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In 2018, Tunisia was the first country in the MENA region to enact a law that penalizes racial discrimination and allows victims of racism to seek redress for verbal abuse or physical acts of racism. This interview examines the main aspects of the anti-racism law, its impact two years following its adoption and the gaps that still need to be addressed, notably the absence of a national strategy.

© Anadolu Images

In 2018 Tunisia responded to repeated calls from its civil society by passing an organic law that penalizes racial discrimination. This legislation filled a legal void; it allows victims of racism to seek redress through the courts for verbal abuse or physical acts. Before 2018 there was no such law. Victims were thus doubly discriminated against, by being subjected to racism and to legislation that did not recognize racism for what it was. Although Tunisia ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) in 1967, it has passed no national law to transpose its provisions into Tunisian legislation.

Organic Law 50-2018 is the first of its kind in North Africa and the Arab world. Racism against black people, whether Tunisian or foreign, has been common in Tunisia for a long time. However, it was not until the 2011 uprising and the country’s democratic transition that the victims of racism became visible: the events revealed societal problems suppressed by the previous regime, which had been in power since independence. The Bourguiba regime’s construction of “Tunisianness” in post-colonial Tunisia almost inevitably chose the approach of rejecting all other identities. Black or Amazigh identities, Jewish or Ibadi religious identities had to blend into the Sunni Arab-Muslim identity constructed by the state.

The law on eliminating racial discrimination conveys the message that Tunisia’s legislature and society reject racism and confer upon those who are subjected to it the official status of victim. The law aims at turning this message into a public policy that is transversal and not just limited to the legislative framework. A law is meant to create a legal framework first and foremost; analysing Law 50-2018 also enables us to see beyond its juridical aspects to its many other contributions. Yet, these non-legal contributions have remained limited, and we shall explore why. Two years after it was adopted, Law 50-2018 should be an effective piece of legislation; as yet, it is not.

What are the legal provisions of Law 50-2018 concerning the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination?

The law gives a very clear definition of racial discrimination that conforms to the ICERD standards. Under Tunisian law, racial discrimination is “any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference made on the basis of race, colour, ancestry, national or ethnic origin, or any other form of racial discrimination as defined by ratified international conventions, which is capable of preventing, hindering or depriving an individual of enjoying or exercising his or her equal rights and liberties, or which leads to additional duties or costs.

Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference made between Tunisians and foreigners is not a racial discrimination on condition that it does not target any one nationality to the detriment of others, while taking into account the international commitments of the Republic of Tunisia.”

The law also stipulates new penalties for those found guilty of racial discrimination: any racist act or language is punishable by a prison sentence ranging from one month to one year and/or a fine of 500 to 1,000 dinars. Punishment is doubled in the following cases:

If the victim is a child;

If the victim is vulnerable because of advanced age, disability, visible pregnancy, or immigrant or refugee status;

If the perpetrator has legal or de facto authority over the victim or has abused the power of his or her position;

If the act is committed by a group of perpetrators, whether they are the main or secondary perpetrators.

The law also sets sentences from one to three years’ imprisonment and/or a fine of 1,000 to 3,000 dinars for more serious acts, such as:

Incitement to hatred, violence, segregation, separation or exclusion, or the threat thereof, towards any person or group of persons based on racial discrimination;

The dissemination of ideas based on racial discrimination or racial supremacy or racial hatred, by whatever means;

Praising practices of racial discrimination, by whatever means;

Forming, adhering to or participating in a group or organization that clearly and repeatedly supports racial discrimination;

Supporting or financing racist activities, associations or organizations.

Penalties are increased if the perpetrator is a legal entity.

The law also provides for a new procedure reserved for racial discrimination cases that facilitates access to justice for victims. Complaints can be formulated by the victim or, for minors or others not capable of doing so themselves, the victim’s legal guardian. Complaints have to be lodged with the public prosecutor who is geographically responsible. They can be delivered to the canton’s courts. The law stipulates that:

The prosecutor appoints a substitute within the court to receive complaints relating to racial discrimination and ensure that inquiries are followed up.

A special register must be established for complaints relating to racial discrimination.

The delay between a complaint being lodged and the inquiry being completed and its findings transmitted to the competent court must not exceed two months.

What are the non-legal contributions of Law 50-2018?

The organic law tackles the prevention of racial discrimination. Beyond its legal aspects, it aims to prevent the phenomenon by imposing new obligations on the Tunisian state.

The Tunisian government has to put in place public policies, strategies and action plans capable of preventing all forms and practices of racial discrimination, and combating racist stereotypes in various environments. The state must also propagate a culture of human rights, equality, tolerance and acceptance of the other within society. Furthermore, the state has the obligation to put in place integrated programmes to raise awareness of and provide education against all forms of racial discrimination in all public and private bodies and establishments, and enforce their implementation.

Without limits, the law indicates the sectors that it considers priorities for the dissemination of these ideas, namely health, teaching, education, culture, sport and the media.

To enable these new obligations to be put into effect, the law provides for the creation of a National Commission for the Fight against Racial Discrimination. The Commission will be responsible for collecting and following up on various data, conceiving and proposing public strategies and policies that are capable of eliminating all forms of racial discrimination. It will draw up a yearly report which will be submitted to the relevant commission at the Assembly of the Representatives of the People (Tunisia’s parliament).

Two years after its adoption, which parts of the law have worked?

Its legal contributions seem to have become a reality: some victims of racial discrimination have been able to go to court and have been awarded reparations, even if certain suspended sentences are debatable.

I say “some victims” because others are so vulnerable that they cannot afford the services of a lawyer. However, with the NGO Minority Rights Group, a partner of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, we have trained lawyers in several governorates to assist victims of racial discrimination in their legal journey.

One of these lawyers has recently won a historical case in connection with the law, and it has been commended in Tunisia and abroad. On 14 October 2020, the lower court in Medenine authorized an octogenarian to remove a discriminatory part of his family name, atig, which refers to the inherited status of freed slave.

The law being an organic law, it repeals all subordinate legislation that does not comply with its content, especially relating to the non-registering of non-Arab first names in Tunisian registers of births, marriages and deaths.¹ Circular 1965-85 This practice was abolished in July 2020 by the promulgation of Circular 13 of 15 July 2020 by the local affairs ministers, addressed to Tunisia’s municipalities. The circular was especially significant for the Tunisian Amazigh population, which had been unable to register Amazigh first names.

However, the law’s non-legal contributions are still far from being a reality in Tunisia. Two years after the law was passed, no action plan or national strategy for preventing and combating racial discrimination has seen the light of day. I am not aware of any programme to raise awareness in public or private establishments or of improved visibility for those who are typically victims of racial discrimination in Tunisia. The ANBAR Collective has been created and tackles racism through the prism of gender. I believe this will only provide data on how racism is experienced by black women, and it is a pity that no Tunisian university is undertaking research in Black Studies.

In 2020 the global Black Lives Matter movement only seems to have touched Tunisia’s civil society, some of which protested in the streets of Tunis. There has been no reaction from the public authorities on the issue of racism in Tunisia or on the implementation of the law. The national commission on which many of civil society’s hopes rest has still not been created; the implementing provision has not yet been published in the official gazette.

And yet racism is on the rise in Tunisia, even within political circles against the only black member of the Tunisian parliament, in December 2019. The Covid-19 pandemic has exacerbated the problem. Several racist incidents against Tunisia’s sub-Saharan community were reported during the months of the Covid-19 lockdown.

There are various explanations for this delay, such as the political changes that the country has undergone since 2018. When an innovative and long-awaited law is passed, I think there is a kind of moral responsibility to make sure that it is actually implemented.

What measures or reforms are necessary for the law to be well-implemented?

The law is only a legal tool that enables victims to lodge complaints and obtain reparations. Beyond the legal field of application, there is the spirit of the law. After all, the Tunisian legislative adopted it in response to victims’ demands and to send a clear message rejecting racist practices. To begin with, more information is needed on the law, whose content is not widely known by the public and sometimes not even by judges themselves. Racism needs to be tackled in school and education programmes. Stereotyped images and discriminatory or racist language must be removed from the Tunisian dialect. As far as I know, no research has been undertaken in Tunisia on the legacy of slavery. Tunisians are just proud to have been among the first countries to abolish it. But there is a profound connection between today’s racism and yesterday’s slavery. Above all, the national commission against racial discrimination stipulated in Article 11 of the law must be established. It must have the human and financial means to carry out its mandate. While the commission is not an independent body (it answers to the ministry in charge of human rights), I would like to see it take its rightful place in the country, alongside the other human rights institutions. I would argue that a good implementation of the law would mean the commission producing reports with quantified data on the racism in Tunisia, on the response of the justice system and on public policies that have been put into effect to combat it. To conclude, I would suggest that racism cannot exclusively be tackled by legislation. We need to get to a point where it is rejected by conviction, and not simply because it is prohibited by law.

How does the rest of the Arab world compare in terms of anti-racism initiatives?

In terms of the wider Arab world, the racism certainly exists in other countries in the region and there are calls by several activists to take into consideration the rights of ethnic minorities who have been discriminated against or who are victims of racism. I am thinking especially of Lebanon, where the struggle against the kafala system is closely linked to the anti-racist struggle, and Morocco, where campaigns are being organized against the racism suffered by migrants from sub-Saharan countries. Tunisia could share its experience with several other countries in the region. First of all in North Africa, where the contexts are similar, but also in other regions of the Arab world. I believe wholeheartedly in the success of one country in the Global South exchanging experiences with another. Since Tunisia’s transition to democracy, the work of civil society has definitely benefited from a very favourable legal context. More work is probably needed on empowering civil societies in the Arab world, especially where they are working on the rights of groups who are discriminated against. I also think that Arab countries, especially those that have ratified international instruments against racism such as ICERD, could do more to harmonize their national legislation with the provisions of international conventions. The struggle against racism cannot be limited to a specific country or a given context.

The views represented in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Arab Reform Initiative, its staff, or its board.

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Omar Fassatoui
Human Rights Officer, UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (Tunisia)

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Tunisia’s Law against Racial Discrimination: The Mixed Results of a Pioneering Legislation

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In 2018, Tunisia was the first country in the MENA region to enact a law that penalizes racial discrimination and allows victims of racism to seek redress for verbal abuse or physical acts of racism. This interview examines the main aspects of the anti-racism law, its impact two years following its…

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We provide learning opportunities around the concept of intersectionality through lectures, discussions, roundtables and workshops to promote its practical use in policy and law.

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We provide learning opportunities around the concept of intersectionality through lectures, discussions, roundtables and workshops to promote its practical use in policy and law.

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Im Veranstaltungskalender auf dieser Webseite findet ihr nicht nur das, was bei EOTO ansteht, sondern auch interessante Events in und um die Black Communities in Berlin, Deutschland und darüber hinaus. Jeden Juni präsentiert Each One Teach One (EOTO) e.V. das Literaturfestival AFROLUTION. Im Rahmen des Festivals lesen Autor*innen aus Afrika und den afrikanischen Diasporas in Europa und den Amerikas, halten Workshops für Kinder- und Jugendliche, Talks, wissenschaftliche Vorträge und geben Performances. EOTO macht ganzjährig Workshops, Lesungen, Jugendreisen und -beratung, gibt Nachhilfe und ist an jedem letzten Freitag im Monat Gastgeber der Black Youth Fridayz.

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Each One Teach One (EOTO) e.V. Empowerment für Schwarze, Afrikanische- und Afrodiasporische Menschen in Berlin und bundesweit, Togostrasse 76, 13351 Berlin

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I don't want to praise my country. But there are individuals who fight racism.

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I don't want to praise my country. But there are individuals who fight racism.

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Mohamed Amjahid محمد أمجاهد | Journalist, Buchautor, Moderator, Kurator. (mamjahid.net)

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Hochschulgruppe Frankfurt – Amnesty International (amnesty-uni-frankfurt.de)

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Mit den Stimmen der nationalkonservativen Regierungsmehrheit des ungarischen Parlaments wurde im Rahmen einer Gesetzesänderung beschlossen, dass in offiziellen Dokumenten nicht mehr das gelebte Geschlecht, sondern lediglich das bei der Geburt festgestellte Geschlecht aufgeführt werden soll. Dadurch wird das bei der Geburt festgestellte Geschlecht als unabänderlich statuiert, was dazu führt, dass Trans-Personen und Intergeschlechtliche ihr eingetragenes Weiterlesen

Wir treffen uns im Moment virtuell! Falls du Lust hast, vorbeizuschauen: Melde dich ganz unkompliziert mit einer Mail an info@amnesty-uni-frankfurt.de und wir schicken dir die Zugangsdaten des Online-Meetings. Das nächste Treffen findet am 18. Mai um 20 Uhr statt - danach immer in einem zweiwöchentlichen Zyklus. Bis bald! Weiterlesen

Das Coronavirus führt für viele Menschen zur Veränderung der Lebensweise und stellt Selbst- und Fremdschutzmaßnahmen, aber auch Solidarität in den Vordergrund. Doch für viele Menschen besteht nicht die Möglichkeit, sich durch standardisierte Eindämmungsmaßnahmen zu schützen. Wie kann ich Distanz zu anderen Menschen wahren, wenn ich mit über 20.000 anderen Schutzsuchenden in einem Lager auf Lesbos Weiterlesen

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Weiterlesen

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Mit den Stimmen der nationalkonservativen Regierungsmehrheit des ungarischen Parlaments wurde im Rahmen einer Gesetzesänderung beschlossen, dass in offiziellen Dokumenten nicht mehr das gelebte Geschlecht, sondern lediglich das bei der Geburt festgestellte Geschlecht aufgeführt werden soll. Dadurch wird das bei der Geburt festgestellte Geschlecht als unabänderlich statuiert, was dazu führt, dass Trans-Personen und Intergeschlechtliche ihr eingetragenes Weiterlesen Wir treffen uns im Moment virtuell!

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L'Association Tunisienne de Soutien des Minorités

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ATSM est une association non gouvernementale à but non lucratif, non partisane, autonome et plurielle. Carthage, Tunis, Tunisia

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In 1846, Tunisia became both the first Arab and the first Muslim country to abolish slavery. Now, it has become one of the first to criminalize racism.

On October 9, Tunisia’s parliament passed the “Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination” Act. The law, which defines and criminalizes racial discrimination, is an important step forward in defending the rights of the 10 to 15 percent of Tunisians who identify as black, as well as the country’s 60,000 sub-Saharan African immigrants.

The law originated in 2016 from the case of Sabrina, a black Tunisian who had been verbally abused on Habib Bourguiba Avenue in downtown Tunis. When attempting to report the crime, the police station turned her away due to “the lack of a specific law” against racism. Later, on December 25, 2016, three Congolese students were stabbed in a train station in Tunis. Amid demonstrations by civil society organizations, Prime Minister Youssef Chahed expressed his support for the law the next day.

These assaults on black Tunisians and migrants are not isolated incidents. The Al-Jazeera documentary “Tunisia’s Dirty Secret” details the racism many Tunisians face on a daily basis. Part of the film follows Hamza, who wore a hidden camera in his glasses. “Slave, have you been kicked out from your house?” one passerby sneers. “Have a shower you lazy bastard.” Some towns in the south of Tunisia, such as Sidi Makhlouf in Medenine, even have separate school buses for black children. Black Tunisians are also woefully under-represented in the public sphere. There is only one black member of parliament (Ennahdha’s Jamila Debbech Ksiksi) and the first black newsreader on state-run TV only appeared this year.

In part because the state has never recognized race, there are no official statistics on the number of black Tunisians, their socio-economic status, or the extent of racial discrimination. However, new survey data provide initial answers to these questions. In this year’s Afrobarometer, a nationally representative survey conducted in April-May 2018, the survey team for the first time recorded their respondents’ race, classifying 92 of 1199 respondents (about 8 percent) as black.

These survey data suggest that black Tunisians are socio-economically worse-off than other Tunisians (see Table 1). They are about 10 percentage points more likely than other Tunisians to live in rural areas, and are 15 percentage points less likely to own a radio, car, or computer. In terms of education, they are about 10 percent less likely to have completed primary school. Most strikingly, black Tunisians are almost twice as likely to be unemployed (42 percent) than other Tunisians (25 percent).

Table 1: Afrobarometer Survey (2018) Results by Race

| Black Tunisians (%) | Other Tunisians (%)
Rural | 39 | 31
Own a Radio | 51 | 66
Own a Car | 46 | 61
Own a Computer | 38 | 50
Completed Primary School | 52 | 62
Unemployed | 42 | 25

The survey also uncovers potential evidence of differential treatment by state authorities. The Afrobarometer asked respondents: “When dealing with public officials, how much do you feel that they treat you with respect?” Black Tunisians were significantly less likely than other Tunisians to report “a lot of respect” (20 versus 31 percent), and more likely to report “no respect at all” (17 versus 11 percent), even when taking into account their lower socio-economic status.

Perhaps as a result of this treatment, black Tunisians in the survey appeared to avoid state authorities. They were less likely than other Tunisians to report approaching the state in the last year for official documents (21 versus 37 percent) or for social services (3 versus 15 percent), even when controlling for their socio-economic status.

The new anti-racism law, which passed by an almost unanimous vote in parliament, is intended to address this socio-economic and political discrimination of black Tunisians and migrants. The law prescribes one to three months in prison for racist language, and one to three years for inciting hatred, disseminating ideas about racial superiority, or supporting a racist organization or activity. The law also commits the state to undertake awareness and training campaigns, and creates a National Instance against Racial Discrimination to present an annual report to the parliament.

Its most important effect, however, may be to officially recognize that racism exists in Tunisia. To this day, denial permeates even the highest levels of government. Ahead of the vote, Member of Parliament Faycel Tebini asserted that “there is no racial discrimination in Tunisia” and called for the parliament “not to sow resentment and conflict in society.” The minister in charge of relations with the parliament aptly responded that “the importance of the bill…is to put an end to the denial of this crime.” By recognizing racism, the law—as the president of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights put it—“is a turning point in Tunisia, as important as the decree abolishing slavery.”

On this issue, as with many others, Tunisia should serve as a model for the region. The Gulf, Egypt, Libya, and other Arab countries would do well to address discrimination of their racial minorities as well.

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In another first, Tunisia criminalizes racism

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On October 9, Tunisia's parliament passed the "Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination" Act. The law, which defines and criminalizes racial discrimination, is an important step forward in defending the rights of the 10 to 15 percent of Tunisians who identify as black.

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https://www.sportanddev.org/fr/media/galerie-photo-en-algerie-lasmr-fair-play-relizane-lutte-contre-la-violence-et-le-racisme-dans

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Galerie photo : En Algérie, l'ASMR Fair Play Relizane lutte contre la violence et le racisme dans le football

Retour en images sur la campagne menée par l'ASMR Fair Play Relizane afin de lutter contre la violence et le racisme dans les stades de football en Algérie.

Racisme et le sport entretiennent une relation ambiguë. S’il engendre des stéréotypes et des comportements racistes, le sport représente aussi un formidable outil de lutte contre le racisme et la discrimination.

En Algérie, l’association sportive ASMR Fair Play Relizane mène depuis plusieurs années un travail de sensibilisation afin de lutter contre la violence et le racisme au sein des stades de football et d'inculquer aux jeunes joueurs les valeurs de respect et de fair-play.

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Galerie photo : En Algérie, l'ASMR Fair Play Relizane lutte contre la violence et le racisme dans le football

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Retour en images sur la campagne menée par l'ASMR Fair Play Relizane afin de lutter contre la violence et le racisme dans les stades de football en Algérie.

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La migration peut être un outil efficace de réduction de la pauvreté pour les migrants et leur famille, et peut faire de significatives contributions aux efforts de développement à la fois dans les pays d’origine et de destination.

L’insécurité alimentaire peut être un vecteur de migration pour les individus et leur famille.

S’occuper de la santé et du bien-être des migrants est une condition sine qua non au développement social et économique.

L’éducation peut aider à l’intégration socio-économique des enfants migrants et améliorer leurs moyens d’existence une fois adultes.

Les pénuries d’eau et les problèmes qui y sont liés peuvent impacter les conditions de vie, l’accessibilité des ressources alimentaires et la santé, qui en retour peuvent être des vecteurs de migration.

Les solutions énergétiques alternatives bon marché peuvent bénéficier aux communautés déplacées ou vulnérables ayant un accès limité voire aucun accès à l’électricité.

Avoir un emploi décent et un environnement de travail sûr et stable sont des conditions essentielles pour que les migrants deviennent des membres de la société productifs et contribuent à la croissance économique.

La migration peut être une source d’autonomisation pour les femmes et les filles migrantes, mais celles-ci peuvent aussi être particulièrement vulnérables aux violences, aux abus et à l’exploitation sexuelles.

Les migrants peuvent transférer des connaissances et des compétences précieuses vers les pays d’origine et de destination, contribuant ainsi au développement de technologie, à la recherche et à l’innovation.

La gouvernance efficace des migrations est vitale pour garantir la possibilité d’une migration plus sûre, plus ordonnée et régulière.

Les migrants contribuent à la prospérité des villes et participent à en faire des lieux de vie vibrants et des centres économiques florissants.

Promouvoir des modes de consommation et de production soutenables peut concourir à la protection des travailleurs migrants contre différentes formes d’exploitation.

La migration peut être une stratégie d’adaptation aux changements climatiques et un moyen de renforcer la résilience.

Combattre la dégradation des écosystèmes marins et costaux et diversifier les moyens d’existence des communautés dépendant des ressources maritimes peuvent contribuer à répondre aux migrations et déplacements forcés.

La déforestation, la dégradation des sols, la désertification et la perte de biodiversité peuvent avoir un impact profond sur les communautés dont les moyens d’existence reposent sur les ressources naturelles, et peuvent donc être des vecteurs de migration.

Des institutions plus robustes, transparentes et responsables et un accès à la justice amélioré peuvent contribuer à la promotion et à la protection des droits des migrants.

Avoir accès à des données fiables, à jour et comparables sur les migrations peut aider les décideurs à se fonder sur les faits pour concevoir les politiques et plans relatifs aux aspects migratoires des ODD.

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ASISF《Association de la Solidarité Internationale Sans Frontières 》

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ASISF《Association de la Solidarité Internationale Sans Frontières 》, Sousse. 577 likes · 1 talking about this. Association dont le but est de rassembler au sein d'un même groupe les étudiants...