has worked in engaging citizens and seeing implemented results?
What do citizens complain about?
- What are the core issues in our city regarding participation? What experiences do people have with participation and why? What can we do to impact this feeling/repair/strengthen.
Why is inclusivity important to our democracy?

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Developing a constitution of democratic process: making participation more engaging and rewarding

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Increase accessibility of the democratic process by making participation more engaging and rewarding in a particular organization, space, group?

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Democratic organisations

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How to make participation more accessible and rewarding?

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https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/14R1KcI4DjoEJyYsZOGvcQruJsKsWZwWH/edit#gid=457146261

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Create a new spreadsheet and edit with others at the same time -- from your computer, phone or tablet. Get stuff done with or without an internet connection. Use Sheets to edit Excel files. Free from Google.

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Participation
Dialogue
Politics
Interconnectedness.

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Democratic organisations:

Democratic dialogue
Citizen engagement
Inclusive
Accessible
Engaging
Community minded

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Representative democracy, direct, web-based participation, local actors' engagement, role of knowledge as a mediator of democratic interaction and behavior, debate, conflict, incentive, inviting, challenging, rewarding, communal VS individual

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Local involvement in the city.
Democratic participation.
Communication.
Inclusivity.
Hacking the city.
Representation.
Social awareness.
Structural injustice.
Market structures.

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Big Idea: contribution and inclusion of a wide demographic throughout bottom-up democratic organizations

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Big Idea: contribution and inclusion of a wide demographic throughout bottom-up democratic organizations

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Democracy, effective policies and leadership, representation, participation (co-creation), engagement, education (crowdsourcing), facilities' accessibility and accountability

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Democracy, inclusion, participation, local, national, national, international, citizens assembly, community, regulation, multi-professional and dimensional interaction

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Guiding Questions:
Guiding Activities:
Guiding Resources:

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Identifying the solution:

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Big idea:
Essential Question:
Challenge: