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Tré Ventour Ed | Twitter, Instagram, Facebook | Linktree

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View treventoured's Linktree. Listen to their music on YouTube, Spotify here.

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'‘Israel is a Racist, Apartheid State. I should know, I grew up in one’ | Andrew Feinstein' (2020)

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'‘Israel is a Racist, Apartheid State. I should know, I grew up in one’ | Andrew Feinstein' (2020)

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Israel is a Racist, Apartheid State. I should know, I grew up in one | Andrew Feinstein

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'‘How Community Organising Could Change the Game for the British Left’ | Chardine Taylor Stone' (2021)

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'‘How Community Organising Could Change the Game for the British Left’ | Chardine Taylor Stone' (2021)

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How Community Organising Could Change the Game for the British Left | Chardine Taylor Stone

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'‘ISRAEL EXPOSED: Colonialism, War Crimes & The Global Far Right’ | Lowkey' (2021)

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'‘ISRAEL EXPOSED: Colonialism, War Crimes & The Global Far Right’ | Lowkey' (2021)

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ISRAEL EXPOSED: Colonialism, War Crimes & The Global Far Right | Lowkey

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'‘Neoliberalism: From Ronald Reagan to the Gig Economy’ | Tom Nicholas' (2019)

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'‘Neoliberalism: From Ronald Reagan to the Gig Economy’ | Tom Nicholas' (2019)

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Neoliberalism: From Ronald Reagan to the Gig Economy | Tom Nicholas

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'‘Postcolonialism: WTF? An Intro to Postcolonial Theory’ | Tom Nicholas' (2018)

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'‘Postcolonialism: WTF? An Intro to Postcolonial Theory’ | Tom Nicholas' (2018)

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Postcolonialism: WTF? An Intro to Postcolonial Theory

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'Colonialism: WTF? Introduction to colonialism and imperialism' | Tom Nicholas (2018)

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'Colonialism: WTF? Introduction to colonialism and imperialism' | Tom Nicholas (2018)

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Colonialism: WTF? Introduction to colonialism and imperialism

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LECTURE: 'Rethinking Armistice: "Race Riots", Colonialism and the First World War' | Tre Ventour Ed (2022)

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LECTURE: 'Rethinking Armistice: "Race Riots", Colonialism and the First World War' | Tre Ventour Ed (2022)

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Rethinking Armistice: "Race Riots", Colonialism and the First World War

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'Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence | Gary Younge' (2020)

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'Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence | Gary Younge' (2020)

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Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence | Gary Younge

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'The true legacy of Christopher Columbus: 'Western Civilisation' | George Monbiot' (2018)

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'The true legacy of Christopher Columbus: 'Western Civilisation' | George Monbiot' (2018)

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The true legacy of Christopher Columbus: 'Western Civilisation' | George Monbiot

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EXPOSED: The Secret British Cabal That Proves Colonialism Never Ended | Phil Miller (2021)

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EXPOSED: The Secret British Cabal That Proves Colonialism Never Ended | Phil Miller (2021)

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EXPOSED: The Secret British Cabal That Proves Colonialism Never Ended | Phil Miller

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'In 2022 Why Do We Still Show Such Loyalty To Royalty?' by Shane Thomas (2022)

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'In 2022 Why Do We Still Show Such Loyalty To Royalty?' by Shane Thomas (2022)

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Excerpt from Shane Thomas' 2015 article Why Do We Show Such Loyalty To Royalty?
When I was about 13, the Caribbean steel band I played in had a gig which included a brief appearance by Prince Charles. I recall our manager being adamant that we had to be on our best behaviour. This wasn't new - she had to deal with a lot of mischief making in the band - but never had it been made so explicit what was expected from us.

I've always wondered, why did she care so much? Why does the presence of the Royals beguile people - worldwide - into a state of fawning obeisance?

Is is tradition? The money they bring in? They might be factors, but there's plenty of traditions we don't adhere to anymore. I don't even think the likely financial boon is what inspires such genuflection. If that was such a watertight argument, wouldn't royal advocates ensure there was no ambiguity about the figures?

I think the key facets are the nebulous - but powerful - agents of history and heritage. Many countries have origin stories that are intended to underpin their supposed greatness. This is especially evident where imperialist nations are concerned.

Britain's origin story is that of the small island who ruled the waves. Through wit, decorum, and derring-do, they shaped and civilised the world with their military skill and overriding sense of fair play. It matters little that Dr. Shashi Tharoor recently put that story under a piercing spotlight. Most would rather believe the lie.

Prior to British colonial rule in India, India's share of the world economy was 23% - as large as all of Europe put together. By the time the British empire had left India, this had dropped to 3%.
- Taj Ali (@Taj_Ali1) May 27, 2022

The axle of this story is our monarchy, and to abolish - or privatise - them could undercut this grandiose narrative, which is an impossibility until we interrogate why they are allowed such latitude in a country that makes exhaustive spending cuts, because it's apparently in suffocating debt.

For generations, a tacit agreement has been reached, that the Royal Family are the best of Britain. If they have an exalted position it's because they deserve it (the same way those who live in penury ostensibly deserve it). They are the foundation wall, holding Britain's entire class system upright.

Our future kings...

If you're someone who is proud of the monarchy, exactly what is it about them you take pride in?

"They cost an estimated £345 million per year. Compare that to similar but elected heads of state, such as in Ireland, and you can see that's very, very expensive. The budget for the Irish president is around £4m a year."

While the Queen's position as head of state is more than symbolic, it's their symbolism that's especially potent. One wonders how deeply we're anesthetised by individual comfort and privilege, so that we don't dare exhibit dissent. Is it that easy to accept the atrocities committed in the name of the English/British flag for Queen/King and country were fine because they didn't happen to you?

People were disgusted by footballer James McClean - who is Irish - in 2015, when he made a point of turning away from the Union flag, and solemnly bowed his head as the British national anthem was played because he went against the aforementioned agreement. He dared to imply that England's heritage might not be unequivocally positive. To a lesser extent, these issues were raised when golfer, Rory McIlroy chose to represent Ireland - instead of Britain - at the 2016 Olympics, and when Andy Murray tweeted his support for Scottish independence.

This backlash is borne from an inability to comprehend why someone wouldn't love everything about England: Look at the history; the tolerance; the values; the inherent politeness. Where could be better than here?

Will we start to look at why consensus places the Royal Family on an untouchable pedestal? If so, would that affect our stratified class system[5]? Can the nature of people's birth be less of a determining factor on their chances in life? And will future generations look at the Royal Family, and wonder what was all the fuss about?

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In 2022 Why Do We Still Show Such Loyalty To Royalty?

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Excerpt from Shane Thomas' 2015 article Why Do We Show Such Loyalty To Royalty? When I was about 13, the Caribbean steel band I played in had a gig which included a brief appearance by Prince Charles. I recall our manager being adamant that we had to be on our best behaviour.

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'The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial nostalgia, fascist resurgence and social control' by Guilaine Kinouani (2021)

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'The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial nostalgia, fascist resurgence and social control' by Guilaine Kinouani (2021)

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In this searing critique of the UK government's implementation of the Nationality and Borders Bill, Guilaine Kinouani argues that it lays bare the dangers of superficial 'diversity and inclusion' at the highest levels of government and makes the case for how we must resist border violence as social control

Arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet in the history of UK politics has introduced possibly the most racist and regressive pieces of legislation this country has seen in decades. The Nationality and Borders Bill should force us all to rethink representation politics - if we have not already, and to accept many of the premises that sustain the quest for 'equality' are ill-conceived.

As part of this, recognising that we are all capable of reproducing racism within systems and indeed, that systems cannot function without the participation - passive or active - of those it harms, is crucial. We all need, and this may hurt even more, to come to terms with the fact, 'diversity', 'equality' and 'inclusion' will not save us. In fact, they are today more likely to do many of us harm, than to help us achieve any semblance of justice.

Any tool for social transformation eventually gets corrupted or employed in the service of protecting the very power structures they were designed to disrupt. Representation in high office has proven the point. And so, the 'Equality, Diversity and Inclusion' industrial complex has become the neoliberal palatable face of white supremacy. A desire for 'equality' that keeps inequality going. Think black squares on Instagram, safety pins and smiley liberal faces in the midst of Black and brown migrant bodies silently drowning at sea.

The harm of the 'equality agenda' we had in fact encountered this summer with the so-called Sewell Report. A report by a group of primarily Black and brown 'experts' in their own fields (although mostly non-experts in race and racism) who found no evidence of structural or institutional racism in the UK.

An unsurprising and convenient finding which was wholly consistent with the government's on-going crusade against Critical Race Theory and, with members of the Commission's publicly aired comments prior to their appointment, that there was indeed no such thing as structural racism.

"The outdated and oversimplified notion that racism = prejudice + power (which is usually taken to mean within western contexts that people of colour do not have the social power to enact racist violence) has a lot to answer for. It continues to lead to failure to recognise issues of complicity, of intersectionality and dynamics related to proximity to power"

Those of us wary of such fortuitous alignments of fate or perhaps trained in the 'scientific method', may see in this alleged lack of evidence, actual evidence of structural racism or at least an egregious flaunting of basic principles of impartiality, non-partisanship, 'neutrality' and 'objectivity'. Principles I do not generally engage with uncritically but, I restate here because of the scientific claims the authors made to sustain their outlandish findings. More to the point, let's be clear that a white group of investigators, could not have got away with this report.

If you doubt this, consider the Equalities Minister - herself a Black woman - deploying the racial backgrounds of these 'non-experts-experts' to deflect accusations of racism levelled against the report. What we have here is the normalisation of a particular discursive manoeuvre; race as alibi or as shield against racism. The weaponisation of racialisation to pursue racist agendas tells us all we need to know about the central role black and brown bodies play within this administration.

The outdated and oversimplified notion that racism = prejudice + power (which is usually taken to mean within western contexts that people of colour do not have the social power to enact racist violence) has a lot to answer for. It continues to lead to failure to recognise issues of complicity, of intersectionality and dynamics related to proximity to power, here whiteness. But it pays to support systems of domination, materially above all else, and because it pays, there are and there will always be oppressed groups involved in forms of collaboration.
Fascist resurgence and imperial nostalgia
Although last summer the country was apparently free of structural racism, just a few months later well in to winter, the Nationality and Borders Bill was passed in the House of Commons. The legislation, which gives the Home Secretary the power to deprive British people of citizenshipm enshrined in law a two-tier (some have said apartheid) citizenship system along racial lines, the very definition of... structural racism.

The outrage surrounding the bill on racialised grounds concerns primarily the provisions around the notice of deprivation. According to clause nine of the bill, notice of the decision to deprive a person of citizenship may NOT be given, if;

- The state does not have the information needed to be able to give notice under that subsection,

- It is not reasonably practicable to give notice

- It is not in the interests of national security

- It is not in the interests of the relationship between the United Kingdom and another country, or

- It is not otherwise in the public interest

These provisions were the subject of sustained public discontent. There were attempts to disrupt the bill by getting clause nine removed by a petition signed at the time of writing by over 200,000 people. And I agree these provisions are worrisome given the very large scope they leave for interpretation. However, to me, the core of the issue is beyond the notification point - although the point is an important one. We have as a country decided that some citizens, who are primarily Black and brown, based on some constructed alleged traceable foreign ancestry and thus often assumed eligibility for some alternative nationality, may be disowned as citizens, if the state deems it in its interest to do so.

A dangerous precedent had already been set when Shamima Begum was stripped of her citizenship because of her alleged 'radicalisation', a 'radicalisation' which occurred in the context of her being groomed, abused and traumatised as a child then later as young adult. She was rendered stateless, with Bangladesh essentially pressured to take her in, although she was not a citizen of the country, was born in London but had some ancestry there. One can easily imagine given geopolitical power asymmetries, how nations in the global south may suffer similar fates and be forced to take in non-citizens with ancestral connections varying in their distance, while the UK flexes its neo-colonial powers at home and abroad, to disown its own.

The point that I am making is not that there should be no attempt to hold people to account or put them on trial for criminal activities and/or acts of complicity in terror when issues of agency, consent and responsibility are complex regardless of mitigation; rather as many have argued, that our racial background, ancestry or religion should have zero bearing in the process of justice. Of course we know they always have. Now the law tells us, it is right, proper and lawful that they do.

There are strong and chilling echoes of the past, we are continuing to ignore. The re-inscription of ' le droit du sang ' - blood rights within contemporary legislation in Britain is chilling to me. This is foundational to fascist iteration of the nation-state, of belonging and alien control. A principle with a strong Nazi pedigree.

Sceptics may argue the reference is inappropriate or alarmist. However, linking the current administration's on-going dismantlement of our freedom to protest or freedom to dissent, masked by faux concerns over the alleged erosion of ' free speech '; to the present bill, helps us see that the wish to quieten and control the masses, also central to fascism, is present here.

Exaggerated concerns over 'security' have been leveraged to sustain both sets of political agendas, the right to protest and the right to citizenship. Both strongly reflect the kind of paranoia filled fantasies which have always provided the fuel for fascism and authoritarianism. There is a long history though of ignoring fascist violence directed at non-white bodies. Even though we know their bodies have always been the training ground for later tyrannical violence on bodies racialised as white.

On social control and the management of dissent
Fascism and colonialism have long been deeply entangled. The bill reminds us of this historical reality kept alive by structures that sustain border and frontier violence. Only nationals imagined as second-class citizens, as disposable bodies and as subservient subjects could ever be expected to show uncritical gratitude and deference to the state or risk being bordered out of their own home. This is the small print.

We already have evidence that PREVENT has had a perverse effect on Muslims' ability to express their political beliefs freely. I know people amongst my family and friends who refuse to discuss politics particularly issues related to the Middle East and Palestine within institutions for fear of being maligned and referred to authorities. Concerns have long been raised about the implementation of the strategy. Of particular relevance here, are the creation of 'suspect' or once more, alien communities and the formations of enemies within. Discourses propagated within all the sections of the press and which have led to increased anti-Muslim racism, hatred and Islamophobia. Also of concern has been expanding constructions of what may be classed as 'extremism'.

This narrowing of that space for legitimate critique of State apparatuses and their operationalisation on British soil and on foreign lands is consistent with increased contempt towards human right protections, protections we still go and lecture other nations deemed inferior, on.

"And so the bill reinstates powerful yet insidious normative expectations that Black and brown people must watch what they say, how we behave. We must be compliant as the State may decide our country is no longer our country and dispossess us of our home."

The implementation of this culture of suspicion has led to perverse and absurd stories of children being suspected of 'radicalisation'. After my son (who is Muslim) then aged five or six proclaimed in class he wanted to marry a Muslim girl, I was required to attend an urgent meeting with the school head to discuss the origin of his 'concerning' views. I was threatened with a Local Authority investigation. I managed to navigate my way out of the threat. I am sure it helped that I am not Muslim myself.
Whiteness, silence and complicity
And so what an incredible powerful form of social control the bill is. See, who is given unconditional right of abode is usually also given 'freedom of speech'. The territoriality of whiteness therefore is not only about physical frontiers on lands and border control, it is also about bordering thoughts and bordering their expression.

And so the bill reinstates powerful yet insidious normative expectations that Black and brown people must watch what they say, how we behave. We must be compliant as the State may decide our country is no longer our country and dispossess us of our home. And ship us back like unwanted cargos to lands we have for the most part, no tie, save in some collective imaginary. Associations made mainly because of the colour of our skin.

This is what makes the bill a tool of social control and silencing. It's all, once more in the small print. If you doubt that, remember the Windrush elders deported to their death and the many others born British often over several generations who were so whimsically deprived of their right of above in the UK as they could not 'prove' their Britishness. Needing to prove we belong lies at the centre of the issues. The precariousness of British citizenship when one is racialised as Other holds melanin as the prima-facie case is of belonging 'elsewhere'.

As I wrote the thread that inspired this article, many came to offer solidarity. As they did so, they located racism, dysfunction, and corruption in the government. Whilst true, this kind of lazy and self-serving logic is deeply problematic. We are a country of what? Some 67 million people or so, primarily white. When unsavoury actions are carried out by marginalised individuals, all marginalised folks are held to account and expected to protest, denounce and distance themselves from the said acts.

Arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet has introduced the most violently racist & regressive pieces of legislations this country has seen in decades. I really hope you are rethinking your representation politics & accept once & for all we are all capable of reproducing racism.
- Guilaine Kinouani (@KGuilaine) December 11, 2021

Yet, we are quick to lodge social pathology in a group of what? Two dozen individuals or so as to deny the collective forces at play and the role we play in the same. But acts carried out by the state on behalf of the country engage everyone. Particularly those who directly benefit from the violence, here of white territoriality and inland border logics; 60 millions or so of white folks.

But imagine this... what if only 10 percent of this population took a stand, protested, denounced and sought to distance themselves from the bill? I really doubt it would stand. But here we are. As I said on Twitter, what we do not oppose which is done by the state, is done by us. Racism by omission is still racism. Racism by bystanderism is still racism. Racism by habituation is still racism. Racism by 'I just want to get on with my life' or 'I just don't know where to start' is still racism. There are always opportunities to show solidarity. But empty 'feel good' gestures in the face of our continuing suffocation on land or at sea, is not solidarity. Indeed, solidarity without resistance is not solidarity, it is complicity.
For ideas about how you may resist the bill use BID Detention's template to email your MP that the #BordersBill will criminalise refugees, erode the meagre rights of those subject to immigration control & sow further division into UK society. Click here for the petition. opposing clause 9 of the Nationality and Borders Bill. Sign, and share on your social media channels.
Guilaine Kinouani is a French woman of Congolese descent, an equality consultant, a writer and a psychologist currently pursuing a PhD at Birkbeck University of London. She is the founder and director of r acereflections.co.uk. Her first book Living While Black, which was published earlier this year, is a MUST READ for anyone seeking specialist self-care strategies to navigate white supremacy, for those with a vested interest in the welfare and wellbeing of black groups or working towards anti-racism and for everyone else doing 'the work'. Get it here.

Tweet her @KGuilaine

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The Nationality & Borders Bill: Imperial nostalgia, fascist resurgence and social control

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In this searing critique of the UK government's implementation of the Nationality and Borders Bill, Guilaine Kinouani argues that it lays bare the dangers of superficial 'diversity and inclusion' at the highest levels of government and makes the case for how we must resist border violence as social control UK Home Secretary Priti Patel sits...

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'Why we’re fed up of weak excuses from anti-imperialists accepting MBEs' by Prishita Maheshwari-Aplin (2020)

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'Why we’re fed up of weak excuses from anti-imperialists accepting MBEs' by Prishita Maheshwari-Aplin (2020)

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'‘BLM 2020: Breathing, Resistance, and the War Against Enslavement’  by Kerry Sinanan (2020)

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'‘BLM 2020: Breathing, Resistance, and the War Against Enslavement’  by Kerry Sinanan (2020)

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On May 20, 2020 many celebrated the birthday of Haitian revolution leader, Toussaint L'Ouverture against a backdrop of ongoing murders of Black people at the hands of current and former police.[1] Ahmaud Arbery, shot while running on February 23, 2020; Breonna Taylor, who would have been 27 on June 5 th, shot 8 times on March 13 th while sleeping in her own home; on May 25 th, Memorial Day, the world watched in horror as George Floyd was callously lynched by four police officers in Minneapolis; on June 5 footage emerged showing the murder of Manuel Ellis by police a month earlier, on March 3. In both of the videos recording Floyd and Ellis' death they utter the words, "I can't breathe." On Tuesday, May 26, when Americans most recently began protesting police violence, the words, "I can't breathe" again became the powerful anti-police mantra that it was in the aftermath of Eric Garner's murder.[2] By Wednesday June 3, 2020, every state in the US was protesting, and the Black Lives Matter uprising had become global, stretching from Dublin to Amsterdam, Paris to Auckland. The protests continue still, worldwide, at the time of writing. The focus of the protests has effectively combined the demand for an end to systemic racism with calls, especially in the US, to abolish the police, who many have observed emerged directly out of slave patrols.[3] As I will argue in this post, calls to defund or abolish the police at this level represent a new aspect of these protests, one that asks us to consider the protests themselves as part of the centuries-long continuum of slave rebellion.

As if to confirm this, on June 1, 2020, President Trump threatened to invoke the 1807 Insurrection Act that would allow him to "call forth the militia for the purpose of suppressing such insurrection." This Act arose directly out of the threat posed by Haiti which had declared its constitution in 1805, forming itself into a "free state, sovereign and independent," with Article 2 declaring "Slavery is forever abolished."[4] As Kevin Gannon reminded us upon Trump's allusion to the Act, the Haitian constitution "closed a 14+ year revolution wherein Black and mulatto Haitians overthrew the colonial slave regime (called St. Dominique...and expanded their fight over the entire colony)".[5] Gannon argues that, following Haiti, slave rebellions, and perceived plots of insurrection in the US, inevitably signalled the same revolutionary force that Haiti had so powerfully delivered: "This is the context in which we need to view the 1807 Insurrection Act: a demand from the enslaving class and its political representative for federal protection in case the unthinkable (but seemingly more and more likely) event of a Black uprising occurred." Gannon notes how making connections that link fear of slave uprisings to the Insurrection Act is about reading the "silences" both in between events and in the response to the Insurrection Act itself.[6] Sometimes the historical moment of iteration is the context and the word "insurrection," as in 1807, today certainly resonates explicitly with the fear of Black resistance: Trump's invocation itself provides a link to Black resistance.

Reading the events in this way, it is impossible to ignore that on June 2 nd, the day right after Trump called upon the Insurrection Act, was the anniversary of Harriet Tubman's Combahee raid in which she led 150 black Union soldiers and liberated over 700 enslaved people.[7] In so doing, Tubman actioned a Black, female collective (as opposed to a patriarchal, individualistic, libertarian) vision of freedom articulated by Toni Morrison: "the function of freedom is to free someone else."[8] Freedom, as the authors of the Insurrection Act knew, is contagious. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic that was already claiming a devastating proportion of Black peoples' lives in the US and in the UK, these current protests and resistances force us to look back to the histories of transatlantic slavery and race and- while we explain the multiple ways in which, as Christina Sharpe tells us, "ongoing state-sanctioned legal and extralegal murders of Black people are normative and, for this so-called democracy, necessary"-to also read the protests as part of the long history of slave rebellion, that is, as a transatlantic, global movement that has spanned centuries and transcended national boundaries.[9]

In his new book Tacky's Revolt: The Story of an Atlantic Slave War, Vincent Brown argues that, while there is value in thinking of the many kinds of acts of slave rebellion as a continuum, from "everyday assertions of independent will and volition" to "violent collective uprisings like the ones led by Tacky and Apongo," this way of viewing resistance, at the same time, "is too reductive. It masks the complexity of large revolts, glosses over multiple aspirations of rebels, confines the contest to circumscribed locations, and forecloses important questions about planning, strategy, tactics, and claims to territory-the very questions we ask about wars."[10] Brown's argument, that we look again at slave rebellion as we do at war, ties in, he tells us with Olaudah Equiano's famous description of slavery as "a perpetual state of war."[11] As we witness a global, multi-faceted, complex network of uprisings, it seems as if we do indeed need such a framing, which credits the multiple acts of global protest with the kind of complexity granted to battle proper. Brown, as did C.L.R. James before him, tells us that war travels; it is transatlantic and exceeds plantation and island boundaries. And the emphasis on war as opposed to rebellion also explains how Black victims of police violence are in a state of war and their very existence is the act of aggression against the enemy.

Between these large protests and the murders that have galvanized them lies Black life as an ongoing resistance in the war. As Sharpe trenchantly proposed on June 6, 2020: "group noun for young (and middle aged and old) Black folks in the street is a breathing."[12] Read as metaphors-thieves, drug dealers, fraudsters or, indeed, as a "breathing"-Black people face perpetual, extreme violence in a system designed to kill them in the war. We must frame these deliberate misreadings in the full context of the web and network of unceasing Black resistance to white power that is enacted simply by virtue of being Black: to exist is to resist.[13] Breonna Taylor was simply living in her own home when eight bullets wantonly fired by police officers claimed her life; Arbery was simply running, taking the air as he regularly did; George Floyd had bought some cigarettes. Yet these Black people were murdered as threats, enemies in a war, and their rebellion was to exist and breathe.

Here, then, I draw attention to a couple of more un-noted moments-not part of any specific narrative of rebellion in the network of slave resistances-to highlight how Black life itself is a rebellion, a constant pressure today, and stretching back to the slave ship. In November 1786, having arrived in Barbados after crossing the mid-Atlantic passage, Captain James Irving writes to his wife,

We have...not yet disposed of our very disagreeable cargo, but expect it in the 7 th instant when our sale opens...Often, very often have I perused my dear girl's letter and each time with redoubled pleasure...I'm nearly wearied of this unnatural and accursed trade...I think I'll desist as our black cattle are intolerably noisy and I'm almost melted in the midst of five or six hundred of them.[14]

Even above deck Irving finds the slave ship stifling and the enslaved people-horrifyingly reduced to livestock-are restive. The slaves' presence is a serious threat, potent as it is with actual rebellion. Their noise unsettles Irving, his sense of being "melted" articulates an intensely warped expression of white fragility that masks his white power as enslaver. Ironically, Irving finds his own chosen position "intolerable." As C.L.R. James describes, below the decks the conditions "turned these holds into hell."[15] What must they have felt, six hundred people, in the bowels of the ship, languishing in the Barbados tropical heat, surging with the sea swell after months on-board? It was impossible simply to breathe. Yet Irving blames the captives for the hellishness, and will capitalize on their still being alive, on their still breathing, while he blames them for stifling him. Derek Chauvin, with the help of his fellow officers, murdered George Floyd calmly and quietly, in front of the gathered protesting crowd, by blocking his breath, by, as the independent coroner's report has confirmed, asphyxiation. Now, as then, the Black person, cast as a threat to white power, is in fact overwhelmed to the point of death for the act of simply being, even when, as in 1786, they are on the point of being sold for profit. As Paul Gilroy insists, "the slaves' perspective and positions...provocatively suggest that many of the advances of modernity are in fact pseudo-advances contingent on the power of the racially dominant grouping."[16] Inverting the dynamics of power exposes whiteness as barbaric. It is the perspective of suppressed Black lives that we must center in the long war against slavery.

In his slave-ship logs, kept between 1750-54, John Newton also records from the captain's viewpoint through which the slave's perspectives are violently filtered. On December 17, 1750, offshore near Sherbro, Newton records the purchase of an adult male slave "for 60 bars...Our number is now 36." The purchase of a male slave is noteworthy because Newton buys many children: adult men are in short supply and expensive. The next day he writes: "Having now 12 men slaves on board, began this day with chains and sentrys."[17] The threat posed by the enslaved was one that was frequently realized and had to be guarded against. At sea the men below, indeed, mount an insurrection:

In the evening, by the favour of Providence, discovered a conspiracy among the slaves to rise upon us, but a few hours before it was to have been executed. A young man, No. -, who has been on the whole voyage out of irons, first on account of a large ulcer, and since for his seeming good behaviour, gave them a marline spike down the gratings, but was happily seen by one of the people. They had it in possession about an hour before I made search for it, in which time they made such good dispatch (being an instrument that made no noise) that this morning I found near 20 of them had broke their irons. Are at work securing them.[18]

As Brown tells us, these enslaved men did not come from nowhere: likely trained in war, they are ready to battle.[19] In this passage it emerges that the "silent" slaves, previously only listed in Newton's journal numerically as they are either purchased or die of the "flux," have been plotting their escape. The "young man" that has turned his injury to his advantage is strategic. Newton records that the slaves have made quick progress and, but for luck, would successfully have unlocked several male slaves. Given that on this particular voyage sickness had been as fatal for the crew as for the slaves, twenty or more male slaves out of irons would have easily taken the ship. The resistance is constant.

On May 28, Newton writes in his journal:

Their plot was exceedingly well laid, and had they been let alone an hour longer, must have occasioned us a good deal of trouble and damage. I have reason to be thankfull they did not make attempts upon the coast when we had often 7 or 8 of our best men out of the ship at a time and the rest busy. They still look very gloomy and sullen and have doubtless mischief in their heads if they could find opportunity to vent it. But I hope (by Divine Assistance) we are fully able to overawe them now.[20]

Newton is put on his constant guard and finds now the looks, the expressions of the enslaved people deeply dangerous: because they are. Resistance and life, war and breath in this long history are synonymous. These two small moments testify to the ongoing relentless war of slavery that exceeds national boundaries. I position the lives of Black people taken by white power within this war, even if their most "rebellious" act was just to live, and was ended by a tragic, "I can't breathe." Floyd's last breath did not end the war, however. I take my cue from James once more: "In a revolution, when the ceaseless slow accumulation of centuries bursts into volcanic eruption, the meteoric flares and flights above are a meaningless chaos and lend themselves to infinite caprice and romanticism unless the observer sees them always as projections of the sub-soil from which they came."[21] The lives of Black people stretching back, across the Atlantic to Africa, are this "sub-soil," a bedrock of breathing resistance that grounds the present volcanic upheaval. Echoing both Gilroy and James, Brown ends his Prologue with a similar reorienting of our vision: "The rebels' perspectives on empire and insurrection should inform our own." Repositioning and centering these Black lives allows us to see that the breath, lives, and resistances that have been ongoing for centuries are now opening up a door to, as Brown suggests, "another world."[22] At George Floyd's funeral, on June 9, a mourner carried a sign: "We will breathe."

With special thanks to:

Professor Christina Sharpe: permission to cite

Professor Kevin Gannon: permission to cite

Professor Daniel Carey: editorial

Érica Elizabeth Alcocer: recommendation of To Exist is to Resist

Kerry Sinanan is Assistant Professor at UTSA's Department of English. She is completing her monograph, Myths of Mastery: Traders, Planters and Colonial Agents 1750-1833. She has received research fellowships from the Beinecke Library, the James Ford Bell Library, and in 2017 she was a Visiting Scholar at the Yale Center for British Art where she began a new project on representations of slave mothers. Recently, she has been appointed Secretary/Treasurer for the Early Caribbean Society: http://www.earlycaribbeansociety.com. She is on Twitter @Kerry_Sinanan.
Title image:
Ballerinas Kennedy George, 14, and Ava Holloway, 14, posing in front of Confederate general Robert E. Lee's monument, Richmond, Virginia, with protest graffiti. June 5, 2020. The monument is now slated for removal. Photograph by Julia Rendleman.
Endnotes:
[1] There is not clear consensus on the specific date of Toussaint L'Ouverture's birth, but many celebrate it on this date.

[2] In 2014, Eric Garner said the words, "I can't breathe" 11 times, and this eventually became the call for the emerging Black Lives Matter Movement in 2017. See: Matt Taibbi, I Can't Breathe. A Killing on Bay Street (New York: Random House, 2017).

[3] "In the American South, the modern police evolved from a system of citizen slave patrols that were responsible for maintaining the system of enslavement and the established racial order, preventing rebellions and uprisings, and capturing runaway slaves." Cassandra Chaney and Ray V Robertson, "Armed and Dangerous? An Examination of Fatal Shootings of Unarmed Black People by Police," The Journal of Pan African Studies. Vol. 8. No. 4 (September 2015): 51. There is extensive literature on this topic. See also, Sally Hadden, Slave Patrols: Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001). Tyler D. Parry, "Police Dogs and Anti-Black Violence," Black Perspectives (July 31, 2017): https://www.aaihs.org/police-dogs-and-anti-black-violence/.

[4] 1805 "Constitution of Hayti": http://faculty.webster.edu/corbetre/haiti/history/earlyhaiti/1805-const.htm

[5] Kevin Gannon outlines the historical context in a thread on Twitter 1 June, 2020. https://twitter.com/TheTattooedProf/status/1267614772352212994?s=20

[6] Gannon: https://twitter.com/TheTattooedProf/status/1268971623354454021

[7] Helen Leichner, "Combahee River Raid," https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/combahee-river-raid-june-2-1863/.

[8] Toni Morrison, Cinderella's Stepsisters, Speech at Barnard College graduation, 1979.

[9] Christina Sharpe, In the Wake: On Blackness and Being (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016), 7.

[10] Vincent Brown, Tacky's Revolt: The Story of an Atlantic Slave War (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press), 6.

[11] Cited in Brown, 4.

[12] Christina Sharpe, https://twitter.com/hystericalblkns/status/1269331358704259072 (June 6, 2020).

[13] See: Akwugo Emejulu and Francseca Sobande, eds., To Exist is to Resist: Black Feminism in Europe (London: Pluto Press, 2019).

[14] Suzanne Schwarz, ed., Slave Captain: The Career of James Irving in the Liverpool Slave Trade (Wrexham: Bridge Books, 1995), 112-113.

[15] C.L.R. James, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution (London: Vintage, 1938), 8.

[16] Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic. Modernity and Double Consciousness (London: Verso, 1993), 56.

[17] John Newton, The Journal of a Slave Trader: John Newton 1750-1754, edited by Bernard Martin and Mark Spurrel (London: The Epworth Press, 1962), 25.

[18] Newton, 54-55.

[19] See Brown, Prologue, Tacky's Revolt.

[20] Newton, 55.

[21] James, Preface to the First Edition, xi.

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BLM 2020: Breathing, Resistance, and the War Against Enslavement

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By Kerry Sinanan On May 20, 2020 many celebrated the birthday of Haitian revolution leader, Toussaint L'Ouverture against a backdrop of ongoing murders of Black people at the hands of current and former police.[1] Ahmaud Arbery, shot while running on February 23, 2020; Breonna Taylor, who would have been 27 on June 5th, shot 8...

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'Whiteness as Property' by Cheryl Harris (1993)

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'Whiteness as Property' by Cheryl Harris (1993)

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In the lead up to Volume 134, the Harvard Law Review republished five classic Critical Race Theory articles from our archives. This is the first piece in our series. The full version of this Article may be found by clicking on the PDF link below.

Issues regarding race and racial identity as well as questions pertaining to property rights and ownership have been prominent in much public discourse in the United States. In this article, Professor Harris contributes to this discussion by positing that racial identity and property are deeply interrelated concepts. Professor Harris examines how whiteness, initially constructed as a form of racial identity, evolved into a form of property, historically and presently acknowledged and protected in American law. Professor Harris traces the origins of whiteness as property in the parallel systems of domination of Black and Native American peoples out of which were created racially contingent forms of property and property rights. Following the period of slavery and conquest, whiteness became the basis of racialized privilege - a type of status in which white racial identity provided the basis for allocating societal benefits both private and public in character. These arrangements were ratified and legitimated in law as a type of status property. Even as legal segregation was overturned, whiteness as property continued to serve as a barrier to effective change as the system of racial classification operated to protect entrenched power.

Next, Professor Harris examines how the concept of whiteness as property persists in current perceptions of racial identity, in the law's misperception of group identity and in the Court's reasoning and decisions in the arena of affirmative action. Professor Harris concludes by arguing that distortions in affirmative action doctrine can only be addressed by confronting and exposing the property interest in whiteness and by acknowledging the distributive justification and function of affirmative action as central to that task.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
In the lead up to Volume 134, the Harvard Law Review republished five classic Critical Race Theory articles from our archives. This is the first piece in our series. The full version of this Article may be found by clicking on the PDF link below.

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' by bell hooks (1992)

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' by bell hooks (1992)

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Taking on popular music, advertising, literature, television, historical narrative, and film, hooks demonstrates the incisive intelligence and passion for justice that prompted Publishers Weekly to dub her "one of the foremost black intellectuals in America today."

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Taking on popular music, advertising, literature, television, historical narrative, and film, hooks demonstrates the incisive intelligence and passion for justice that prompted Publishers Weekly to dub her "one of the foremost black intellectuals in America today."

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'Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, C.1760-1830' by Onni Gust (2020)

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'Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, C.1760-1830' by Onni Gust (2020)

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Main Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, c.1760–1830

Onni Gust

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Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, c.1760-1830

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Unhomely Empire: Whiteness and Belonging, c.1760-1830 | Onni Gust | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'Legacies of British Slave-Ownership: Colonial Slavery and the Formation of Victorian Britain' by Catherine Hall, Katie Donington, Nick Draper, Keith McClelland, and Rachel Lang (2014)

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'Legacies of British Slave-Ownership: Colonial Slavery and the Formation of Victorian Britain' by Catherine Hall, Katie Donington, Nick Draper, Keith McClelland, and Rachel Lang (2014)

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This book re-examines the relationship between Britain and colonial slavery in a crucial period in the birth of modern Britain. Drawing on a comprehensive analysis of British slave-owners and mortgagees who received compensation from the state for the end of slavery, and tracing their trajectories in British life, the volume explores the commercial, political, cultural, social, intellectual, physical and imperial legacies of slave-ownership. It transcends conventional divisions in history-writing to provide an integrated account of one powerful way in which Empire came home to Victorian Britain, and to reassess narratives of West Indian 'decline'. It will be of value to scholars not only of British economic and social history, but also of the histories of the Atlantic world, of the Caribbean and of slavery, as well as to those concerned with the evolution of ideas of race and difference and with the relationship between past and present.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Legacies of British Slave-Ownership: Colonial Slavery and the Formation of Victorian Britain

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This book re-examines the relationship between Britain and colonial slavery in a crucial period in the birth of modern Britain. Drawing on a comprehensive analysis of British slave-owners and mortgagees who received compensation from the state for the end of slavery, and tracing their trajectories in British life, the volume explores the commercial, political, cultural, social, intellectual, physical and imperial legacies of slave-ownership.

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'A Portable Paradise' by Roger Robinson (2020)

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'A Portable Paradise' by Roger Robinson (2020)

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Main A Portable Paradise

Robinson Roger

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2020 TS Eliot Prize winner

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A Portable Paradise | Robinson Roger | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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THE AUTHOR OF SMALL ISLAND TELLS THE STORY OF THE LAST TURBULENT YEARS OF SLAVERY AND THE EARLY YEARS OF FREEDOM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY JAMAICASmall Island introduced Andrea Levy to America and was acclaimed as "a triumph" (San Francisco Chronicle). It won both the Orange Prize and the Whitbread Book of the Year Award, and has sold over a million copies worldwide. With The Long Song, Levy once again reinvents the historical novel. Told in the irresistibly willful and intimate voice of Miss July, with some editorial assistance from her son, Thomas, The Long Song is at once defiant, funny, and shocking. The child of a field slave on the Amity sugar plantation, July lives with her mother until Mrs. Caroline Mortimer, a recently transplanted English widow, decides to move her into the great house and rename her "Marguerite." Resourceful and mischievous, July soon becomes indispensable to her mistress. Together they live through the bloody Baptist war, followed by the violent and chaotic end of slavery. Taught to read and write so that she can help her mistress run the business, July remains bound to the plantation despite her "freedom." It is the arrival of a young English overseer, Robert Goodwin, that will dramatically change life in the great house for both July and her mistress. Prompted and provoked by her son's persistent questioning, July's resilience and heartbreak are gradually revealed in this extraordinarily powerful story of slavery, revolution, freedom, and love.

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THE AUTHOR OF SMALL ISLAND TELLS THE STORY OF THE LAST TURBULENT YEARS OF SLAVERY AND THE EARLY YEARS OF FREEDOM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY JAMAICASmall Island introduced Andrea Levy to America and was acclaimed as "a triumph" (San Francisco Chronicle). It won both the Orange Prize and the Whitbread Book of the Year Award, and has sold over a million copies worldwide.

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Small Island by bestselling author Andrea Levy won the Orange Prize for Fiction, as well as the Commonwealth Writers' Prize and the Whitbread. It is possibly the definitive fictional account of the experiences of the Empire Windrush generation. Now a major BBC drama starring Benedict Cumberbatch and Naomie Harris, its enduring appeal will captivate fans of Maya Angelou and Zadie Smith. 'A great read... honest, skilful, thoughtful and important' - Guardian It is 1948, and England is recovering from a war. But at 21 Nevern Street, London, the conflict has only just begun. Queenie Bligh's neighbours do not approve when she agrees to take in Jamaican lodgers, but Queenie doesn't know when her husband will return, or if he will come back at all. What else can she do? Gilbert Joseph was one of the several thousand Jamaican men who joined the RAF to fight against Hitler. Returning to England as a civilian he finds himself treated very differently. It's desperation that makes him remember a wartime friendship with Queenie and knock at her door. Gilbert's wife Hortense, too, had longed to leave Jamaica and start a better life in England. But when she joins him she is shocked to find London shabby, decrepit, and far from the golden city of her dreams. Even Gilbert is not the man she thought he was...

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Small Island by bestselling author Andrea Levy won the Orange Prize for Fiction, as well as the Commonwealth Writers' Prize and the Whitbread. It is possibly the definitive fictional account of the experiences of the Empire Windrush generation. Now a major BBC drama starring Benedict Cumberbatch and Naomie Harris, its enduring appeal will captivate fans of Maya Angelou and Zadie Smith.

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'The Bonds of Family: Slavery, Commerce and Culture in the British Atlantic World' by Katie Donington (2020)

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'The Bonds of Family: Slavery, Commerce and Culture in the British Atlantic World' by Katie Donington (2020)

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Moving between Britain and Jamaica this book reconstructs the world of commerce, consumption and cultivation sustained through an extended engagement with the business of slavery. Transatlantic slavery was both shaping of and shaped by the dynamic networks of family that established Britain's Caribbean empire. Tracing the activities of a single extended family - the Hibberts - this book explores how slavery impacted on the social, cultural, economic and political landscape of Britain. It is a history of trade, colonisation, enrichment and the tangled web of relations that gave meaning to the transatlantic world. The Hibberts's trans-generational story imbricates the personal and the political, the private and the public, the local and the global. It is both the intimate narrative of a family and an analytical frame through which to explore Britain's history and legacies of slavery.

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The bonds of family: Slavery, commerce and culture in the British Atlantic world

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Moving between Britain and Jamaica this book reconstructs the world of commerce, consumption and cultivation sustained through an extended engagement with the business of slavery. Transatlantic slavery was both shaping of and shaped by the dynamic networks of family that established Britain's Caribbean empire.

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'How Europe Underdeveloped Africa' by Walter Rodney (1976)

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'How Europe Underdeveloped Africa' by Walter Rodney (1976)

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"How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is a 1972 book written by Walter Rodney that takes the view that Africa was deliberately exploited and underdeveloped by European colonial regimes. One of his main arguments throughout the book is that Africa developed Europe at the same rate as Europe underdeveloped Africa. "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is an ambitious masterwork of political economy, detailing the impact of slavery and colonialism on the history of international capitalism. In this classic book, Rodney makes the unflinching case that African "mal-development" is not a natural feature of geography, but a direct product of imperial extraction from the continent, a practice that continues up into the present.

Meticulously researched, "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" remains a relevant study for understanding the so-called "great divergence" between Africa and Europe, just as it remains a prescient resource for grasping the multiplication of global inequality today. This classic work of political, economic, and historical analysis, is powerfully introduced by Angela Davis

In his magnum opus, "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa", Rodney incisively argues that grasping "the great divergence" between the West and the rest can only be explained as the exploitation of the latter by the former. This meticulously researched analysis of the abiding repercussions of European colonialism on the continent of Africa has not only informed decades of scholarship and activism, it remains an indispensable study for grasping global inequality today.

The Guyanan intellectual Walter Rodney wrote this book directly after the 1960s wave of African independence declarations, to show why Africa was so underdeveloped compared to the 'First World', and who was to blame for this. A consistently intelligent and politically involved Marxist thinker, Rodney was one of the second generation of black socialists to write about African issues, after the tradition of CLR James and Eric Williams, the former of whom tutored Rodney. "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is probably Rodney's magnum opus of popular science, aimed at a general public, and very accessible and informative.

Rodney describes in chronological sequence the development of Africa as a continent and the way in which the Europeans interfered with it. Going from the earliest African empires and states and their social relations, via the first wave of slave-trading, to full-blown colonialism, Rodney shows us how Europeans consistently attacked, pillaged, exploited, suppressed, enslaved, divided and discriminated against Africans, and the enormous impact the various stages of slavery and colonialism had in destroying the indigenous opportunities for coming out of feudalism into capitalist and industrialized societies.

It is truly remarkable, given how short a time Africa has had to develop on its own as a modern society, how quickly African states have been able to modernize, and how strong the resilience of the various African peoples is to the enormous destruction they have had to endure. Rodney shows us all this with excellent writing and sensible use of 'bourgeois' sources, allowing the interested layman to gain all the necessary broad background information on the history of European involvement in Africa.

Of necessity, the book is sometimes rather annoyingly concise and vague about the specifics of colonial policies, destruction of early indigenous development etc., things about which one would want to know more. Rodney provides a reading list for more information at the end of every chapter, but since this book is from the 1960s, it is dubious whether such lists are still useful considering the improvements made in radical scholarship on Africa since. The timing of the book also makes it such that there is practically nothing on African states since independence, as most independence declarations had happened only shortly before its publication. Moreover, Rodney is very saccharine about the influence of the 'socialist' states such as the USSR and China on Africa, which he exclusively paints in positive terms.

Certainly the Leninists have had a vastly better influence on African development than any Western nation ever has, but the USSR and China had their own interests to defend in Africa as well, and were not there purely for humanitarian purposes, as Rodney sometimes makes it seem. Nonetheless, this is a good general book on the legacy of European destruction in Africa, and it thoroughly refutes all the common arguments in defense of colonialism in that continent.

In his short life, the Guyanese intellectual Walter Rodney emerged as one of the leading thinkers and activists of the anticolonial revolution, leading movements in North America, South America, the African continent, and the Caribbean. In each locale, Rodney found himself a lightning rod for working class Black Power. His deportation catalyzed 20th century Jamaica's most significant rebellion, the 1968 Rodney riots, and his scholarship trained a generation how to think politics at an international scale. In 1980, shortly after founding of the Working People's Alliance in Guyana, the 38-year-old Rodney would be assassinated.

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"How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is a 1972 book written by Walter Rodney that takes the view that Africa was deliberately exploited and underdeveloped by European colonial regimes. One of his main arguments throughout the book is that Africa developed Europe at the same rate as Europe underdeveloped Africa.

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'Living While Black: The Essential Guide to Overcoming Racial Trauma' by Guilaine Kinouani (2021)

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'Living While Black: The Essential Guide to Overcoming Racial Trauma' by Guilaine Kinouani (2021)

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'Revelatory, necessary and brilliant' Candice Carty-Williams | 'A must read' Robin DiAngelo | 'A powerful wake-up call' Patrick Vernon | 'An incisive and important book that will change the way you think' Nikesh Shukla | 'An unmissable read for everyone' | 'Honest, razor-sharp, f ascinating and impressive' The Psychologist | 'Groundbreaking' Bad Form

For the past 15 years, radical psychologist and therapist Guilaine Kinouani has helped hundreds of Black people to protect their mental and physical health from the harm of white supremacy. In this timely book, she brings together powerful case studies, eye-opening research and effective coping techniques from her anti-racist academy and award-nominated blog, Race Reflections, helping readers to:

- set psychological boundaries and process trauma
- protect children from racism
- handle difficult race-based conversations
- understand the complexities of 'Black love'
- find connection, beauty and joy in the world

Living While Black empowers you to adopt radical self-care tools that improve day-to-day wellness. It teaches you how to thrive not just survive and find hope - or even joy - in the face of racial adversity. It is also an essential anti-racist resource for allies who want to do better.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Living While Black: The Essential Guide to Overcoming Racial Trauma

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
'Revelatory, necessary and brilliant' Candice Carty-Williams | 'A must read' Robin DiAngelo | 'A powerful wake-up call' Patrick Vernon | 'An incisive and important book that will change the way you think' Nikesh Shukla | 'An unmissable read for everyone' | 'Honest, razor-sharp, f ascinating and impressive' The Psychologist | 'Groundbreaking' Bad Form For the past 15 years, radical psychologist and therapist Guilaine Kinouani has helped hundreds of Black people to protect their mental and physical health from the harm of white supremacy.

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'Superior: The Return of Race Science' by Angela Saini (2019)

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'Superior: The Return of Race Science' by Angela Saini (2019)

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For millennia, dominant societies have had the habit of believing their own people to be the best, deep down: the more powerful they become, the more power begins to be framed as natural, as well as cultural. When you see how power has shaped the idea of race, then you can start to understand its meaning.

In the twenty-first century, we like to believe that we have moved beyond scientific racism, that most people accept race as a social construct, not a biological one. But race science is experiencing a revival, fuelled by the misuse of science by certain political groups.

Even well-intentioned scientists, through their use of racial categories in genetics and medicine, betray their suspicion that race has some basis in biology.

In truth, it is no more real than it was hundreds of years ago, when our racial hierarchies were devised by those in power.

In Superior, award-winning author Angela Saini explores the concept of race, from its origins to the present day. Engaging with geneticists, anthropologists, historians and social scientists from across the globe, Superior is a rigorous, much needed examination of the insidious and destructive nature of race science.

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For millennia, dominant societies have had the habit of believing their own people to be the best, deep down: the more powerful they become, the more power begins to be framed as natural, as well as cultural. When you see how power has shaped the idea of race, then you can start to understand its meaning.

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Beyond a Boundary | CLR James | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'After Empire: Melancholia or Convivial Culture?' by Paul Gilroy (2004)

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'After Empire: Melancholia or Convivial Culture?' by Paul Gilroy (2004)

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Main After empire : melancholia or convivial culture?

Paul Gilroy

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2004

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198

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0203482816

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After empire : melancholia or convivial culture?

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After empire : melancholia or convivial culture? | Paul Gilroy | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation' by Paul Gilroy (1987)

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'There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation' by Paul Gilroy (1987)

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Main "There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack": The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation

Paul Gilroy

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Black Literature and Culture Series

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"There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack": The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation

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'Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness' by Paul Gilroy (1993)

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'Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness' by Paul Gilroy (1993)

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The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double-Consciousness

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Afrocentrism. Eurocentrism. Caribbean Studies. British Studies. To the forces of cultural nationalism hunkered down in their camps, this bold hook sounds a liberating call. There is,Paul Gilroy tells us, a culture that is not specifically African, American, Caribbean, or British, but all of these at once, a black Atlantic culture whose themes and techniques transcend ethnicity and nationality to produce something new and, until now, unremarked.

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'African Europeans: An Untold History' by Olivette Otele (2020)

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'African Europeans: An Untold History' by Olivette Otele (2020)

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Main African Europeans: An Untold History

Olivette Otele

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C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd.

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'Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India' by Shashi Tharoor (2017)

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'Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India' by Shashi Tharoor (2017)

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In the eighteenth century, India's share of the world economy was as large as Europe's. By 1947, it had decreased six-fold. In Inglorious Empire, Shashi Tharoor tells the real story of the British in India, from the arrival of the East India Company in 1757 to the end of the Raj, and reveals how Britain's rise was built upon its depredations in India. India was Britain's biggest cash cow, and Indians literally paid for their own oppression. Britain's Industrial Revolution was founded on India's deindustrialisation, and the destruction of its textile industry. Under the British, millions died from starvation--including 4 million in 1943 alone, after national hero Churchill diverted Bengal's food stocks to the war effort. Beyond conquest and deception, the Empire blew rebels from cannons, massacred unarmed protesters and entrenched institutionalised racism. British imperialism justified itself as enlightened despotism for the benefit of the governed. Tharoor takes on and demolishes the arguments for the Empire, demonstrating how every supposed imperial 'gift', from the railways to the rule of law, was designed in Britain's interests alone. This incisive reassessment of colonialism exposes to devastating effect the inglorious reality of Britain's stained Indian legacy.

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Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India

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In the eighteenth century, India's share of the world economy was as large as Europe's. By 1947, it had decreased six-fold. In Inglorious Empire, Shashi Tharoor tells the real story of the British in India, from the arrival of the East India Company in 1757 to the end of the Raj, and reveals how Britain's rise was built upon its depredations in India.

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'Capitalism and Slavery' by Eric Williams (1944)

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'Capitalism and Slavery' by Eric Williams (1944)

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Slavery helped finance the Industrial Revolution in England. Plantation owners, shipbuilders, and merchants connected with the slave trade accumulated vast fortunes that established banks and heavy industry in Europe and expanded the reach of capitalism worldwide.Eric Williams advanced these powerful ideas in Capitalism and Slavery, published in 1944. Years ahead of its time, his profound critique became the foundation for studies of imperialism and economic development. Binding an economic view of history with strong moral argument, Williams's study of the role of slavery in financing the Industrial Revolution refuted traditional ideas of economic and moral progress and firmly established the centrality of the African slave trade in European economic development. He also showed that mature industrial capitalism in turn helped destroy the slave system. Establishing the exploitation of commercial capitalism and its link to racial attitudes, Williams employed a historicist vision that set the tone for future studies. In a new introduction, Colin Palmer assesses the lasting impact of Williams's groundbreaking work and analyzes the heated scholarly debates it generated when it first appeared.

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Slavery helped finance the Industrial Revolution in England. Plantation owners, shipbuilders, and merchants connected with the slave trade accumulated vast fortunes that established banks and heavy industry in Europe and expanded the reach of capitalism worldwide.Eric Williams advanced these powerful ideas in Capitalism and Slavery, published in 1944.

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Decolonising the Mind by Ngugi wa Thiong'o (1986)

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Decolonising the Mind by Ngugi wa Thiong'o (1986)

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'Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain' by Peter Fryer (1984)

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'Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain' by Peter Fryer (1984)

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Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain

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Staying Poweris a panoramic history of black Britons. First published in 1984 amid race riots and police brutality, Fryer's history performed a deeply political act, revealing how Africans, Asians, and their descendants had been erased from British history.

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' by David Olusoga (2016)

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' by David Olusoga (2016)

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A vital re-examination of a shared history, published to accompany the landmark BBC Two series.

In Black and British, award-winning historian and broadcaster David Olusoga offers readers a rich and revealing exploration of the extraordinarily long relationship between the British Isles and the people of Africa. Drawing on new genetic and genealogical research, original records, expert testimony and contemporary interviews, Black and British reaches back to Roman Britain, the medieval imagination and Shakespeare's Othello.

It reveals that behind the South Sea Bubble was Britain's global slave-trading empire and that much of the great industrial boom of the nineteenth century was built on American slavery. It shows that Black Britons fought at Trafalgar and in the trenches of the First World War. Black British history can be read in stately homes, street names, statues and memorials across Britain and is woven into the cultural and economic histories of the nation.

Unflinching, confronting taboos and revealing hitherto unknown scandals, Olusoga describes how black and white Britons have been intimately entwined for centuries.

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A vital re-examination of a shared history, published to accompany the landmark BBC Two series. In Black and British, award-winning historian and broadcaster David Olusoga offers readers a rich and revealing exploration of the extraordinarily long relationship between the British Isles and the people of Africa.

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'Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent' by Priyamvada Gopal (2019)

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'Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent' by Priyamvada Gopal (2019)

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How rebellious colonies changed British attitudes to empire

Insurgent Empireshows how Britain’s enslaved and colonial subjects were active agents in their own liberation. What is more, they shaped British ideas of freedom and emancipation back in the United Kingdom.

Priyamvada Gopal examines a century of dissent on the question of empire and shows how British critics of empire were influenced by rebellions and resistance in the colonies, from the West Indies and East Africa to Egypt and India. In addition, a pivotal role in fomenting resistance was played by anticolonial campaigners based in London, right at the heart of empire.

Much has been written on how colonized peoples took up British and European ideas and turned them against empire when making claims to freedom and self-determination.Insurgent Empiresets the record straight in demonstrating that these people were much more than victims of imperialism or, subsequently, the passive beneficiaries of an enlightened British conscience—they were insurgents whose legacies shaped and benefited the nation that once oppressed them.

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'Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880-1960' by John Mackenzie (1986)

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'Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880-1960' by John Mackenzie (1986)

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Main Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion, 1880-1960

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It has been said that the British Empire, on which the sun never set, meant little to the man in the street. Apart from the jingoist eruptions at the death of Gordon or the relief of Mafeking he remained stonily indifferent to the imperial destiny that beckoned his rulers so alluringly. Strange, then that for three-quarters of a century it was scarcely possible to buy a bar of soap or a tin of biscuits without being reminded of the idea of Empire. Packaging, postcards, music hall, cinema, boy's stories and school books, exhibitions and parades, all conveyed the message that Empire was an adventure and an ennobling responsibility. Army and navy were a sure shield for the mother country and the subject peoples alike. Boys' brigades and Scouts stiffened the backbone of youth who flocked to join. In this illuminating study John M. Mackenzie explores the manifestations of the imperial idea, from the trappings of royalty through writers like G. A. Henty to the humble cigarette card. He shows that it was so powerful and pervasive that it outlived the passing of Empire itself and, as events such as the Falklands 'adventure' showed, the embers continue to smoulder. -- .

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Manchester University Press

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Studies in Imperialism

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'The Absent-Minded Imperialists' by Bernard Porter (2005)

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'The Absent-Minded Imperialists' by Bernard Porter (2005)

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The British empire was a huge enterprise. To foreigners it more or less defined Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its repercussions in the wider world are still with us today. One might expect this to have been reflected in her society and culture. This is the first book to examine this assumption critically against the broader background of contemporary British society. Bernard Porter, a leading imperial historian, argues that the empire had a far lower profile in Britain than it did abroad. He argues that though Britain was an imperial nation in this period, she was never a genuine imperial society.

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The Absent-Minded Imperialists: Empire, Society, and Culture in Britain

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The British empire was a huge enterprise. To foreigners it more or less defined Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its repercussions in the wider world are still with us today. One might expect this to have been reflected in her society and culture.

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'Voyages and Discoveries' by Richard Hackluyt (1589)

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'Voyages and Discoveries' by Richard Hackluyt (1589)

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Renaissance diplomat and part-time spy, William Hakluyt was also England’s first serious geographer, gathering together a wealth of accounts about the wide-ranging travels and discoveries of the sixteenth-century English. One of the epics of this great period of expansion, The Principal Navigations,…

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'The Expansion of England' by John Seeley (1883)

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'The Expansion of England' by John Seeley (1883)

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10,439,370 books books

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Seeley, J. R

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Section V: Race, Class, Imperialism and Colonialism, 1607-2007

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'The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire' edited Nigel Dalziel  Haywood & Hall (2006)

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'The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire' edited Nigel Dalziel  Haywood & Hall (2006)

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The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire

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The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire traces the emergence of the world’s greatest empire from its earliest beginnings in the British Isles, through its ascendancy in Victorian times, to its ultimate collapse in the mid-20th century. It examines the impact of British dominance in Americ…

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'The British Empire in America' by John Oldmixon (1708)

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'The British Empire in America' by John Oldmixon (1708)

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The British Empire in America: Containing the History of the Discovery, Settlement, Progress and Present State of All the British Colonies on the Continent and Islands of America. With Curious Maps Done from the Newest Surveys, Volume 1

Mr. Oldmixon (John), Herman Moll

J. Nicholson, B. Tooke, 1708 - Atlantic Provinces - 382 pages

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'The Hungry Empire' by Lizzie Collingham (2017)

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'The Hungry Empire' by Lizzie Collingham (2017)

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'This is a wholly pleasing book, which offers a tasty side dish to anyone exploring the narrative history of the British Empire', Max Hastings, Sunday Times The glamorous daughter of an African chief shares a pineapple with a slave trader... Surveyors in British Columbia eat tinned Australian rabbit... Diamond prospectors in Guyana prepare an iguana curry... In twenty meals The Hungry Empire tells the story of how the British created a global network of commerce and trade in foodstuffs that moved people and plants from one continent to another, re-shaping landscapes and culinary tastes. To be British was to eat the world.The Empire allowed Britain to harness the globe's edible resources from cod fish and salt beef to spices, tea and sugar. By the twentieth century the wheat to make the working man's loaf of bread was supplied by Canada and his Sunday leg of lamb had been fattened on New Zealand's grasslands. Lizzie Collingham takes us on a wide-ranging culinary journey, charting the rise of sugar to its dominant position in our diets and locating the origins of the food industry in the imperial trade in provisions. Her innovative approach brings a fresh perspective to the making of the Empire, uncovering its decisive role in the shaping of the modern diet and revealing how virtually every meal we eat still contains a taste of empire.

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'This is a wholly pleasing book, which offers a tasty side dish to anyone exploring the narrative history of the British Empire', Max Hastings, Sunday Times The glamorous daughter of an African chief shares a pineapple with a slave trader... Surveyors in British Columbia eat tinned Australian rabbit...

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'The Honourable Company: A History of the East India Company' by John Keay (1993)

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'The Honourable Company: A History of the East India Company' by John Keay (1993)

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Main The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company

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During 200 years the East India Company grew from a loose association of Elizabethan tradesmen into "the grandest society of merchants in the universe". As a commercial enterprise it came to control half the world\'s trade and as a political entity it administered an embryonic empire. Without it there would have been no British India and no British Empire. In a tapestry ranging from Southern Africa to north-west America, and from the reign of Elizabeth I to that of Victoria, bizarre locations and roguish personality abound. From Bombay to Singapore and Hong Kong the political geography of today is, in some respects, the result of the Company. This book looks at the history of the East India Company.

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HarperCollins UK

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The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company | John Keay | download

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'Rise and Fall of the British Empire' by Lawrence James (1997)

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'Rise and Fall of the British Empire' by Lawrence James (1997)

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Main The Rise and Fall of the British Empire

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Great Britain's geopolitical role has undergone many changes over the last four centuries. Once a maritime superpower and ruler of half the world, Britain now occupies an isolated position as an economically fragile island often at odds with her European neighbors.
Lawrence James has written a comprehensive, perceptive, and insighful history of the British Empire. Spanning the years from 1600 to the present day, this critically acclaimed book combines detailed scholarship with readable popular history.

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St. Martin's Griffin

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The Rise and Fall of the British Empire | Lawrence James | download

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'Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World' by Kwasi Kwarteng (2011)

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'Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World' by Kwasi Kwarteng (2011)

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The British Empire was the creation of a tremendous outpouring of energy and opportunism, when the British were at their most self-confident, and the wealth they gathered was prodigious. At its heart lay a sense of the rectitude of the British way of life, meted out to vast swathes of the rest of the world without let or hindrance. Yet, as this book shows, the empire was not formed by coherent policy, and its decline reflected this: its later years were characterised by a series of accidental oversights, decisions taken without due consideration for the consequences, and uncertain pragmatism. Many of the world's trouble spots are those left behind by the chaotic retreat of empire, and its ghosts continue to haunt today's international scene. The problems the empire encountered have still not been resolved and in Iraq, Kashmir, Burma, Sudan, Nigeria and Hong Kong new difficulties have arisen which continue to baffle politicians and diplomats. This powerful new book addresses the realities of the British Empire from its inception to its demise, questioning the nature of its glory and cataloguing both the inadequacies of its ideals and the short-termism of its actions.

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Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World

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The British Empire was the creation of a tremendous outpouring of energy and opportunism, when the British were at their most self-confident, and the wealth they gathered was prodigious. At its heart lay a sense of the rectitude of the British way of life, meted out to vast swathes of the rest of the world without let or hindrance.

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'Railways and the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India' by Christian Wolmar (2017)

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'Railways and the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India' by Christian Wolmar (2017)

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Main Railways and the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India

Wolmar, Christian

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Atlantic Books

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Railways and the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India

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'Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857-1914' by Heather Streets (2010)

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'Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857-1914' by Heather Streets (2010)

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Main Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857-1914

Heather Streets

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Manchester University Press

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Studies in Imperialism MUP

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'Empire of the Sikhs' by Patwant Singh and Jyoti M. Rai (2008)

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'Empire of the Sikhs' by Patwant Singh and Jyoti M. Rai (2008)

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Main Empire of the Sikhs: The Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh

Singh, Patwant, Rai, Jyoti M

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Peter Owen Publishers

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Empire of the Sikhs: The Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh

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'How Girls Can Help Build the Empire' by Robert Baden-Powell and Agnes Baden-Powel (1912)

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'How Girls Can Help Build the Empire' by Robert Baden-Powell and Agnes Baden-Powel (1912)

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The Handbook for Girl Guides or How Girls Can Help to Build Up the Empire is the full title of the book more commonly known as How Girls Can Help to Build up the Empire. It was the first handbook for Girl Guides. The author was Agnes Baden-Powell in conjunction with (then) Lieutenant-General Sir Robert Baden-Powell. It was published in May 1912 by Thomas Nelson and Sons.

The book was a reworking of the famous Scouting for Boys. It was adapted for use by girls, although large sections remained unaltered and it included sections on stalking, tracking, signalling and camping. Several chapters on childcare, nursing and housewifery had been inserted and stories of heroic women and girls were sometimes substituted for the male ones. The book also contained the enrolment ceremony and details of the second- and first-class tests.

This book superseded Pamphlet A: Baden-Powell Girl Guides, a Suggestion for Character Training for Girls and Pamphlet B: Baden-Powell Girl Guides, a Suggestion for Character Training for Girls by the same authors. In turn it was itself replaced by Girl Guiding in 1918. Throughout the early years of Guiding, movements in different countries started publishing their own handbooks as well.

The book has been reprinted several times. In 2006, a facsimile edition of the book was available.

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How Girls Can Help to Build Up the Empire - Wikipedia

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The Handbook for Girl Guides or How Girls Can Help to Build Up the Empire is the full title of the book more commonly known as How Girls Can Help to Build up the Empire. It was the first handbook for Girl Guides. The author was Agnes Baden-Powell in conjunction with (then) Lieutenant-General Sir Robert Baden-Powell.

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'Pax Britannica: The Climax of an Empire' by Jan Morris (2010)

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'Pax Britannica: The Climax of an Empire' by Jan Morris (2010)

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A second edition of the text originally published in 1978. This title is the second volume in the triptych by the same author, depicting the rise and decline of the British Empire and it centres on the Diamond Jubilee of 1897.

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A second edition of the text originally published in 1978. This title is the second volume in the triptych by the same author, depicting the rise and decline of the British Empire and it centres on the Diamond Jubilee of 1897.

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'The Oxford History of the British Empire ' edited by William Roger Louise (1999)

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'The Oxford History of the British Empire ' edited by William Roger Louise (1999)

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Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 4 (Oxford, 1999)

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Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 4 (Oxford, 1999) | Judith Brown, Wm Roger Louis, and Wm Roger Louis | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'Captives: Britain, Empire, and the World, 1600-1850' by Linda Colley (2003) 

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'Captives: Britain, Empire, and the World, 1600-1850' by Linda Colley (2003) 

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Britain's pursuit of empire seems an inexorable march across continents toward its ultimate-if temporary--global hegemony. But, as Linda Colley shows in this masterfully written book, Britain's overseas enterprises were always constrained by its own limitations in size, population, and armed forces, and by divisions among its subjects--constraints and deficiencies that could make the dream of empire an ordeal even for its makers. Drawing on a wealth of captivity narratives by men and women of different social and ethnic backgrounds from the early seventeenth century to the Victorian era, Colley chronicles the complicated dynamic between invader and invaded.

Here are the stories of Sarah Shade, who was married to a succession of British military officers, attacked by tigers, and imprisoned by Indian ruler Tipu Sultan; Joseph Pitts, a white slave in Algiers from 1678 to 1693 and author of the first authentic-and very complimentary-English account of the pilgrimage to Mecca; and Florentia Sale, a captive in the Kabul insurrection of 1841 who used her time in confinement as an opportunity to interview military men for her memoir. There were also those who crossed the cultural divide and switched identities, like the Irishman George Thomas, a mercenary fighter for Indian rulers and failed dictator, and those who crossed but made it back, like John Rutherfurd, the onetime Chippewa warrior and Scot.

Colley uses these extraordinary tales to trace the changing boundaries of Britan's pursuit of empire and its shifting attitudes toward Islam, slavery, race, and American revolutionaries.

Hailed by The Financial Times as a "White Teeth version of imperial history," Captives is at once an
original chronicle and a prescient meditation on the meaning of empire.

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Captives: The story of Britain's pursuit of empire and how its soldiers and civilians were held captive by the dream of global supremacy

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Britain's pursuit of empire seems an inexorable march across continents toward its ultimate-if temporary--global hegemony. But, as Linda Colley shows in this masterfully written book, Britain's overseas enterprises were always constrained by its own limitations in size, population, and armed forces, and by divisions among its subjects--constraints and deficiencies that could make the dream of empire an ordeal even for its makers.

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A searing modern polemic and Sunday Times bestseller from the BAFTA- and MOBO-award-winning musician and political commentator, Akala.

From the first time he was stopped and searched as a child, to the day he realised his mum was white, to his first encounters with racist teachers - race and class have shaped Akala's life and outlook. In this unique book he takes his own experiences and widens them out to look at the social, historical and political factors that have left us where we are today.

Covering everything from the police, education and identity to politics, sexual objectification and the far right, Natives will speak directly to British denial and squeamishness when it comes to confronting issues of race and class that are at the heart of the legacy of Britain's racialised empire.

'My book of the year. It's personal, historical, political, and it speaks to where we are now. This is the book I've been waiting for - for years' --Benjamin Zephaniah

'A potent combination of autobiography and political history which holds up a mirror to contemporary Britain' --Independent

'A history lesson of the kind you should get in school, but don't' --Stylist

'Powerful ... The kind of disruptive, aggressive intellect that a new generation is closely watching' --Afua Hirsch, Guardian

'Part biography, part polemic, this powerful, wide-ranging study picks apart the British myth of meritocracy' --David Olusoga, Guardian

'Inspiring' --Madani Younis, Observer

Akala is a BAFTA and MOBO award-winning hip-hop artist, writer and social entrepreneur, as well as the co-founder of The Hip-Hop Shakespeare Company.

With an extensive global touring history, Akala has appeared at numerous festivals both in the UK and internationally, and has led innovative projects in the arts, education and music across South East Asia, Africa, India, Australia and New Zealand.

Akala has also appeared on Channel 4, ITV, MTV, Sky Arts and the BBC promoting his music and poetry, and speaking on wide-ranging subjects from music, race, youth engagement, British/African-Caribbean culture and the arts, with numerous online lectures and performances that have millions of views on YouTube.

More recently known for his compelling lectures and journalism - he has been awarded an honorary degree from Oxford Brookes University and the University of Brighton, written for the Guardian, Huffington Post and the Independent, and spoken for the Oxford Union and TEDx - Akala has gained a reputation as one of the most dynamic and articulate talents in the UK.

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Natives: Race and Class in the Ruins of Empire - the Sunday Times Bestseller

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A searing modern polemic and Sunday Times bestseller from the BAFTA- and MOBO-award-winning musician and political commentator, Akala. From the first time he was stopped and searched as a child, to the day he realised his mum was white, to his first encounters with racist teachers - race and class have shaped Akala's life and outlook.